The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 8:13 am

First Year of Ganlu (256 AD)
Shu: Nineteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: First year of Taiping

1. First month (February 13-March 13). In Han, Jiang Wei was advanced in rank to da jiangjun.

2. Second month. On the day bingchen (March 28), the Emperor entertained his officials in the Eastern Hall of the Taiji(-tien). With various Confucian scholars he discussed the comparative merits of Shaokang of Xia and Gaozu of Han. He decided that Shaokang was superior.

3. Summer, fourth month. On the day gengxu (May 15), the Emperor conferred vestments consisting of a royal robe and crown on to the da jiangjun Sima Zhao, with red slippers to match.

4. On the day bingchen (May 21), the Emperor betook himself to the taixue (Imperial Academy), where he held a discussion with the various Confucian scholars on the Shu and Yi as well as on the Li; none of these Confucian scholars proved himself a match for the Emperor.

5. The Emperor, together with the zhonghujun Sima Wang, the shizhong Wang Chen, the sanqi changshi Pei Xiu, and the huangmen shilang Zhong Hui, et al., often held scholarly discussions in the Eastern Hall, on which occasions they also wrote literary compositions.

The Emperor gave them special distinctions: He called Pei Xiu an Elder among Confucian scholars, Wang Chen a Master of Records, Sima Wang and Zhong Hui were also granted their own titles. The Emperor was precipitous by nature and invited them to the discussions with haste. Pei Xiu and the others, being invested with official duties within the palace, the Emperor made it a point to give him the carriage Chui-feng-che and five men of the Huben corps; whenever there was an assembly, he would always come post-haste. Pei Xiu was the son of Pei Qian.

6. Sixth month. On the day bingwu (July 10; the first day of the sixth month), the reign title was changed (from the third year of Zhengyuan to the first year of Ganlu).

7. While Jiang Wei was staying in Zhongti, there were many who, in their discussions, maintained that the strength of Jiang Wei was exhausted and he would not be able to make another sally. The Anxi Jiangjun, Deng Ai, said, “At the defeat on the west of the Tao, our loss was not small; our officers and men are worn out and depleted, our granaries are empty, and the population is wandering homeless. We are almost reduced to ruin. Allow me now to speak on the situation. Theirs is an army that has won victories, while ours is actually weak; this is the first point. They are well trained, high and low, and their Five Weapons are strong and sharp, while our generals and troops are changed and our implements of war have not recovered their former state; this is the second point. They move in boats, while ours are land troops; they are at ease and we are belabored; this is the third point. Didao, Longxi, Nan'an, and Qishan must all be defended by us; thus, while their forces are undivided, ours are divided among four places; this is the fourth point. If they move towards Nan'an and Longxi, they will live upon the grain in Qiang. If they advance towards Qishan, the ripe wheat in an area of one thousand qing will serve as an extraterritorial granary for them; this is the fifth point. The rebels are sly in their calculation; their coming is certain.”

8. Autumn, seventh month (August 8-September 6). Jiang Wei again led his troops and went out to Qishan. He was informed that Deng Ai had already prepared against him, and so he retraced his steps and from Dongting proceeded towards Nan'an. Deng Ai occupied the mountain Wuchengshan and offered resistance to him. Jiang Wei contended with Deng Ai for the occupation of a steep terrain but was not successful. ON that night, he crossed the Wei and marched eastwards. Along the mountain he proceeded towards Shanggui. Deng Ai fought with him in the valley Duangu and won a great victory over him. Deng Ai was appointed chenxi jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the troops in Longyou.

9. Jiang Wei had made an appointment with the chenxi da jiangjun Hu Ji of his State to meet at Shanggui. Hu Ji missed the appointment and did not come. Because of this, he was defeated. His officers and men were dispersed everywhere and a very large number died. Thereupon the Shu complained against Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei sent up a letter to the throne, in which he offered an apology and requested his own demotion; and so he, in the capacity of wei jiangjun, acted as da jiangjun.

10. Eighth month. On the day gengwu (October 2), the Emperor conferred on Sima Zhao the additional title of da dudu (Marshal of the Land); his ming was not to be mentioned in memorials to the throne; and he conferred the Yellow Ax on him.

11. On the day guiyu (October 5), the taiyu Sima Fu was appointed taifu.

12. Ninth month (October 6-November 4). The situ Gao Rou was appointed taiyu.

13. Wen Qin persuaded the Wu of the advantage of making an expedition against Wei. Sun Jun had Wei Qin and the piaoji jiangjun Lü Ju as well as the cheji jiangjun Liu Zuan, the chennan jiangjun Zhu Yi and the jian jiangjun Tang Zi start from Jiangdu and enter the Huai and the Si rivers in order to conquer Qingzhou and Xuzhou. Sun Jun bade them farewell at Shitou, when he fell suddenly sick. He entrusted his younger cousin, the pian jiangjun Sun Lin with the execution of matters after his death.

14. On the day dinghai (October 19), Sun Jun died. The Wu appointed Sun Lin shizhong, wuwei jiangjun and dudu (Commander in Chief) of all the armed forces of the realm, and summoned Lü Ju, et al., to return.

15. On the day jichou (October 21), in Wu, the da sima Lü Tai died. He was ninety six years of age.

Lü Tai had befriended Xu Yuan of Wujun intimately. He was a man of grand spirit, talented, and with high aims. Convinced that he was a man of excellent parts, Lü Tai gave him a headgear and a robe as a gift, and exchanged views with him. Afterwards, he recommended him for office, having him appointed as a shiyu shi. By nature, Xu Yuan was loyal and high-spirited, and was found of speaking his mind. Whenever Lü Tai commited an occasional blunder, Xu Yuan always remonstrated with him and also spoke of it openly. Someone informed Lü Tai of this. Lü Tai sighed and said, “It is just for this very reason that I prize Deyuan {Xu Yuan's style name}.” When Xu Yuan died, Lü Tai bewailed him very bitterly and said, “Xu Deyuan is a friend advantageous to Lü Tai. Now he has died prematurely. Where shall Lü Tai hear of his faults any more?” Those who spoke of it commended him.

16. Hearing that Sun Lin had succeeded Sun Jun as regent-guardian, Lü Ju was greatly enraged. He and various other commanders and generals together signed a memorial to the throne recommending Teng Yin to be chengxiang. Sun Lin, however, had Teng Yin appointed as da sima, to succeed to Lü Tai's post in Wuchang. Lü Ju retreated with the army and sent a messenger to Teng Yin with a proposal that they should together expel Sun Lin.

Winter, tenth month. On the day dingwei (November 8), Sun Lin sent his elder cousin Sun Xian with troops to encounter Lü Ju at Jiangdu and through the Imperial envoy (zhongshi) commanded Wen Qin, Liu Zuan, Tang Zi, et al. To strike together and seize Lü Ju. He also sent the shizhong and zuo jiangjun Hua Rong and the zhongshu cheng Ding Yan to tell Teng Yin to go speedily to his post in Wuchang

Thinking that disaster was about to befall him, Teng Yin detained Hua Rong and Ding Yan, and put his troops in order for his self-protection. He summoned the dianjun Yang Chong and the jiangjun Sun Zi and informed them that Sun Lin was making an insurrection. He forced Hua Rong and the others to write a letter to Sun Lin making accusations against him.
Sun Lin took no heed of it, but memorialized to the throne that Teng Yin had rebelled; with a promise of enfeoffment, he had the jiangjun Liu Cheng lead infantry and cavalry to attack and besiege Teng Yin. Teng Yin again coerced Hua Rong and the others to forge an edict mobilizing the army. Hua Rong and the others would not obey, so he killed them all.

Someone advised Teng Yin to go with his troops to the gate Cang Longmen: “Seeing Your Excellency, the generals and troops will be certain to leave Sun Lin and join your Excellency.” It was then already midnight. Teng Yin, relying on the appointment he had made with Lü Ju and, furthermore, because it was difficult to proceed with his troops to the palace, he proclaimed to his troops, “Lord Lü is already near at hand.” They therefore did not disperse and died on Teng Yin's behalf. Teng Yin did not change his facial expression, but talked and laughed as usual.

AT that time there was a heavy wind. The day broke, but still Lü Ju did not come. Sun Lin's troops massed and eventually killed Teng Yin as well as tens of his generals and troops. He exterminated the members of Teng Yin's family to the third degree.

17. On the day jiyu (November 10), a general amnesty was proclaimed and the reign title was changed to the first year of Taiping.

18. There was someone who advised Lü Ju to flee to Wei. Lü Ju said, “I think it is shameful to become a deserter.” In the end, he committed suicide, and the members of his family were exterminated to the third degree.

19. The sigong Zheng Zhong was appointed situ and the shangshu zuo puyi Lu Yu sigong.

20. Lu Yu earnestly declined the appointment in favor of the piaoji jiangjun Wang Chang, the guanglu dafu Wang Guan and the sili jiaoyu Wang Xiang of Langye. The Emperor did not permit it.

21. Wang Xiang was by nature exceedingly filial. His stepmother, Ju, treated him inhumanly, but Wang Xiang served her the most respectfully and prudently.

When Wang Lan, the son born of Madame Ju, was only a few years old, he would always cry and hold his mother with his arms whenever he saw Wang Xiang beaten. When his mother sent Wang Xiang on inhuman errands, Wang Lan would always go with him. Having grown up, he married; and whenever his stepmother maltreated Wang Xiang's wife, Wang Lan's wife would also hasten to be with her. The step-mother was alarmed at this and desisted to some extent. Wang Xiang gradually became an object of praise in his time; profoundly annoyed at this, the stepmother tried to poison Wang Xiang secretly. Knowing this, Wang Lan rose up rapidly to take the wine, but Wang Xiang would not give it up. The stepmother made haste to seize the cup and pour the wine out. After this, whenever the stepmother gave food to Wang Xiang, Wang Lan would always taste it first. Afraid that Wang Lan might be poisoned, the stepmother desisted from her murderous attempts.

At the end of the Han dynasty, when the Empire was in turmoil, Wang Xiang lived in seclusion for more than thirty years, not accepting any provincial or prefectural appointment. After his stepmother died, he mourned her until he was emaciated; he could rise only with the help of a cane. The cishi (Governor) of Xuzou, Lü Qian appointed him his biejia, entrusting him with the administration of Xuzhou. All of Xuzhou became peaceful and quiet, the good influence of his administration coursing magnificently. Men of the time sang of him, “The prosperity of the region between the sea and the Yi, we owe to Wang Xiang; that our country is not empty, is due to the merit of the biejia.”

22. Eleventh month (December 4, 256 AD-January 2, 257 AD). In Wu, Sun Lin was prompted to the post of da jiangjun. Sun Lin, relying on his exalted position, was arrogant and haughty, doing many things contrary to the rules of propriety. Sun Jun's younger cousin Sun Xian had participated in putting Zhuge Ke to death. Hence, Sun Jun treated him liberally. He reached the official rank of yu jiangjun, du (Commander) of the Wunan army, and Controller of the Nine Ministers of State. Sun Lin treated him less favorably than during Sun Jun's time. Sun Xian was enraged and with the jiangjun Wang Dun, plotted to assassinate Sun Lin, but the plot leaked out. Sun Lin put Wang Dun to death, while Sun Xian took poison and died.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 10:01 am

Second Year of Ganlu (257 AD)
Shu: Twentieth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Taiping

1. Spring, third month (April 2-April 30). Lord Cheng of Daliang, Lu Yu, died.

2. Summer, fourth month (May 1-May 30). The sovereign of Wu betook himself to the Main Hall and granted a general amnesty; he began to rule in person. He raised objections to many of the proposals in Sun Lin's memorial. Furthermore, for his troops, he enlisted sons and younger brothers, between the ages of fifteen and eighteen, more than three thousand boys in all, and selected the brave and the muscular from among the sons and younger brothers of Great Generals and appointed them as commanders. He drilled them daily in his garden. He said, “I want to grow together with this army of mine.”

3. And then, he often went out to the zhongshu (Chancellary) and inspected ancient documents from the time of Dadi. He interrogated his attendant officials, “The late Emperor often issued special edicts (at the request of others); but now, would the da jiangjun (Sun Lin), whenever he consults me, have me do nothing else but write, 'Approved?'”

Once, when he was eating unripe plums, he ordered a huangmen to fetch honey from the Palace Storehouse. IN the honey there was a mouse's excrement. He summoned and questioned the official in charge of the Storehouse, who knocked his head on the ground. The Sovereign of Wu said, “Did the huangmen demand honey for himself from you?” The official said, “He demanded, but I did not dare to give it to him.” The huangmen did admit that he did. The sovereign of Wu ordered that the mouse's excrement be broken open. The inside of the excrement was dry. Thereupon he laughed noisily and said to his attendants, “If the excrement had been in the honey for a long time, it ought to be wet both on the inside and the outside, but it is actually wet on the outside and dry on the inside. This must be the huangmen's doing.” When he interrogated him, the culprit confessed. The attendants were all astonished and feared him.

4. The zhengdong da jiangjun, Zhuge Dan, was once a friend of Xiahou Xuan, Deng Yang and the others. When Xiahou Xuan and the others died, Wang Ling and Guanqiu Jian were put to death in quick succession and their families exterminated, and so Zhuge Dan was not at ease in his mind. He therefore squandered all his fortunes in giving alms and gave illegal pardon to the condemned in order to win popularity. He supported several thousand chivalrous men of Yangzhou, who swore loyalty to him unto death. When the Wu were about to proceed to the Xu dam, he seized his opportunity and requested one hundred thousand troops to guard Shouchun. He also requested permission to construct fortifications along the Huai to prepare against the incursions of the Wu.

5. When Sima Zhao first took control of the government, his changshi Jia Chong requested him to dispatch his subordinate officials to the four zheng to offer them thanks and also to observe their aims. Sima Zhao sent Jia Chong to Huainan.

Jia Chong saw Zhuge Dan and discussed the politics of the day, on which occasion he said, “The worthy gentleman of Luoyang all desire the Emperor to abdicate in favor of a new Ruling House. This is what you yourself are aware of. What is your opinion on this point?” In a raised voice, Zhuge Dan said, “Are you not the son of Jia Kui, the Governor of Yuzhou? For two generations, your family has been receiving favors from the Wei; how is it possible that you wish to have the dynasty turned over to someone else? Should there be any such extraordinary happening in Luoyang, I shall die for the cause.” Jia Chong kept silent.

When he returned, he spoke to Sima Zhao, “Having been stationed in Yangzhou twice, Zhuge Dan has won the hearts of the troops and the people. If you summon him now, he will be certain not to come, but he will speed his rebellion, and little harm will have been done. If you do not summon him now, his rebellion will break out tardily and the harm will be great. It is better to summon him now.” Sima Zhao followed his advice.

6. On the day jiazi (May 24), the Emperor appointed Zhuge Dan as sigong and summoned him to the capital. Having received the Imperial edict, Zhuge Dan became all the more afraid. Suspecting that the cishi of Yangzhou, Yue Lin, was disloyal to him, he killed Yue Lin. He levied the government troops who had been engaged in husbandry in the military agricultural colonies in the various prefectures and districts in Huainan and Huaibei, some ten odd myriads of men, as well as those men in Yangzhou who had recently joined him and were able to bear arms, forty or fifty thousand men; he collected provisions, sufficient for a year, and thus planned to defend his position by closing all the city gates. He sent his changshi Wu Gang with his youngest son Zhuge Jing to the Wu to call himself a vassal and request help; he also requested them to make hostages of the sons and younger brothers of his yamen generals.

7. The wives of Teng Yin and Lü Ju of Wu were both younger sisters of the du (Commander of Xiakou), Sun Yi. In the sixth month (June 29-July 28), Sun Lin had the chennan jiangjun Zhu Yi lead troops from Hulin and launch a surprise attack against Sun Yi. When Zhu Yi came to Wuchang, Sun Yi, together with his troops and subordinates came over to the Wei. On the day yisi (July 4), the Emperor appointed Sun Yi as cheqi jiangjun and mu (Governor) of Jiaozhou, enfeoffed him as Lord of Wu, authorized him to open his own headquarters and appoint his own officials with the same status as the Three Ducal Ministers, and conferred on him a vestmen consisting of a royal robe and crown, and red slippers, all on a munificent scale.

8. Sima Zhao had the Emperor and Empress Dowager accompany him on his expedition against Zhuge Dan.

9. When Wu Gang reached Wu, the Wu rejoiced greatly. They had the jiangjun Quan Yi, Quan Duan, Tang Zi, and Wang Zuo lead a horde of thirty thousand men and, in unison with Wen Qin, give help to Zhuge Dan. They appointed Zhuge Dan as zuo duhu, with Tally (jiajie), da situ, piaoqi jiangjun, and mu (Governor) of Jingzhou, and enfeoffed him as Lord of Shouchun. Quan Yi was Quan Cong's son. Quan Duan was one of his nephews.

10. Sixth month. On the day jiazi (July 23), the Imperial carriages halted at Xiang. Sima Zhao, leading various troops amounting to two hundred and sixty thousand men, advanced and halted at Qiutou. The chennan jiangjun Wang Ji, appointed to act as chendong jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yangzhou and Yuzhou, and the andong jiangjun Chen Qian and the others, besieged Shouchun.

Wang Ji had just arrived and the siege was not yet complete, when Wen Qin, Quan Yi and the others took up an advantageous position on the hill at the northeast of the city and were thus able to rush into the city with their troops.

11. Sima Zhao ordered Wang Ji to keep his troops back and fortify the encampments. Wang Ji repeatedly requested permission to advance and attack. It happened that Zhu Yi of Wu, leading thirty thousand men, advanced and halted at Anfeng, thus serving as Wen Qin's external reinforcements. By an Imperial command, Wang Ji was ordered to lead his various troops and occupy the Northern Hill. Wang Ji said to his subordinate generals, “Now, our fortifications are getting stronger and our troops are on the point of being assembled; we have only to apply all our thoughts to guarding our positions, in the meantime preventing them from making a sortie and fleeing. Should we move our men and defend the defiles (of the Northern Hill), giving the enemy freedom of action, then even a man of the greatest wisdom will not be able to repair the consequences.”

Then, making a decision on his own authority, he sent up a dispatch to the throne, “Now that we are face to face with the enemy, we ought to be as immovable as a mountain. Were we to move our position to take the defiles, our troops would be perturbed; there would be a great diminution of our strength. The various troops are placed behind deep ditches and high walls, and the mind of the multitude is calm and composed; they should not be disturbed by moving them. This is the essence of the art of commanding an army.” When the letter was brought in, the Emperor gave his approval.

12. Thereupon, Wang Ji and the others laid siege to the city from all sides, with double columns of men, and made ditches and ramparts exceedingly strong. Wen Qin and the others made repeated sorties against the siege, but were repulsed. Sima Zhao also had the fenwu jiangjun and Superintendent of all the armed forces in Jingzhou, Shi Bao, direct the cishi of Yanzhou, Zhou Tai, and the cishi of Xuzhou, Hu Zhi, et al., and selected picked troops who were organized into a mobile detachment against the enemy on the outside.

13. Zhou Tai put Zhu Yi to rout at Yangyuan. Zhu Yi fled, but Zhou Tai pursued him, killing and wounding two thousand men. In autumn, in the seventh month (July 29-August 26), the da jiangjun Sun Lin of Wu marched out with a large force and halted at Huoli. He again sent Zhu Yi forth, with the jiangjun Ding Feng, Li Fei and the others, and fifty thousand men, to relieve Shouchun from the siege. Zhu Yi left baggage at Dulu and advanced to Liqiang, where he encamped. Shi Bao and Zhou Tai again struck at him and put him to rout. The taishou of Taishan, Hu Lie, with an extraordinary detachment of five thousand men launched a surprise attack on Dulu, and burned all of Zhu Yi's provisions.

Leading the remnant of the troops and taking Pueraria leaves, Zhu Yi retreated in flight to Sun Lin's position. Sun Lin ordered Zhu Yi to renew the battle and fight to the death, but Zhu Yi did not obey Sun Lin's order on the grounds that the troops lacked food. Sun Lin was enraged. IN the ningth month, on the day jisi (September 26), Sun Lin killed Zhu Yi at Huoli. N the day xinwei (September 28), he returned with the troops to Jianye. Sun Lin was, in the first place, unable to rescue Zhuge Dan and, in the second place, he lost his men in defeat, also killing, on his own authority, a general of renown. Hence all the Wu complained of him.

14. Sima Zhao said, “That Zhu Yi failed to reach Shouchun is not his fault. Yet the Wu killed him, the intention being no more than to excuse themselves to the besieged in Shouchun and to strengthen Zhuge Dan's determination, so that he may continue to hope for reinforcements. Now we ought to make the siege the more vehement and prevent them from sallying and fleeing, eluding them in various ways.” Thereupon he let his spies loose to bring about dissension, proclaiming that the rescue party from Wu was soon to arrive and the main force of Wei, lacking provisions, was sending the weak and sick to Huaibei to have them fed there, and hence could not hold on for long. Zhuge Dan and the others became the more off guard and careless in the consumption of food.

15. In a short time, there was a shortage of provisions within the city while reinforcements from the outside failed to arrive. The jiangjun Jiang Pan and Jiao Yi were both confidential advisors to Zhuge Dan. They said to Zhuge Dan, “Zhu Yi and the others came with a large force but were unable to advance, and Sun Lin first killed Zhu Yi and then returned to Jiangdong. Nominally, he makes a pretense of making a campaign but in reality he is waiting for the success or failure without his having to take active part in it. This can be seen from his retreat. Since our men are still resolute, and our officers and troops are willing to be employed, we ought to unite all our strength and make up our minds to die; We shall attack one flank of their position. We may not be able to win a complete victory, but we may still be preserved. There is no sense in meeting death by remaining indolent.”

Wen Qin said, “Jiangdong (i.e. Wu) has been enjoying prowess in victory for a long time; and there is no one in it who considers the Northern Region (i.e. Wei) to be difficult to subdue. Now, your Excellency, with a horde of some ten-odd myriads of men, has surrendered to Wu. I, Wen Qin, and Quan Duan, and the others are staying with you in a dangerous place. Our fathers and elder brothers, songs and younger brothers, are all south of the Jiang (i.e. Wu). Even if Sun Lin is unwilling to come, will the sovereign and his relatives listen to him? Furthermore, China Proper has not a single year without trouble; troops and civilians both are worn out. Now, we have been holding on for a year, and revolution is soon to break out in Wei. Why should discard this chance and run risk to court fickle fortune?” Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi persisted in their advice. Wen Qin was angry, and Zhuge Dan wanted to kill Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi. The two men were fearful, and in the eleventh month (December 24, 257 AD-January 21, 258 AD), they left Zhuge Dan and, scaling the city walls, came to surrender.

16. The sons of Quan Yi's elder brother, Quan Hui, and Quan Yi, were in Jianye. They had a family quarrel, taking along their mother and leading several tens of households of their subordinates and troops, they came to surrender. At this time, Quan Yi and his elder brother's son Quan Jing as well as Quan Duan's younger brothers Quan Pian and Quan Qi were all in the city of Shouchun as military commanders. Employing the plan of the huangmen shilang Zhong Hui, Sima Zhao secretly forged a letter to Quan Hui and Quan Yi, and had a trusted man of Quan Hui and Quan Yi bring it into the city and inform Quan Yi and the others that in Wu they were angry that Quan Yi had not been able to relieve Shouchun of the siege and were intending to exterminate the families of all the generals; hence they (the families) had fled and surrendered to Wei. In the twelfth month (January 22-February 19, 258 AD), Quan Yi and the others, with several thousand men, opened a city gate and came out to surrender. Within the city they were shaken and afraid, not knowing what to do. The emperor appointed Quan Yi pingdong jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Linxiang. Quan Duan and the others were also appointed and enfeoffed properly.

17. In Han, Jiang Wei, hearing that the Wei had taken a part of the troops in Guanzhong to Huainan, wanted to take advantage of their weak defense and proceed to Qinchuan. He led tens of thousands of men through Luogu and reached Chenling. At this time, cereals were stored in great abundance at Changcheng, but the troops guarding the place were few. The chengxi jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yongzhou and Liangzhou, Sima Wang, as well as the anxi jiangjun Deng Ai, advanced with their troops and occupied it, and thus resisted Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei encamped on the river Mangshui, from where he repeatedly challenged them to battle, but Sima Wang and Deng Ai did not take up the challenge.

18. At this time, Jiang Wei had been making repeated campaigns; the people of Shu were embittered at this. The zhongsan dafu Qiao Zhou wrote an “Essay on Hostile Nations” (Chou Guo Lun) to express his view on the matter: {The essay is as follows}--

Someone asked, “What was the art that the ancients used and with which they were enabled to defeat the powerful although they themselves were weak?”

The answer was, “I have heard that one who, occupying an important position without any worry to harass him, is in general prone to be insolent, while one who, occupying a minor position and beset with worries, is in general prone to remind himself of good conduct. If one is prone to be insolent, mischief will arise. If one is prone to remind oneself of good conduct, good rule will be engendered. This is only natural and reasonable. For instance, King Wen of Zhou nourished his people, and so he, destitute as he was, overthrew the rich Goujian, soothed his multitude, and so he, weak as he was, destroyed the strong. That was the art.”

The same person said, “In their days Xiang Yu was strong and Han weak; they fought with one another, without there being a single day of rest. Xiang Yu and Han made an agreement to demarcate their boundary at Hongkou, each returning to their respective domain and giving rest to their people. Zhang Liang thought that once the people became static in their minds, it would hardly be easy to move them. Gaozu of the Han, therefore, led forth his troops and pursued Xiang Yu, eventually destroying the Xiang. This being so, one must always follow the sole model of King Wen? The newly founded state is for the moment suffering from its internal ailments. We may utilize this opportunity to conquer their borders and overthrew them while their ailments grow worse.”

The answer was, “During the times of Shang and Zhou, feudal princes were held in reverence generation after generation, and the relationship between sovereign and subject had been stabilized for a long time. To these the people had been accustomed. What is deeply rooted is difficult to pull out; what is firmly fixed is difficult to move. At that time, how could a Gaozu of Han wield his sword and whip his steed to conquer the empire? After the Qin had dismissed feudal lords and appointed governors in their stead, the people were all exhausted with the Qin corvee and the Empire crumbled like a mud wall. Every year saw a new sovereign and every month witnessed a new duke. Birds were astonished and quadrupeds were frightened, not knowing which way to turn. Thereupon, men of courage and strength contended with each other simultaneously, tearing like tigers and rending like wolves. Those who were fleet of foot captured much and those who were tardy were swallowed.

At present, we and they have a new generation of sovereigns. It certainly does not look like the end of the Qin dynasty when times were turbulent; rather it is more like the age of the Six States when they ruled in their own separate domains. One may become another King Wen; it is difficult to act the part of Gaozu of Han. When the people are exhausted with toil, disturbance will arise; when those on high are insolent and those below are lawless, the collapse of the State will be inevitable. The proverb states, 'It is better to aim accurately than to shoot at random and miss time and again.' Therefore, a man of wisdom does not alter his glance for petty profit nor does he change his steps because of a whim; he moves at proper times and acts on fitting occasions.

It was thus that the armies of Cheng Tang and King Wu won victory in a single battle,w ithout being compelled to fight one another. They indeed prized the people's toil and were accurate in measuring themselves with the time. Should we abuse our arms and indulge in waging campaigns, the Empire will crumble like a mud wall. Should we unfortunately meet disaster, the wisest man in the world will not be able to give us any counsel. As for having recourse to extraordinary strategems in all directions and making ingress and egress in the spaceless, breaking the billows and intercepting axletrees, surmounting valleys and climbing mountains, crossing the ford Mengjin without using boats, I, being a stupid person, really find it beyond my ability to discourse on.”
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 11:45 am

Third Year of Ganlu (258 AD)
Shu: First year of Jingyao
Wu: First year of Yongan

1. Spring, first month (February 20-March 21). Wen Qin said to Zhuge Dan, “Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi thought that we would not be able to make a sally, hence they fled; Quan Duan and Quan Yi also went out together with their troops and surrendered. This is a time when the enemy must be unprepared; so we may fight now.” Zhuge Dan, Tang Zi, et al., were all of the same opinion.

2. And so they made instruments of attack in large number. They then attacked the southern section of the siege day and night for five or six days, their intention being to break through the siege and come out. The various besieging troops, occupying a high terrain, hurled down stones from catapults and rockets, thus burning and destroying their instruments of attack. Arrows and stones rained down; the dead and wounded covered the ground, and blood flowed into ditches. They then withdrew to the city. Within the city, the food supply gradually ran low; tens of thousands came out and surrendered. Wen Qin wanted to send all the northerners out of the city, so that provisions might be saved, and defend the city firmly with the help of the Wu, but Zhuge Dan would not hear of it. And so they vied with, and hated, one another. There used to be some antipathy between Wen Qin and Zhuge Dan; it was only their common interest that had brought them together. Matters being pressing, they became more and more suspicious of one another. When Wen Qin paid a visit to Zhuge Dan to discuss some matter, Zhuge Dan killed Wen Qin.

Wen Qin's sons, Wen Yang and Wen Hu, had been stationed as commanders in the fortification serving as an annex to the city. Hearing of Wen Qin's death, they tried to take their troops and proceed to the city to avenge their father. But the troops refused to obey. And they two went alone, scaling the city walls, they went over to Sima Zhao. The officers of the army asked to put them to death. Sima Zhao said, “Putting Wen Qin to death cannot atone for his crime; his sons certainly ought to be put to death. But Wen Yang and Wen Hu have come to surrender because they are desperate; furthermore, the city is not yet taken. By killing them, we shall only be making them the more firm in their resolution.”
Then he pardoned Wen Yang and Wen Hu and had them command several hundred cavalrymen; they galloped around the city walls and yelled, “Even the sons of Wen Qin are not put to death. What have the others to fear at all? Furthermore, Sima Zhao memorialized the throne to appoint Wen Yang and Wen Hu as jiangjun and to grant them the ranks of Guannei Lords. In the city they all rejoiced at this, but they were suffering from hunger more and more every day. Sima Zhao in person joined the siege; seeing that the archers on the city walls did not shoot, he said, “We may attack now.” Thereupon he had his troops advance along four sides; simultaneously storming the city with drums and clamor, they scaled the walls. In the second month, on the day yiyu, he captured it. Pressed hard, Zhuge Dan mounted his horse alone and, leading his subordinates, rushed through the annex-fortification to go out. The sima Hu Fen directed his troops and struck at him. They killed him, and the members of his family were exterminated to the third degree.

3. Zhuge Dan's subordinates, several hundred men, all stood in a row, each with their two hands raised and joined together before them, and did not surrender. Each time one of them was beheaded, the others were told to surrender, but to the end they did not change their minds, and all perished. The people of the time compared him with Tian Heng. The Wu general Yu Quan said, “That a man worthy of his name, having been commanded by his sovereign to rescue other people by means of troops, should first fail in his duty and then hold forth his bound hands to the enemy, is not what I care to commend.” Thereupon, he took off his helmet and rushed into the enemy's formation, where he died.

4. Tang Zi, Wang Zuo, et. al., all surrendered. The Wu troops (who surrendered) numbered ten thousand; implements, weapons, and military provisions that were seized, were heaped up like a mountain.

5. When Sima Zhao first besieged Shouchun, Wang Ji, Shi Bao, et al., all wanted to attack it immediately. Sima Zhao was of the opinion, “The walls of Shouchun are strong and their troops are numerous; our strength is unequal to the task of attacking it. Should the enemy come from the outside, we shall have to face them on the inside as well as on the outside; this is a dangerous way. At present the three rebels (Zhuge Dan, Wen Qin and Tang Zi) are gathered together in an isolated city; Heaven may perhaps bring them together to die. I ought to attack them with the purest of plans.

We only have to set up a firm defense along three sides. When the Wu rebels come along the land route, their provisions will have to be meager; with mobile troops and light-armed cavalry, we shall cut off their convoy, and shall thus destroy them without fighting them. Once the Wu rebels are destroyed, Wen Qin and the others will be certain to be captured.”

Thereupon, he ordered the various troops to hold back their armor and keep on guarding their positions. IN the end, he destroyed the enemy without taking the trouble to attack them.

6. Many persons now maintained that because Huainan had had rebellion after rebellion and the homes of the Wu troops were all south of the Jiang, they should not be let loose but all ought to be massacred. Sima Zhao said, “In conducting wars, the ancients considered it best to keep the enemy's state intact; they only killed the arch-criminals. Allowing the Wu troops to return will serve perfectly to demonstrate China's magnanmity.” He killed none of them, but distributed them in the three He prefectures near the capital, and made them settle down.

7. He (Sima Zhao) had Tang Zi appointed as anyuan jiangjun and conferred titles and ranks on all the remaining secondary generals. The hordes all rejoiced and submitted. Those of the generals and under-officials as well as the common people in Huainan who had been coerced by Zhuge Dan to join him were all pardoned. He permitted Wen Yang and his younger brother to take and encoffin their father's corpse; he gave them carts and oxen so that they might carry it to their family graveyard to hold the interment there.

8. Sima Zhao sent a letter to Wang Ji, “In the beginning there were various opinions, but a large number of persons advocated that the army should move. At that time, I was personally on the scene, hence I also agreed with them. You, jiangjun, profoundly pondered on the merits and demerits of that measure; you alone persisted in your opinion. Disobeying the command of the Emperor and refusing to listen to the opinion of the multitude, you finally have brought about our controlling the enemy and capturing the rebels. Not even the exploits recorded by the ancients can be superior to this.”

Sima Zhao wanted to send the various armies to make an incursion, with light-armed troops, far into the enemy's territory in order to fetch the sons and younger brothers of Tang Zi and the others, and to take the opportunity to exterminate the Wu.

Wang Ji remonstrated with him, “Of old, Zhuge Ke took advantage of his victory at Dongguan and, with his entire army from the other side of the Jiang (i.e. Wu), besieged Xincheng. He could not capture the city, while the greater half of his troops died. Jiang Wei took advantage of his success on the west of the Tao, and with his light-armed troops made an incursion far into our territory; provisions became deficient and his army suffered a defeat at Shanggui. After a great victory, the high and the low are inclined to take the enemy lightly; when one takes the enemy lightly, his concern with hardship is not intense. At present, the rebels, recently defeated from without and their trouble not settled within, are fully prepared and alert. Furthermore, our troops have been out more than a year, and everyone is thinking of returning home. Now we have captured and killed one hundred thousand men; 'the criminals were got and brought to justice.' In the history of campaigns, there has never been such an absolute victory, with the army unharmed, as the recent one. When Wu Huangdi (Cao Cao) defeated Yuan Shao at Guandu, he thought that his success was quite great and did not pursue him. He was afraid of ruining his achievement.”

Thereupon, Sima Zhao desisted and had Wang Ji appointed zhengdong jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yangzhou, and had his enfeoffment advanced to that of Lord of Dongwu.

9. Xi Zuochi says: “And so, the Empire feared his prowess and cherished his virtue. The superior man thinks that it can be said of the da jiangjun Sima Zhao that he was able, in this campaign, to attack the enemy by means of virtue. Those who achieve do so in different ways; each has a certain proclivity, which cannot coexist with the different proclivity of another. For instance, a hero who indulges in using arms will be overthrown through his lack of humanity, a State which preserves fairness will perish through faint-heartedness and shrinking back. Now, with a single campaign, he captured the three rebels, made prisoners of an immense number of the Wu hordes, and carried all with him on the banks of the Huai river; magnificent it is indeed.

Yet before he sat down to rest, he rewarded Wang Ji for his merits, sowed the seed of gratitude in the Wu, won the hearts of those of different sentiment. By favoring Wen Yang with permission to hold a funeral for Wen Qin, he demonstrated that he had forgotten the ancient disagreement; by abstaining from inculpating Zhuge Dan's men, he induced the region of Yangzhou to feel shame. His achievements were great, and everyone rejoiced in his success; his work was extensive, yet the enemy cherished his virtue. His military glory is propagated and his civil plans are realized. If he goes on acting in this way, who in the world will ever be able to stand in his way?”

10. IN Sima Zhao's conquest of Shouchun, Zhong Hui contributed many plans. Sima Zhao accorded him more and more honor daily, and entrusted him with the duty of a trusted adviser. People of the time compared him with Zifang.

11. In Han, Jiang Wei hared that Zhuge Dan had died; he returned to Chengdu and was restored to the rank of da jiangjun.

12. Summer fifth month (June 18-July 17). The Emperor appointed Sima Zhao to be xiangguo and enfeoffed him as Duke of Jin with an appanage of eight prefectures, conferring on him the Nine Gifts. Sima Zhao declined these honors nine times in all, after which the Emperor desisted.

13. Autumn, seventh month (August 17-September 14). The Sovereign of Wu enfeoffed the former Prince of Qi, Sun Fen, as Lord of Chang'an.

14. Eighth month (September 15-October 14). The Emperor appointed the piaoji jiangjun, Wang Chang, to be sigong.

15. The Emperor appointed the Guannei Lord Wang Xiang to be one of the “Three Aged” and the Guannnei Lord Zheng Xiaodong to be one of the “Five Experienced.” The Emperor betook himself, together with his various officials, to the Imperial Academy and practiced the ceremony of “Nourishing the Old and Begging them to Speak.” Zheng Xiaodong was a grandson of Zheng Xuan.

16. In Wu, Sun Lin was filled with great fear because the Sovereign of Wu, who had begun to take charge of State business in person, put him to task by asking questions. After returning from Huoli, he therefore feigned illness and did not attend Court. He, however, had his younger brother, the weiyuan jiangjun Sun Ju join the palace guards at the gate Canglong Men and stationed his other younger brothers, the wuwei jiangjun Sun En, the pian jiangjun Sun Gan and the jiangshui jiaoyu Sun Kai in different barracks, his intention being to solidify his position.

17. The Sovereign of Wu did not like it and so he inquired into how Princess Zhu came to her death. Princess Quan was afraid and said, “ I really had nothing to do with it. It was all because Zhu's two sons, Zhu Xiong and Zhu Sun had accused her.” At this time, Zhu Xiong was du (Commander) of Hulin and Zhu Sun was du (Commander) of the barrack in the suburb of the capital. The Sovereign of Wu put both to death. Zhu Sun's wife was a younger sister of Sun Jun.

Sun Lin remonstrated with him, but he would not listen to him. He then became the more afraid. The sovereign of Wu secretly planned with Princess Quan as well as the jiangjun Liu Cheng to put Sun Lin to death.

18. The father of the Empress Quan of Wu, Quan Shang, was taichang and wei jiangjun. The sovereign of Wu said to Quan Shang's son, the huangmen shilang Quan Ji, “Sun Lin has been usurping my power, taking me lightly because of my youth. I formerly ordered him to land with all speed on the bank to give reinforcement to Tang Zi and the others, but he tarried in the lake and did not move one single step towards the bank. More than that, he attributed a crime to Zhu Yi, and so killed a meritorious official on his own authority, without first reporting the matter to me. He has built his residence on the south of the bridge and no longer attends Court. These facts show how he lives as he pleases, without fearing anything. I cannot bear this for long and plan to seize him. Your father is dudu (Commander-in-chief) of the Central Army; he shall equip his men and horses well and make them ready. I myself shall come out of the palace to the bridge; leading the palace guards, the 'Tiger' cavalry, and the Left and Right Wunan divisions, we shall besiege him in his residence all together.

I shall produce my edict written on a tablet and therewith command the men under Sun Lin that they all disperse and not raise their hands against us. We shall take him in this way. You will now go and, whispering in his ear, convey my command to your father. But do not let your mother know. Being a woman, she does not understand matters; and furthermore she is an elder cousin of Sun Lin from the same paternal grandfather. Should the matter by any chance leak out, I shall be ruined beyond repair.” Quan Ji conveyed this command to Quan Shang. Quan Shang, lacking forethought, told Quan Ji's mother of it. His mother sent a messenger secretly to inform Sun Lin.

In the ninth month, on the day wuwu, Sun Lin launched, during the night, a surprise attack on Quan Shang and seized him; he then sent his younger brother Sun En to kill Liu Cheng outside the gate Canglong Men. At daybreak, he finally besieged the Palace. The Sovereign of Wu was greatly enraged. He mounted his horse, took his bowcase about him, and seized his bow; about to go out of the palace, he said, “I, heir son of Da Huangdi (Sun Quan), have been reigning five years. Who is there that dares not follow me?” The shizhong and attending officials as well as his wet nurse all held him back and sopped him; he could not go out. He sighed and abstained from foot, and abused the Empress Quan. “Muddle-headed, your father has ruined my important cause.” He also summoned Quan Ji. Quan Ji said, “My father received your command but was not discreet and betrayed your confidence. I no longer have the face to see you.” And then he committed suicide.

19. Sun Lin had the guanglu xun Meng Cong inform the Ancestral Temple and detrhoned the sovereign of Wu, making him Prince of Kuaiji. He summoned all the officials and addressed them, “The young Emperor is wild and sickly, unenlightened and disorderly; he should not occupy the throne. I have already informed the spirit of the late Emperor of his dethronement. If any of you, gentlemen, disagree, he may raise his objection.” All were shaken and afraid, saying, “We obey the jiangjun's command.” Sun Lin sent the zhongshu ling, Li Zhong, to seize the Imperial seal from the sovereign of Wu, and published the misdeeds of the Sovereign of Wu far and near. The shangshu Huan Yi refused to sign his name. In anger, Sun Lin killed him.

20. The dianjun Shi Zheng advised Sun Lin to fetch the Prince of Langye, Sun Xiu, and enthrone him. Sun Lin approved. On the day jiwei (November 10), Sun Lin sent the zongzheng Sun Kai and the zhongshu lang Dong Chao/Zhao to fetch the Prince of Langye at Kuaiji. He sent the jiangjun Sun Dan to escort the Prince of Kuaiji, Sun Liang, to his feudal State. At this time, Sun Liang was sixteen years old. He banished Quan Shang to Lingling, but soon thereafter had him pursued and killed him. He moved Princess Quan to Yuchang.

21. Winter, tenth month. ON the day wuwu (recte wuyin, November 29), the Prince of Langye came to Qu'a. There was an old man who intercepted the Prince and, knocking his head on the ground, said, “Matters will come to an unfavorable turn after some time. The whole Empire is looking forward to you. I wish that Your Majesty would proceed speedily.” The Prince acquiesced. On this day, he advanced to Busaiting.

22. As the Prince of Langye had not yet arrived, Sun Lin wanted to enter and live in the palace. He summoned the myriad officials to an assembly; all were in panic and the color left their faces. They did no more than say, “Yes, yes.” The xuancao lang, Yu Si, said, “Your Excellency is another Yi Yin or Duke of Zhou for the State: you occupy the rank of a Commander-in-chief and Prime Minister, and alone possess the power of dethroning and enthroning. You were about to secure peace to the spirits of the Ancestral Temple on the one hand and show benefits to the people on the other; the high and the low are beside themselves with joy, thinking that another Yi Yin or Huo Guang has appared in your person. Now that the Prince for whom you have sent has not yet arrived, you would go into the palace. By acting thus, you perturb all your subordinates and make the mass suspicious; this certainly is not the way to persevere in loyalty and filial piety to the end of one's life nor to make one's name famous in later ages.”Sun Lin was displeased and desisted. Yu Si was a son of Yu Fan.

23. Sun Lin ordered his younger brother Sun En to act as chengxiang, in which capacity he was to lead the myriad officials and, with the Imperial carriage, proceed to Yongchangting to welcome the Prince of Langye. There they erected a palace: they turned a military tent into a temporary palace, in which they put a throne. On the day jimao (November 30), the Prince came to the temporary palace, but stopped in the eastern hall. Sun En offered him the Imperial Seal and sceptre; the Prince declined three times and then received it. The officials, one after the other, all paid him homage. The Prince then ascended into the Imperial carriage, and the myriad officials aligned themselves. Sun Lin, with one thousand troops, came to welcome him at Banye. He bowed to him on the roadside. The Prince alighted from his carriage and returned the bow. On the same day, he came to the Hall of State. He granted a general amnesty and altered the reign title to Yongan.

24. Sun Lin called himself a “retired official” and came to the Court to send up a letter and return the seal, the Tally and the Axe, requesting permission to leave a vacancy in favor of a more capable man. The sovereign of Wu received him in audience and soothed him.

25. Through an edict, the sovereign of Wu appointed Sun Lin to be chengxiang and mu (Governor) of Jingzhou, his appanage being increased by five districts, Sun En to be yushi dafu and wei jiangjun, serving as du (Commander) of the Central Army and enfeoffed as District Lord, Sun Ju, Sun Gan and Sun Kai were all appointed jiangjun and enfeoffed as Lords. He also appointed the zhangshui jiao yu Zhang Bu to be fuyi jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Yonggang.

26. Before this time, the taishou of Danyang, Li Heng had often incurred the displeasure of the Prince of Langye. His wife Xi remonstrated with him, but Li Heng did not listen to her. The Prince of Langye sent up a letter to the throne begging to be transferred to another prefecture; the Emperor transferred him to Kuaiji.

When the Prince of Langye acceded to the throne, Li Heng was seized by fear and said to his wife, “Not listening to your words, I have come to this plight; I want to flee to Wei. What do you say to this?” His wife said, “It will not do. You were originally only of a plebeian family. The late Emperor gave you too high promotions. Having frequently acted rudely towards him, you would now anticipate the outcome and desert your post to save your life; if you return to the north in this manner, what face can you have to see the people of China proper?” Li Heng asked, “What shall I do then?” His wife said, “The Prince of Langye used to be fond of goodness and making his name renowned. For the moment he is bent on making himself prominent in the world. After all, he will not kill you because of his private grudge; this is clear. You may deliver yourself as a prisoner, listing all your former misdeeds and requesting to be punished. By this means, you will not only remain alive, but will also be given extraordinary favor.” Li Heng followed this advice.

The sovereign of Wu commanded in an edict, “Because of regrettable matters that happened in the past, the taishou of Danyang Li Heng has presented himself as a prisoner to the Minister of Crime. But 'cutting off the sleeve' and 'shooting of the buckle of the girdle' are done on behalf of the sovereign while the sovereign is there. Li Heng shall be sent back to his prefecture (i.e. Danyang) and should not harbor any doubt about his safety.” He furthermore gave him the title of weiyuan jiangjun as well as a varnished halberd.

27. On the day jichou (December 10), the sovereign of Wu enfeoffed Sun Hao, a son of the late Prince of Nanyang, Sun He, as Lord of Wucheng.

28. The officials memorialized the throne to appoint the Empress and Crown Prince. The sovereign of Wu said, “Endowed with scanty virtue, I have succeeded to the Great Work; and I have just recently come to rule, so that my good deeds are not yet spread among the people. The bestowal of the titles of the Empress and the secondary consorts, and of the rank of an heir apparent, is not urgent.” The officials in charge earnestly made their request, but the Sovereign of Wu did not approve.

29. Taking a slain ox and wine, Sun Lin went to see the sovereign of Wu, but the sovereign of Wu would not accept the gift. He then took them to the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu. When he had some wine inside him, he uttered words of dissatisfaction, “When I dethroned the young Emperor, there were many who advised me to become Emperor myself. Thinking his Majesty to be wise and enlightened, I had him fetched. The Emperor could not have been enthroned without my help. Now, I offered him gifts, but he has refused them. This means that in his eyes I am not different from his ordinary officials. There is nothing left for me but to plan afresh.” Zhang Bu reported this to the Sovereign of Wu, who then hated him. Afraid that he, Sun Lin, might suspect this, he frequently conferred rewards and gifts on him.

30. Eleventh month. On the day wuxu (December 19), the sovereign of Wu commanded in an edict, “The dajiangjun Sun Lin is in command of all the armed forces of the realm. His duties are too heavy. Herewith I confer on the wei jiangjun and Yushi dafu, Sun En, the additional title of shizhong, in which capacity he shall superintend various affairs of State together with the da jiangjun.

31. There was someone who accused Sun Lin of harboring resentment, insulting the sovereign, and planning to rebel; the sovereign of Wu seized him and commmited him to Sun Lin, who killed him. From then on, he became the more fearful. Through the instrumentality of Meng Cong, he asked to be sent out to Wuchang as its commander; the Sovereign of Wu consented.

Sun Lin ordered that all the picked troops of the Central Army under his command, more than ten thousand men, be transported with him and also would take military implements from the arsenal; the sovereign of Wu ordered that they all be given to him.

32. Sun Lin asked to have two lang from the Zhongshu to take charge of the military affairs of Jingzhou. The official in charge memorialized that officials of the Zhongshu should not be sent out to the provinces. The Sovereign of Wu made an exception to this custom and gave him permission. He did not deny a single one of his requests.

33. The jiangjun Wei Mo spoke to the sovereign of Wu, “If Sun Lin stays outside, he is certain to rebel.” The wuwei shi Shi Shuo also accused Sun Lin of planning a rebellion.

34. The Sovereign of Wu, about to put Sun Lin to death, secretly asked the fuyi jiangjun Zhang Bu for advice. Zhang Bu said, “The zuo jiangjun Ding Feng is, to be sure, not versed in dealing with official documents, but he surpasses others in his counsels and is competent to manage affairs of importance.” The sovereign of Wu summoned Ding Feng and acquainted him with his intention, and furtherrmore asked him for his counsel. Ding Feng said, “The chengxiang (Sun Lin) and his younger brothers have formed a strong clique. I fear that our men are not united in their aims, hence we should not try to take him rashly. On the day of the La Assembly, we may let the palace guards put him to death.” The Sovereign of Wu approved.

35. Twelfth month. On the day dingmao (January 17, 259 AD), in Jianye, there circulated a ditty, “In tomorrow's assembly there will be a change.” Hearing of this, Sun Lin was displeased. During the night, a strong wind blew, pulling out houses and raising dust. Sun Lin was the more afraid. On the day wuchen (January 18, 259 AD), the La-assembly was held. Sun Lin pleaded indisposition and did not attend it. The Sovereign of Wu insisted on him coming; ten and more messengers were sent to him one after another. Unable to decline any more, Sun Lin was on the point of entering the palace, when his followers stopped him. Sun Lin said, “As the Emperor has sent me his orders so many times, I cannot decline any more. You may put the troops in order, and start a fire in my headquarters, which will oblige me to return soon.” Then he entered the palace. Soon afterwards, a fire broke out. Sun Lin asked permission to go out. The Sovereign of Wu said, “The troops out there are numerous; they can manage it without you, chengxiang, having to be disturbed.” Sun Lin rose and left his mat. Ding Feng and Zhang Bu winked to the attendants, who seized and bound him.

Sun Lin knocked his head on the ground and said, “I beg to be banished to Jiaozhou.” The Sovereign of Wu said, “Why did you not banish Teng Yin and Lü Ju to Jiaozhou?” Sun Lin then said, “I beg to be made a State slave.” The Sovereign of Wu said, “Why did you not make Teng Yin and Lü Ju slaves?” In the end, he killed him. He showed the decapitated head of Sun Lin to his followers and said, “All those who are accomplices of Sun Lin are given pardon.” Those who laid down their weapons numbered five thousand men.

Sun Kai took a boat with the intention of surrendering himself to the northerners. He was pursued and killed. The members of Sun Lin's family were exterminated to the third degree. He opened up Sun Jun's coffin and took his official seal. Having chopped up the coffin, he reburied it.

36. ON the day jisi (January 19, 259 AD), the sovereign of Wu appointed Zhang Bu to be du (Commander) of the Central Army.

37. He reburied Zhuge Ke, Teng Yin, Lü Ju, et al and recalled all those who, involved in the affairs of Zhuge Ke and the others, had been banished to distant places.

38. There was a court official who begged that a stele be erected for Zhuge Ke. The boshi Sheng Zhong held that such should not be. The Sovereign of Wu commanded in an edict, “In the hottest time of the summer, he led the troops out and caused them injury, without achieving anything whatsoever.--He cannot be said to have been competent. Having been entrusted with the guardianship of the young sovereign, he died at the hands of a mere boy.--He cannot be said to have been wise. Sheng Zhong is right in his view.” And so the matter came to nothing.

39. Formerly, when the Emperor Zhaolie of Han stationed Wei Yan in Hanzhong, he filled the various encampments with troops and thus warded the enemy off; when the enemy came to attack, they were prevented from entering the territory. At the battle of Xingshi, when Wang Ping offered resistance to Cao Shuang, this strategem was again adopted. When Jiang Wei came to direct affairs, he proposed, “These various encampments indeed conform to the Zhou Yi's principles of the defense of the double gates, but are only sufficient to ward off the enemy. They do not bring us any extraordinary victory. A better plan is this: Hearing of the approach of the enemy, we should withdraw our troops from these various encampments and assemble our grain in the two cities of Hancheng and Luocheng, to which the troops should also retreat, and allow the enemy to enter the plan; we should strengthen our garrison in the passes and thus ward the enemy off.

On the day were are invaded, we should order the mobile detachments to make a simultaneous sally and look for the weak positions in the enemy's line. The enemy may attack but will not capture our passes; finding no stray grain in the field and having to transport their provisions from a distance of one thousand li, they will naturally be reduced to extremity and fatigue. On the day they retreat, we should then let our troops from these two cities make a simultaneous sally and, uniting their strength with the mobile detachments, strike at the enemy. This is the art of exterminating the enemy.”

Thereupon, the sovereign of Han ordered the commander of Hanzhong Hu Ji to withdraw to Hanshou, and stationed the jianjun Wang Han at Luocheng and the hujun Jiang Bin at Hancheng. He also placed encampments at Xi'an, Jianwei, Wuwei, Shimen, Wucheng, Jianchang and Linyuan.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 11:53 am

Fourth Year of Ganlu (259 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Jingyao
Wu: Second Year of Yongan

1. Spring, first month (February 10-March 11). Two yellow dragons appeared in a well in Ningling. Before this time, dragons had appeared frequently in wells in Dunqiu, Guanjun and Yangxia.

2. The various officials held the appearance of the dragons in the wells to be an auspicious sign. The Emperor said, “Dragons symbolize the virtue of a sovereign. But they are not in heaven above, nor in the fields below; in their frequent appearances they are being constricted in wells. This is not an auspicious omen.” He composed a poem on a dragon lying hid in allusion to himself. Sima Zhao saw it and was displeased.

3. Summer, sixth month (July 7-August 5). Wang Chang, the 'Affable' Lord of Jingling, died.

4. The Sovereign of Han enfeoffed his sons: Liu Chen as Prince of Beidi, Xun he made Prince of Xinxing and Qian the Prince of Shangdang.

5. The shangshu ling, Chen Zhi, had ingratiated himself with the sovereign of Han through his deft manner and smooth tongue. Though superior to him in rank, Jiang Wei was for the most part out of the capital serving as a commander of troops, and seldom participated in State affairs; hence he was inferior to him in power and influence.

6. Autumn, eighth month. ON the day bingzi (September 23), Chen Zhi died. The Sovereign of Han appointed the shangshu puyi Dong Jue of Yiyang as shangshu ling and the shangshu Zhuge Zhan as shangshu puyi.

7. Winter, eleventh month (December 2-December 31). The juji jiangjun Sun Yi was killed by slave girls.

8. In this year, Wang Ji was appointed chengnan jiangjun in charge of the various military affairs of Jingzhou.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 12:26 pm

First Year of Jingyuan (260 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Jingyao
Wu: Third Year of Yongan

1. Spring, first month. On the first day (on the day yiyu, January 30), the sun was eclipsed.

2. Summer, fourth month (April 28-May 27). The Emperor issued an edict to his officials that his former command should be obeyed: he again advanced the rank of the da jiangjun Sima Zhao to that of xiangguo and enfeoffed him as Duke of Jin, conferring on him the nine gifts.

3. Observing that his power was on the wane day after day, the Emperor was unable to bear his vexation. In the fifth month, on the day jichou (June 2), he summoned the shizhong Wang Chen, the shangshu Wang Jing, and the sanji changshi Wang Ye, and spoke to them, “Sima Zhao's design is known to men walking on the street. I cannot sit still and suffer the disgrace of being dethroned by him. Today I intend to go out myself together with you and attack him.” Wang Jing said, “Of old, Duke Zhao of Lu was not able to bear the Ji; he was defeated and fled, thus being deprived of his throne. He became the laughing-stock of the whole world. At present, power has been lying in his House for a long time: within the Court and in the four quarters of the Empire, all are serving him with the utmost loyalty, even unto death, without paying attention to whether he is loyal or disloyal to the throne. This has not been going on for just a single day. Furthermore, the palace guard is depleted, their arms and weapons are few and weak. What does your Majesty rely on that you would act thus all of a sudden? Is it not like aggravating one's ailment, though one is bent on removing it? The disaster cannot be gauged; you ought to be prudent and cautious.”

The Emperor thereupon took out of his bosom his edict written on yellow silk and hurled it to the ground. “I am resolved to act. I do not fear even death. Why should I hesitate, since I may not necessarily meet death?” Thereupon he entered the interior part of the palace to inform the Empress Dowager. Wang Chen and Wang Ye rushed along to inform Sima Zhao. They, however, invited Wang Jing to follow them, but Wang Jing would not do so.

In the end, the Emperor unsheathed his sword, mounted his carriage and, leading the palace guards and menial servants of the palace, came out beating drums and clamoring. Sima Zhao's younger brother, the tunji jiaoyu Sima Zhou, met with the Emperor at the East Zhiche Men (Gate for Stopping Carriages). The attendants yelled at him. Sima zhou and his men rushed off. The zhonghu jun Jia Chong was entering the palace from the outside; he met the Emperor and fought with him beneath the Southern Tower Gate. The Emperor himself wielded his sword; his horde wanted to retreat.

The younger brother of the jidu Cheng Cui, the taizi sheren Cheng Ji asked Jia Chong, “The situation is urgent. What shall we do?” Jia Chong said, “His Excellency Sima Zhao has been supporting you people just in anticipation of today. Whatever you do today, you will not be held responsible.” Cheng Ji then drew out his spear and stepped forward to stab the Emperor, who met his death beneath his carriage. Hearing of this, Sima Zhao was greatly astonished and threw himself on the ground saying, “What will the world say of me?” The taifu Sima Fu hastened on the scene and, taking the Emperor's leg as a pillow, mourned him sorrowfully, saying, “It is my fault that Your Majesty is dead.”

4. Sima Zhao entered the palace and summoned the myriad officials to a discussion. The shangshu zuo puyi Chen Tai did not come. Sima Zhao had his maternal uncle, the shangshu Xun Yi summon him. Xun Yi came and spoke to him about the right and wrong of it. Chen Tai said, “The critics of the world compare me with my uncle. But my uncle has proved himself not as good as I.” His sons and younger sons all urged him. And so he entered the palace; seeing Sima Zhao, he broke into lamentation, and Sima Zhao also shed tears in return saying, “Xuanbo {Chen Tai's style}, what are you going to do with me?” Chen Tai said, “There is nothing else to do but kill Jia Chong, by which means you may apologize somewhat to the world.” After a long pause, Sima Zhao said, “Think of something less severe.” Chen Tai said, “I can only speak of something more severe than this; I do not know of anything less severe.” Sima Zhao did not speak any more. Xun Yi was a son of Xun Yu.

5. The Empress Dowager issued a command indicting the iniquities of the Duke of Gaoguixiang and degrading him to the rank of a commoner, to be interred with ceremonies befitting the common people; she also ordered the arrest of Wang Jing and the members of his family, who were to be turned over to the tingyu.

6. When Wang Jing took leave of his mother, she did not change her usual facial color, but she laughed and said, “Who is there that does not die? We are only afraid that we might not die at the right place. What regret can there be since you are dying thus?”

After he was put to death, his former subordinate official Xiang Xiong bewailed him, his grief touching the whole market place.

7. Wang Chen was enfeoffed as Lord of Anping because of his merit.

8. On the day gengyin, the taifu Sima Fu and others memorialized the throne, requesting that the Duke of Gaoguixiang be interred with the ceremonies befitting a feudal prince; the Empress Dowager granted it.

9. The Empress Dowager had the zhonghujun Sima Yan fetch the Duke of Changdaoxiang, Cao Huang, a son of the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, from Ye, to make him an heir to Mingdi. Sima Yan was a son of Sima Zhao.

10. On the day xinmao (June 4), the various ducal ministers memorialized the Empress Dowager requesting that from now on her Commands should all be called Edicts.

11. On the day guimao (June 16), Sima Zhao earnestly declined to accept the appointment of xiangguo, Duke of Jin, and the bestowal of the Nine Gifts. The Empress Dowager in an edict granted her permission.

12. On the day wushen, Sima Zhao sent up a memorial that Cheng Ji and his elder brother Cheng Cui had committed high treason, and that they and the members of their families should be exterminated.

13. Sixth month. On the day guichou (June 26), an edict commanded that the Duke of Changdaoxiang should alter his ming {name} (Huang) to Huan.

14. On the day jiayin (June 27), the Duke of Changdaoxiang entered Luoyang. On this day he ascended the Imperial Throne. He was fifteen years old. A general amnesty was granted and the reign title altered from Ganlu to Jingyuan.

15. On the day bingchen (June 29), the Empero in an edict advanced Sima Zhao's rank and conferred on him the Nine Gifts as before. Sima Zhao earnestly declined to accept the appointment, and so the Emperor desisted.

16. On the day guihai (July 6), the shangshu zuo puyi Wang Guan was appointed sigong.

17. IN Wu, the duyu Yan Mi proposed to construct a dam at Puli. The myriad officials all maintained the project to be difficult. Only the wei jiangjun Puyang Xing of Chenliu maintained that the project could be successful. In the end, he collected a large number of troops and people to do the work. The expenditures were beyond calculation and many of the troops died; the people were greatly worried and complained.

18. In the prefecture of Kuaiji, there circulated a rumor that the Prince Sun Liang was to return to the throne. Some inmates of Sun Liang's palace accused him of having employed sorcerers to propitiate the spirits on his behalf, and that he himself had abused the sovereign. The official in charge reported this. The sovereign of Wu demoted Sun Liang to be Lord of Houguan and had him sent to his new State. Sun Liang committed suicide and his escorts were all punished by death.

19. Winter, tenth month (November 20-December 19). Lord Su of Yangxiang, Wang Guan, died.

20. Eleventh month (December 20, 260-January 17, 261 AD). The Emperor in an edict treated the Prince of Yan with special ceremony.

21. Twelfth month. On the day jiawu (February 2, 261 AD), the sili jiaoyu, Wang Xiang, was appointed sigong.

22. The shangshu Wang Chen became cishi (Governor) of Yuzhou. Immediately after he arrived there, he issued instructions to the cities under his jurisdiction as well as to the gentry and to the people, “Since antiquity, sages and men of worth have been fond of hearing words of criticism and listening to the talk of the common soldiers; it is because firewood gatherers have things worthy of being recorded and fuel carriers have words worthy of the Court. Since I come to take my post, I have not been favored with words displeasing to my ears. Is it so because I have not opened my mind and hence those would-be speakers are made suspicious? Anyone who is able to set forth the good and bad points of the superior officials, and to point out the ailments of the people, shall be given five hundred piculs of grain. Anyone who points out the good or bad points of the cishi or the lenient or harsh rule of the government shall be given one thousand piculs of grain. Should there be anyone who does not believe my words, I must tell him that my words are like the bright sun.”

The zhubu Chen Xin and Chu Lue entered his office and said, “In your instructions, you state that you wish to hear words that are bitter, promising rewards as encouragement. We are afraid that men of independent character might not speak because they dislike rewards, and men of avaricious nature might bring their impeachment because they covet gain. If what they say does not happen to be proper and so you abstain from giving undeserved rewards, those who hear of it from afar, not knowing the truth of the matter, will only observe that your words are not redeemed; they will say that you have instituted the arrangement not for the sake of seeing it practiced. We are of the opinion that this business of instructing your subordinates should wait for awhile.”

Wang Chen issued another instruction, “To effect good work and receive the due reward is proper to a superior man. Why must you not speak? Honest words are a matter of supreme principle; giving benefit to the entire province is an act of benevolence; to have achieved merit but to refuse the reward shows a man of incorruptible character. If one can combine these and bring about good deeds, why must one keep his jewel in his bosom and leave his country to confusion?”

Chu Lue again said, “Yao, Shun and the Duke of Zhou could make honest remonstrators come, because their sincerity was self-evidence; ice and burning charcoal are eminent for their cold and hot qualities without their ever speaking, because they possess them in reality. If you are fond of honest remonstration as naturally as ice and burning charcoal possess their qualities, then will words of honest admonition come unsought for. If your virtue is not equal to that of Tang (Yao) and Yu (Shun), if your sagacity does not match that of the Duke of Zhou, if your reality is not like that of ice and burning charcoal, then even if you set a high premium, you cannot make words of honest remonstration come. Of old, Wei Jiang was given a gift of female musicians because of his merit in having effected amity with the Rong. Guan Zhong was given the rank of First Minister because of his achievement in having made Qi great. Only after merit and achievement have become illustrious will rewards and encouragement follow. I have never heard of displaying a high premium in order to obtain remonstrating officials, or of keeping rewards in reserve for potential advisors.”

Wang Chen then desisted.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 12:48 pm

4 more years to go. I think this will be done in 2 more days. After that, I might try to add in some of the notes for the various chapters.


Second Year of Jingyuan (261 AD)
Shu: Fourth Year of Jingyao
Wu: Fourth Year of Yongan

1. Spring, third month (April 17-May 16). The taishou (Prefect) of Xiangyang, Hu Lie, reported in a memorial that the Wu generals Deng Yu, Li Guang, et al., eighteen encampments in all, had conspired to desert their country and come over to Wei, and that they had accordingly sent to him envoys, together with hostages, desiring the troops of the prefecture of Xiangyang to proceed to the Jiang and fetch them. The Emperor, in an edict, commanded Wang Ji, “Divide your various troops into detachments and proceed directly to the river Ju to fetch them. Should Deng Yu and his men come at the appointed time, we may this time shake Jiangbiao (i.e. Wu) to pieces.

Wang Ji sent a letter by means of post horse to Sima Zhao. He pointed out his suspicions about Deng Yu and his men, saying that the matter would clear up and they should not send a large force to invade far into the enemy's territory in response to the would be deserters.

He further said, “Both the eastern and the western routes of Yiling are steep and narrow. Bamboo and trees grow there luxuriantly and we shall be surprised by ambush, when we shall not be able to make use of our crossbows or horses. At present, the strings of our bows are wet and lax, and the water is receding. You, however, would have the important work of husbandry neglected in order to court uncertain gain. This is a dangerous thing. When Jiang Wei hastened to Shanggui and Wen Qin occupied Shouchun, they both penetrated far in order to seek for gain but eventually were overthrown; these cases are warning examples from recent times. Since the Jiaping period (249-254 AD) we have had a series of internal troubles. The proper thing for us to do at this time would be to stabilize the dynasty and soothe the high and the low, to exert our strength in the cardinal business of husbandry and win the love of the people; we should not start a campaign for the sake of outside gain. Even if we obtain this gain, we would not be commended, but if we fail, our dignity and prestige would be damaged.”

Having received these letters, one after the other, from Wang Ji, Sima Zhao hesitated. He ordered that all those troops who were already on the road should halt for the moment at the places they happened to be and wait for further instructions.

Wang Ji again sent a letter to Sima Zhao, “Of old, Gaozu of Han adopted the service of Master Li Yiqi and intended to enfeoff the Six States, but he was brought back to his senses by the counsel of Zhang Liang and immediately destroyed the seals (for the rulers of the Six States). Shallow and short-sighted in thought and counsel, I am certainly not a match for the Lord of Liu (i.e. Zhang Liang). Still, I am afraid that Xiangyang might commit the mistake of a Li Yiqi.

Thereupon, Sima Zhao stopped the proposed expedition.

2. Sima Zhao replied to Wang Ji in a letter, “In general, men who are in the State service compromise their own convictions in order to comply with their superiors. There seldom are those who stand firm and help their superior in probing to the truth of a matter. I am sincerely moved by your honest devotion, for you always favor me with your advice. I have immediately followed your wishes.”

He had already stopped the proposed expedition. Eventually, Deng Yu and his men also did not surrender. Hu Lie was a younger brother of Hu Fen.

3. Autumn, eighth month. ON the day jiayin (October 20), the Emperor again advanced Sima Zhao's enfeoffment and rank, but he declined.

4. Winter, tenth month (November 10-December 8). The Sovereign of Han appointed Dong Jue to be fuguo da jiangjun and Zhuge Zhan to be duhu and wei jiangjun, both being charged with the duty of directing the affairs of the shangshu, and the shizhong Fan Qian to be shangshu ling. At that time, the zhongchang shi Huang Hao was directing State business, but Dong Jue and Zhuge Zhan were unable to rectify him. Many of the officials attached themselves to him. Fan Qian was the only one who did not associate with him.

5. The bishu ling, Qi Zheng had long been serving as an inner functionary; he was the occupant of a room next door to that of Huang Hao and maintained relations with him for more than thirty years. In his lofty manner he persevered in his principles and amused himself with books. He was not loved by Huang Hao, nor was he hated by Huang Hao. Therefore, his official rank never exceeded that of Six Hundred Piculs, nor did he ever become a victim of his evil deeds.

6. The Prince of Ganling, Liu Yong, a half-brother of the Sovereign of Han, hated Huang Hao. Huang Hao slandered him, so that for a period of ten years he was not granted an audience.

7. The Sovereign of Wu sent the wuguan zhonglangjiang Xue Xu to Han as an envoy. Upon his return, the Sovereign of Wu asked him about the good and bad points of the Han rule. He replied, “The sovereign is dark minded and is not aware of his faults. His officials try to keep their persons safe. Entering their court, I did not hear an honest remonstration. Going through their country, I saw a starved look on their people. I have heard that swallows and sparrows nestle on roofs, mother and children enjoying themselves; they think their nests are absolutely safe. When the chimney breaks open and the ridgepole is on fire, the swallows and sparrows are unperturbed, not knowing that disaster will overtake them. This describes them (the Han).” Xue Xu was a son of Xue Cong.

8. In this year, Tuoba Liwei, the daren (Chieftain) of the Suotou tribe of the Xianbei, for the first time sent his son Shamohan (Khan of the desert, the Gobi) to bring tribute. The latter stayed as a hostage. The ancestors of Tuoba Liwei used to inhabit the northern borderlands of China for generations, without having any intercourse with China in the South. Coming at the time of the Khan Mao, the tribe began to be powerful, he united thirty-six States and ninety-nine clans. Five generations after him, the Khan Tuiyin migrated southward to Da Ze. Seven generations still later, the Khan Lin had his seven brothers as well as his cousins, the Yizhan and the Chekun, rule over the tribe, which was divided into ten clans. Grown old, Lin abdicated in favor of his cousin Jiefen and had him migrate southward, eventually inhabiting the ancient territory of the Xiongnu. After the death of Jiefen, Tuoba Liwei succeeded him and, still migrating southward, inhabited Shengle in Dingxiang. His tribe gradually became powerful, the other tribes standing in awe and submission.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 9:32 pm

Third Year of Jingyuan (262 AD)
Shu: Fifth year of Jingyao
Wu: Fifth year of Yongan

1. Autumn, eighth month. On the day yiyu (September 16), the Sovereign of Wu enthroned the Empress Ju. She was a daughter of Princess Ju.

2. On the day wuzi (September 19), he appointed his son Sun Wan as crown prince.

3. In Han, the da jiangjun Jiang Wei was about to go out on an expedition. The yu cheji jiangjun Liao Hua said, “One will burn himself with military weapons if he does not lay them aside. I am referring to Jiang Boyue (i.e. Jiang Wei). His sagacity does not surpass that of the enemy, and his strength is less than the enemy's. Still he would use them (the weapons) immoderately. How is he going to preserve himself? The Shi says, 'Why was this time not before me? Why was it not after me?' This precisely describes today's situation.”

4. Winter, tenth month (October 30-November 28). Jiang Wei invaded Caoyang. Deng Ai fought with him at Houhe and defeated him, Jiang Wei retreating to Dazhong. Now, Jiang Wei had attached himself to the Han as its guest and was entrusted with a heavy task. He had been making campaigns for years, without achieving any success. Huang Hao, who directed State affairs, was on intimate terms with the you da jiangjun Yan Yu and secretly desired to dismiss Jiang Wei and set Yan Yu up in his stead.

5. Knowing this, Jiang Wei spoke to the Sovereign of Han, “Huang Hao is treacherous and monopolizing power and is about to bring the State to ruin. I request you to kill him.” The Sovereign of Han said, “Huang Hao is but a minor official doing my menial work. IN days past, Dong Yun used to gnash his teeth at him, which I constantly regretted. He is not worthy of your attention, is he?” Seeing that Huang Hao had already secured a strong footing, Jiang Wei was afraid that he had spoken too freely. He offered an apology and left the Imperial presence. The Sovereign of Han commanded Huang Hao to betake himself to Jiang Wei and offer an apology. Jiang Wei then became suspicious and afraid. He returned to Caoyang and requested that he be permitted to grow wheat at Dazhong, not daring to return to Chengdu.

6. The Sovereign of Wu appointed Puyang Xing to be chengxiang (i.e. Prime Minister), and the tingyu Ding Mi and the guanglu Meng Cong respectively zuo yushi dafu and youyushi dafu. At the time when Puyang Xing served as taishou (Prefect) of Kuaiji, the Sovereign of Wu was in Kuaiji, where he received munificent treatment from Puyang Xing; the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu had been the zuoyou dujiang to the Prince of Kuaiji (i.e. the Sovereign of Wu); it is because of this that, after the sovereign of Wu acceded to the throne, these two men received high positions and great favor and directed affairs of State. Zhang Bu was charged with the supervision of matters pertaining to the palace, and Puyang Xing was concerned with the direction of State affairs and the army. By means of specious language and guile, they supported one another; the people of Wu were disappointed.

The Sovereign of Wu was found of study. He wanted to hold learned discussions with the boshi jijiu Wei Zhao and the boshi Sheng Zhong. As Wei Zhao and Sheng Zhong were men of direct and outspoken language, Zhang Bu feared that, when they would enter the palace and wait upon the Sovereign of Wu, they might expose his secret iniquities; he earnestly remonstrated with the Sovereign of Wu to stop the project. The sovereign of Wu said, “I have studied books of every kind more or less; there is little that I have not perused. Of enlightened rulers and dark-minded sovereigns, wicked officials and treacherous sons, the successes and failures of the wise and the stupid of ancient and modern times, there is none of which I have not read the records. My only purpose in wanting to hold discussions with Wei Zhao and the others, is to refresh my former studies. What harm can there be in this? Your only fear must be that Wei Zhao and the others might discourse on the hidden misdeeds of my subjects, which you do not desire to come to my ears. But with regard to such matters, I myself am a past master and do not need Wei Zhao and the others to enlighten me. This will cause no harm at all. I think it is something that you fear.”

Seized by fear, Zhang Bu apologized and went on to say that he feared lest the management of State business be hampered. The sovereign of Wu said, “with regard to books, the only fear is that men may not like them, for there is no harm in liking them. A king's studies and the duties devolving upon a king are two different matters and do not interfere with one another. There is no question of wrong in this but you insist that it is not proper; therefore I am obliged to criticize you. I did not expect you, now that you are entrusted with State affairs, to practice the same thing upon me. I cannot commend you at all.”

Offering his memorial, Zhang Bu knocked his head on the ground. The Sovereign of Wu said, “I have merely enlightened you a little. There is no need to knock your head on the ground. Your devotion is known far and near. I owe this elevated position of mine to your service. The Shi says, 'All are good at first, but few prove themselves to be so at the last.' It is indeed difficult to remain constant until the last.' May you be so until 'the last!'”

But the Sovereign of Wu feared lest Zhang Bu harbor doubt and fear. In the end, he followed Zhang Bu's wish; he gave up learned discussions and did not let Wei Zhao and the others enter the palace.

7. Xi Kang of the prefecture of Qiao was a writer of majestic and elegant style. He loved to discourse on the philosophies of Laozi and Zhuangzi, delighted in the extraordinary, and was chivalrous towards other people's causes. He was an intimate friend of Ruan Ji of Chenliu, Ruan Xian, who was a son of Ruan Ji's elder brother, Shan Tao of Henei, Xiang Xiu of Henan, Wang Rong of Langye and Liu Ling of Pei. They were called 'The Seven Philosophers of the Bamboo Grove.' They all were nihilistic, despising the conventional forms of propriety, indulged in wine to excess, and neglected worldly affairs.

8. Ruan Ji became bubing jiaoyu. When his mother died, Ruan Ji was playing chess (weiqi) with another man. The partner requested that they stop, but Ruan Ji made him stay until they played the game to the end. Then he drank two measures of wine and emitted one loud wail. He spurted out several pints of blood and became emaciated, his bones standing out prominently. While in mourning, he drank wine as usual.

9. The sili jiaoyu Hu Ceng was displeased with him for such conduct and questioned him face to face while they were together at Sima Zhao's, “You indulge in your pleasures and act against the rules of propriety; you are a man who debases the good custom of the land. At present, a loyal and sagacious man is ruling the State and he checks names by reality. Men like you should not be left at large.” He then spoke to Sima Zhao, “Your Excellency is bent on ruling the Empire by virtue of filial piety, but allows Ruan Ji, who is in mourning for a parent, to drink wine and eat meat in public. How can you set an example for the world? He ought to be banished to the barbarians of the four quarters, so that he does not contaminate our China.” Sima Zhao, who loved Ruan Ji for his talents, always defended him. Hu Ceng was Hu Kui's son.

10. Ruan Xian had relations with a servant girl of his paternal aunt. Once, when his aunt left on a trip, she took the girl with her. Ruan Xian, who had just been having a visitor, borrowing the visitor's horse without ceremony, pursued them and returned with the girl on the horse.

11. Liu Ling was addicted to drinking. He used to ride in a small carriage in which he carried a jar of wine. He had a man follow him with a spade on his shoulder and instructed him, “When I die, bury me on the spot.” At that time, the gentry all considered him to be a sagacious man and vied with one another in emulating him, saying that he was an emancipated person.

12. Zhong Hui was at this very time a favorite of Sima Zhao. Having heard of Xi Kang's fame, he paid him a visit. As a son of a renowned ducal minister, Zhong Hui enjoyed honor and favor because of his own talents and ability. He rode a magnificent steed and wore fine, light clothing, his retinue being so numerous that it looked like clouds. Xi Kang sat with his legs spread out and went on forging iron, without paying his respects to him. When Zhong Hui was about to leave, Xi Kang asked him, “What did you hear that you came? What did you see that you go away?” Zhong Hui said, “I heard what I heard, hence I have come; I saw what I saw, hence I go.” Thus did he come to harbor a deep grudge against Xi Kang.

13. Having been appointed libu lang, Shan Tao recommended Xi Kang to take his post. In a letter to Shan Tao, Xi Kang said that he could not tolerate the vulgar throng and censored and belittled Cheng Tang and King Wu of Zhou. Hearing of this, Sima Zhao was angry at him.

14. Xi Kang was on intimate terms with Lü An of Dongping. Lü An's elder brother Lü Xun falsely charged Lü An with being unfilial. Xi Kang gave witness against the charge.

15. Taking this opportunity, Zhong Hui slandered Xi Kang with the charge that he once wanted to help Guanqiu Jian; and maintained that Lü An and Xi Kang, who enjoyed great renown in that time, were wanton in their language and were thus detrimental to the good rule of the time, and that this opportunity should be taken to eliminate them. And so, Sima Zhao had Lü An and Xi Kang killed.

16. Once Xi Kang paid a visit to the recluse Sun Teng of Jijun. Sun Teng said, “You have much talent, but little knowledge of the world. It will be difficult for you to remain unscathed in this world.”

17. Sima Zhao was vexed because Jiang Wei had been time and time again making incursions into his territory. Lu Yi, a stableman, requested permission to go to Shu as an assassin. The congshi zhonglang Xun Xu said, “As Prime Minister of the Empire, Your Excellency ought to punish the rebels by fair means. But you would employ an assassin to eliminate the rebels; this is not the way to extend your example to the land within the four seas.” Sima Zhao approved. Xun Xu was a great-grandson of Xun Shuang.

18. Sima Zhao wanted to send a large force to attack Han; most of the Court Officials disapproved, but the sili jiaoyu Zhong Hui alone advised him to do so.

Sima Zhao issued a proclamation to the multitude, “Since our pacification of Shouchun, we have not engaged in a campaign for six years, during which time we put our weapons in order and repaired our armor with the intention of dealing with the two rebel counties. Now, the territory of the Wu is large and wide, low and damp; it would give us some trouble, because in order to attack it we would have to employ workers. It would be better to conquer Ba-shu first; three years later we shall sail down with the tide, advancing simultaneously on land and on water; this is like destroying Guo to take Yu. I calculate that the Shu have altogether ninety thousand troops, of which not less than forty thousand are stationed in Chengdu to guard it and other places against any eventuality; this being so, the remaining troops can number no more than fifty thousand. Now, we shall keep Jiang Wei occupied at Dazhong, so that he cannot attend to the East; we shall proceed directly to Luogu, take their defenseless positions, and launch a surprise attack on Hanzhong.

If they defend themselves in their walled cities and fortresses, they will have to disperse their forces, and their head will be cut off from their tail. We shall then storm their cities with our large forces and disperse our well-equipped troops to plunder their fields. They will not be able to defend Jiange, nor perserve Guantou. Since Liu Shan is a stupid sovereign, their overthrow will be certain when the frontier cities on the outside are taken, and the population on the inside is shaken.

Then he had Zhong Hui appointed chenxi jiangjun and dudu (commander-in-chief) of the troops of Guanzhong. The zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai objected several times on the grounds that Shu had not yet afforded the Wei a favorable opportunity. Sima Zhao appointed his zhubu Shi Zuan as Deng Ai's sima, and in this manner issued his instructions. Deng Ai then obeyed the order.

19. Jiang Wei memorialized the Sovereign of Han, “I have heard that Zhong Hui is mobilizing the troops in Guanzhong with the intention of advancing against us. You ought to send both the zuo cheji (jiangjun) and the yucheji (jiangjun) Zhang Yi and Liao Hua respectively, to lead the various troops and guard the Yangan pass and Qiaotou in Yinping, in order to prevent any untoward events. Huang Hao, believing what was foretold by sorcery, thought that the enemy would not come at all. He spoke to the Sovereign of Han and had the matter suppressed. None of the various officials were acquainted with his fact.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 11:22 pm

Fourth Year of Jingyuan (263 AD)
Shu: First Year of Yanxing
Wu: Sixth Year of Yongan

1. In spring, in the second month (February 25-March 26), the Emperor again advanced Sima Zhao's enfeoffment and rank as before, but he again declined.

2. IN Wu, the taishou of Jiaozhi, Sun Xu, had been causing the people to suffer through his avarice and cruelty. It happened that the Sovereign of Wu sent the chazhan Deng Xun to Jiaozhi. Deng Xun arbitrarily levied thirty peacocks to send to Jianye (capital of Wu). Fearing lest they be drafted for labor in some far off place, the people plotted rebellion. IN summer, in the fifth month (June 23-July 22), Lü Xing, a subordinate official of the prefecture, and others, killed Sun Xu and Deng Xun. They then sent an envoy to Wei requesting them to appoint a new taishou and to send troops. The prefectures of Jiuzhen and Jinan joined them.

3. The Emperor, by an edict, mobilized the various troops on a large scale to attack Han. He sent the zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai at the head of more than thirty thousand men to proceed from Didao towards Gansong and Dazhong to engage Jiang Wei. He sent the cishi of Yongzhou, Zhuge Xu, at the head of more than thirty thousand men to proceed from Qishan towards Wujie and Qiaotou to cut off Jiang Wei's retreat, and Zhong Hui at the head of some ten odd myriads of men to proceed from Yegu, Luogu and Ziwugu, towards Hanzhong. He appointed the tingyu Wei Guan to carry the Tally and serve as Superintendent of the troops of Deng Ai and Zhong Hui, acting as chenxi junsi. Wei Guan was a son of Wei Ji.

4. On his way, Zhong Hui visited Wang Rong, a grandson of Wang Xiong, the cishi of Yuzhou, and asked him for advice. Wang Rong said, “The Daoists have the saying, 'Do all but boast not.' What is difficult is not success but preservation.”

5. Someone asked Liu Shi of Pingyuan, the canjun to the xiangguo, “Will Zhong Hui and Deng Ai conquer Shu?” Liu Shi answered, “They will certainly conquer Shu, but neither of them will return.” The inquirer asked for an explanation; Liu Shi laughed, without giving an answer.

6. In autumn in the eighth month (September 20-October 19), the army started from Luoyang, at which time gifts were distributed liberally to generals and troops, manoueuvers were held, and the oath was sworn. The jiangjun Deng Dun said that Shu could not yet be attacked. Sima Zhao killed him as a warning.

7. Hearing that the Wei troops were about to come, the Sovereign of Han sent Liao Hua with troops to Dazhong to reinforce Jiang Wei and sent Zhang Yi, Dong Jue and the others to the Yang'an pass to give help the various encampments. He issued a general amnesty and altered the reign title to Yanxing. He ordered the various encampments not to fight, but to retreat to the two walled cities of Hancheng and Luocheng and defend them; in each of the two cities there were five thousand troops. Arriving at Yinping, Zhang Yi and Dong Jue were informed that Zhuge Xu was proceeding towards Jianwei; they remained more than a month awaiting him. The various troops, led by Zhong Hui, marched along different parallel routes to Hanzhong.

8. In the ninth month (October 20-November 17), Zhong Hui had the qian jiangjunn Li Fu led ten thousand men and besiege Wang Han at Luocheng, and had the hujun Xun Kai besiege Zhang Bin at Hancheng. ON his westward march, Zhong Hui came ot the Yang'an pass; from there he sent a man to offer sacrifices to the tomb of Zhuge Liang.

9. Jiang Shu, the du (Commander) of Wuxing of Han, had not particularly distinguished himself in his function, hence the Han court replaced him with someone else and had him assist the jiangjun Fu Qian in defending the Yang'an pass. Jiang Shu was vexed at this. Zhong Hui had the hujun Hu Lie lead the vanguard and attack the pass. Jiang Shu spoke falsely to Fu Qian, “Now that the rebels have come, it is wrong not to strike at them but to keep the city gates closed in defense.” Fu Qian said, “Having been ordered to defend the city, we shall earn our merit by preserving it. Should we now act against the orders and go out to fight, there will not be profit even in death if we lose our army and bring defeat on our State.”

Jiang Shu said, “You take it as merit to preserve the city by defending it from within. I take it as merit to go out and defeat the enemy. Pray, let each of us do as pleases.” Thereupon he led out his troops. Fu Qian, thinking that he was going to fight, did not take any precautions against him. Jiang Shu, however, led his troops to welcome Hu Lie. Taking advantage of the city's unwariness, Hu Lie launched a surprise attack on it. Fu Qian fought hand to hand and was killed. Fu Qian was a son of Fu Yong.

Hearing that the pass had already fallen, Zhong Hui advanced carrying all before him; he seized large quantities of wares and grain kept in storehouses in the Yang'an pass.

10. Deng Ai sent the taishou of Tianshui, Wang Qi to launch a frontal attack on Jiang Wei's camp; the taishou of Longxi, Qian Hong to intercept them from the front; the taishou of Xincheng Yang Xin to proceed to Gansong. Hearing that the various troops of Zhong Hui had already entered Hanzhong, Jiang Wei retreated with his troops. Yang Xin and the others pursued him to the mouth of the river Qiangshui, where they fought a severe battle. Jiang Wei was defeated and fled. Hearing that Zhuge Xu had already blocked the road and had stationed himself at Qiaotou, he turned to Gonghangu and thus entered the northern route, his intention being to appear at the rear of Zhuge Xu. Informed of this, Zhuge Xu retreated thirty li. Jiang Wei had already penetrated the northern route more than thirty li when he heard that Zhuge Xu's troops had retreated. He then returned, passing Qiaotou. Zhuge Xu moved forward to intercept Jiang Wei, but he was one day late and so could not encounter him.

11. Finally, Jiang Wei returned to Yinping. He assembled troops, wishing to proceed to the walled pass of Yang'an. On the way he heard that it had already fallen, and so he retreated to boshui. Meeting Liao Hua, Zhang Yi, Dong Jue and the others, he united their forces and defended Jian'ge against Zhong Hui.

12. Gao Rou, Lord Yuan of Anguo, died.

13. Winter, tenth month (November 17-December 17). The Han requested the Wu to assist them. Eleventh month. On the day jiashen (January 8, 264), the Sovereign of Wu had the da jiangjun Ding Feng take command of the various troops and proceed to Shouchun; he had the jiangjun Liu Ping to go Shiji in Nanjun to discuss with him what measures to take; and had the jiangjun Ding Feng and Sun Yi proceed to Mianzhong. They were all to assist the Han

14. Because the generals attacking Shu had reported their victories in succession, in an edict the Emperor again commanded that the da jiangjun Sima Zhao should have his rank, enfeoffment and gifts advanced, all as in the former edict; Sima Zhao acceped the appointment.

15. Sima Zhao appointed Wei Shu of Rencheng canjun to the xiangguo. IN his youth, Wei Shu was slow and dull, crude and unpolished, and was not appreciated by his countrymen and relatives. His uncle, the libu lang Wei Heng, was a man of some renown in his time; but he too was unaware of his qualities. He had him serve as a watchman of his water mill and would always exclaim, “If Wei Shu would qualify himself to be head of a village of several hundred households, I should have nothing more to wish for in the world.”

Wei Shu did not take the matter to heart; neither did he apply his mind to what the world would take seriously, nor did he do anything prominent and imposing. His heart was great and tolerated the world, without any jealousy; he never pointed out other people's faults. By nature he was fond of riding and archery. Wearing his leather garment, he would roam in the mountains and marshes, occupying himself with fishing and hunting. It was only Wang Wei of Taiyuan who told him, “In the end, you will become a high minister of State. At present, you are not able to keep hunger and cold from your wife and children. I shall help you.” He constantly gave him relief. ON the other hand, Wei Shu received it, without ever refusing it in modesty.

When more than forty years of age, he was made a candidate for the shangji yuan and xiaolian {filially pious and incorrupt}, by the authorities of his prefecture Rencheng. His relatives, knowing well how he was lacking in learning, advised him not to take the examination, asserting that by this gesture he would distinguish himself as superior. Wei Shu said, “If I fail in my examination, it is my own fault. How can I take to myself the credit of being superior by not taking the examination in order to glorify myself?” Thereupon, he laid down for himself the task of mastering one classic each hundred days. He took the examination and passed it. He was appointed zhang {chief} of Mianchi, then was promoted to be ling of Chunyi, and finally called to the capital as a shangshu lang. At that time, a purge of the shangshu lang was intended, and those not competent to execute their duties to be dismissed. Wei Shu said, “I am the very man.” He wrapped his bedding and went out. His colleagues, who did not enjoy a particularly good reputation, were all ashamed and those who spoke of him praised him. After a series of promotions, he became zhangshi to the hou jiangjun Zhong Yu.

Zhong Yu used to practice archery with his canjun and assistants. ON such occasions, Wei Shu did nothing but keep the score with counting sticks. On one occasion, there were not enough men to balance the teams, hence Wei Shu was used to make up the full number. Zhong Yu was unaware that he was an expert archer. Composed and elegant, Wei Shu shot his arrows, without a single miss. The whole assembly was astonished, and there was no one to match him. Zhong Yu exclaimed and congratulated him, saying, “My talents can never be a match for yours, just as in this archery match. And this is not the only instance.”

When he became canjun to the xiangguo, he never meddled in the petty concerns of the headquarters (of the xiangguo); but in matters of cardinal importance, such as instituting or abandoning policies, what others could not decide, Wei Shu, in his composed manner, superintended, and in most cases his measures were far superior to those of others. Sima Zhao had a profound appreciation of him.

16. On the day guimao (November 28), the Emperor appointed the Empress Bian. She was a granddaughter of the zhaolie jiangjun Bian Bing.

17. Deng Ai advanced to Yinping. He chose picked troops and wanted to proceed, with Zhuge Xu, from Jiangyou to Chengdu. Zhuge Xu thought to himself that the original instructions he had received were to intercept Jiang Wei, and that going westwards was not mentioned in the Imperial edict. He therefore withdrew with his troops to Boshui, where he joined Zhong Hui. Zhong Hui sent the jiangjun Tian Chang and others to march from the west of Jiange towards Jiangyou. Tian Chang had not gone a hundred li when he destroyed three detachments of the Shu lying in ambush. Deng Ai made Tian Chang speed ahead; and so they marched forward, carrying all before them. Zhong Hui and Zhuge Xu moved their troops towards Jiange. Wanting to monopolize the military situation, Zhong Hui secretly memorialized the throne that Zhuge Xu was fainthearted and would not advance; he had him recalled in a cage-cart; his troops all went over to Zhong Hui's command.

18. Jiang Wei maneuvered and guarded the defiles. Zhong Hui attacked him, but could not defeat him. As provisions had to be transported from afar and through difficult terrain, and as the army lacked food, he (Zhong Hui) wanted to retreat.

19. Deng Ai petitioned the throne, “The rebels are already crushed. We ought to take advantage of this opportunity. We should proceed from Yinping, through Xiejing, past Deyangting of the Han dynasty, to Fou, and appear at a place a hundred li west of Jiange and three hundred odd li distant from Chengdu. With our mobile detachment we should storm their base and take them unawares. Then will the troops defending Jiange have to retreat towards Fou, in which case Zhong Hui can advance in double columns; if the troops defending Jiange should not retreat, then the troops assigned to defend Fou will be insufficient.

Thereupon, from Yinping, he traversed uninhabited land, a distance of seven hundred odd li. He bored roads through mountains and constructed plank paths and bridges. Lofty mountains and deep valleys offered many difficulties and hardships. Furthermore, provisions were running short and the troops often found themselves in dangerous places. Deng Ai had himself wrapped in felt and descended a defile by rolling down it. His generals and troops all crawled through trees and along cliffs; thus they advanced in single file. When the vanguard reached Jiangyou, the Shu general defending the place, Ma Mo, surrendered.

20. Zhuge Zhan led the various troops to resist Deng Ai; having reached Fou, he halted and would not advance any farther. The Shangshu lang Huang Chong was a son of Huan Quan. He repeatedly advised Zhuge Zhan to hasten forward and occupy the defiles, to keep the enemy from entering level terrain. Zhuge Zhan continued to hesitate without accepting his advice. Huang Chong spoke to him two or three times, even shedding tears. Still, Zhuge Zhan was unable to take his advice.

21. Eventually, Deng Ai advanced, carrying all before him, and defeated Zhuge Zhan's vanguard. Zhuge Zhan retreated to Mianzhu. Deng Ai sent him a letter to decoy him, “Should you surrender, I am resolved to memorialize the throne to enfeoff you as Prince of Lanye.” In anger, Zhuge Zhan killed Deng Ai's envoy and put his troops in battle array in expectation of Deng Ai.

22. Deng Ai sent his son Deng Zhong, Lord of Huitangting, with his men to attack Zhuge Zhan's right wing, and the sima Shi Zuan with his men to attack his left wing. Deng Zhong and Shi Zuan did not succeed in the battle. They both returned and said, “The rebels could not be beaten.” In anger, Deng Ai said, “To be or not to be depends on this one stroke. How dare you say they cannot be beaten?” He then ordered that Deng Zhong and Shi Zuan be beheaded. Deng Zhong and Shi Zuan galloped off and fought again, scoring a great victory over him. They killed Zhuge Zhan as well as Huang Chong.

23. Zhuge Zhan's son Zhuge Shang exclaimed, “We, father and son, have been recipients of great favor from the State; by not having killed Huang Hao in good time, we have brought the State to ruin and the people to destruction. What sense is there for me to keep on living?” He then whipped his horse and rushed the enemy's lines; thus he met his death.

24. The Han had not expected the Wei troops to arrive so suddenly, and therefore had not arranged for the defense of their walled cities. Hearing that Deng Ai had already entered level terrain, the people were in tumult and fled to the hills and wilderness, and they could not be held back. The Sovereign of Han had his myriad officials hold a discussion; they deliberated without any result. Some maintained that as Wu was an ally of Shu, they might flee to Wu; some maintained that as the seven prefectures in Nanzhong were extremely steep and inaccessible and easy to defend, they might flee southwards.

The guanglu dafu Qiao Zhou maintained, “From of old, there has never been a Son of Heaven who ruled his State while a guest in another country. If you now enter the State of Wu, you must submit to her as a vassal. Furthermore, when two States are ruled not differently, the bigger will swallow the smaller; this is only natural. Seen from this point of view, it is clear that Wei is able to annex Wu, not Wu {annex} Wei. If you are to be degraded to the position of a vassal, which is better, to be so to a smaller state or a bigger State? Which do you prefer, double disgrace or single disgrace? On the other hand, if you wish to flee southwards, you ought to have planned for it early; only in such a case, would the plan bear fruit. Now the powerful enemy is near at hand and our ruin is iminent. You cannot rely on the loyalty of the masses. I fear that on the day you start (for the south) there will occur untoward incidents. Will you ever reach the south?”

Someone said, “At this moment, Deng Ai is not far from us. We fear that he might not allow us to surrender. What shall we do then?” Qiao Zhou said, “At present, the Dongwu (i.e. Wu) is still hostile to the Wei, hence he cannot but allow us to surrender. If he once allows us to surrender, he cannot but show honor. Should it happen that after Your Majesty has surrendered to the Wei, the Wei does not cede its territory and enfeoff Your Majesty, I shall betake myself to the capital and contend with it by referring to ancient usages.” The other officials all followed Qiao Zhou's opinion.

The Sovereign of Han still wished to enter the southern territory and so hesitated. Qiao Zhou sent up a memorial, “There are some who advise your Majesty that since the northern troops have penetrated far into our territory, you should go southwards. I, a stupid official, disapprove it as unsafe. Why do I think so? The distant barbarian land in the south formerly did not make a practice of bringing any tribute, but often revolted. Since the chengxiang Zhuge Liang pressed them hard with his troops, they in their necessity have been submissive to us. If you go now to the South, they will have to ward off the enemy externally and be responsible for your maintainence internally—their expenditures will be heavy; while there are no other resources to draw upon, the barbarian tribes will have to be drained; it is certain that they will revolt.”

25. Thereupon, the Sovereign of Han sent the shizhong Zhang Shao and others to carry his Imperial Seal and to surrender to Deng Ai on his behalf.

26. The Prince of Beidi, Liu Chen, was enraged and said, “If we are in the wrong and strength has forsaken us, and our ruin is imminent, we, father and sons, sovereign and subjects, ought to fight a battle with the city at our backs, and all should die for the dynasty and meet the late Emperor in the netherworld. Why must we surrender?” The Sovereign of Han did not listen to him. On this day, Liu Chen wailed in the temple of the Emperor Zhaolie (i.e. Liu Bei). He first killed his wife and children, and then killed himself.

27. Zhang Shao and the others saw Deng Ai at Lao. Deng Ai greatly rejoiced and sent a letter of reply, in which he praised and accepted the request for surrender.

28. The Sovereign of Han sent the taibu Jiang Xian to Jiang Wei to order him to surrender to Zhong Hui. He also sent the shangshu lang Li Hu to bring the Census Record to Deng Ai: two hundred and eighty thousand households, nine hundred and forty thousand mouths, one hundred and two thousand men in armor, and forty thousand officials.

29. When Deng Ai reached the North of the city of Chengdu, the Sovereign of Han, leading the Crown Prince and various princes of the blood as well as more than sixty of his officials, came to his headquarters, with his hands bound and carrying his coffin in a cart. Holding his Tally, Deng Ai freed him from the binding, burnt the coffin, and invited him to an audience. He commanded his generals and troops not to plunder; he soothed and accepted all those who surrendered and restored them to their former functions. Following the precedent of Deng Yu, he presumed Imperial authority and appointed Liu Shan, the Sovereign of Han, to be acting piaoji jiangjun, the Crown Prince to be fengche (duyu) and the various officials of Han, he appointed them, in accordance with their different ranks, as subordinate officials either of the Prince Liu Shan or of Deng Ai himself. He appointed Shi Zuan to be cishi of Yizhou, and the taishou of Longxi, Jian Hong, and others to be heads of various prefectures in Shu.

30. Hearing that Huang Hao was insidious, Deng Ai arrested and imprisoned him, intending to kill him. But Huang Hao bribed Deng Ai's attendants and so saved his life.

31. Jiang Wei and his men heard of Zhuge Zhan's defeat but were not informed of what course the Sovereign of Han had taken; they therefore withdrew eastward and entered Ba. Zhong Hui advanced with his troops to Fou, where he sent Hu Lie and others to persuade Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei reached Qi, when he received the orders of the Sovereign of Han. He then ordered all his troops to lay down their weapons and he sent his tally and insignia to Hu Lie. He took the eastern route and, together with Liao Hua, Zhang Yi and Dong Jue, came to Zhong Hui and surrendered.

32. His generals and troops were all angry, drew out their swords, and hewed down stones. The various prefectures, districts and encampments were all disarmed, through the command of the Sovereign of Han, and surrendered. Zhong Hui treated Jiang Wei and the others liberally and temporarily returned their seals and tallies to them.

33. Hearing that Shu had already perished, the Wu disbanded the troops of Ding Feng and the others.

34. In Wu, the zhongshucheng Hua He of Wujun came to the palace gate and sent up his memorial, “In prostration I am informed: Gathered like ants, the rebel hordes were proceeding toward our western neighbor. Since the terrain of the western neighbor was steep and difficult of access, it was thought that there would be no danger, and Lu Kang would not have failed to report to the throne if there were; Chengdu has fallen, so that sovereign and subjects have dispersed and the dynasty is overthrown. Of old, when Wei was overthrown by Di, Duke Huan of Qi preserved it; but now, because of the distance, we cannot rescue them. We have thus lost a land that has been under our protection and forsaken a State that has been offering us tribute. Insignificant official though I am, I presume to have a feeling of uneasiness. In your sage-like benevolence, Your Majesty has been tranquillizing the distant land; hearing of this (its fall) suddenly, you are certain to take pity. I cannot forbear my grief and sorrow.”

35. A certain man of Wu said to Zhang Ti of Xiangyang, “Since the Sima took power in Wei, serious troubles have been occurring. They indeed have an abundance of resourcefulness and strength, but the people are not yet attached to them. Now, they make the troops toil and wear the people out, without taking pity on them. They will be defeated in their aim because they lack the wherewithal; how can they be successful in the end? Of old, when Fuchai attacked Qi, he certainly was not able to win victory; the reason why he met his ruin, however, was that he did not worry over what is fundamental. How much more should it be so with them, when they would contend for a land?”

Zhang Ti said, “Nay, it is not so. Cao Cao, in spite of the fact that his achievements covered Central China and his prowess shook the land within the four seas, prized deceit and had recourse to subterfuge, waging war unceasingly, the people were fearful of his power but did not love him for his virtue. Cao Pi and Cao Rui, who succeeded him, instituted a complicated system of punishments and imposed too heavy labor on the people, driving and using them now in the east and now in the west, and there was never a single year of peace. They have long lost their people's love. Sima Yi and his sons, since they took power in their State, time and again achieved great merit; they eliminated harsh measures in their State and spread their just and benevolent rule. They became master-counsellors, in which capacity they gave succor. The people have long attached themselves to them. Therefore, when there were three rebellions in Huainan, their internal situation was not disturbed; when Cao Mao was killed, the four quarters were not shaken. They crushed their strong enemies as if they were breaking desiccated twigs; they eliminated dissenters as easily as they would turn their palms. They employed the worthy and enlisted the able and under their service, all serving them with the utmost loyalty. Unless one possesses twice as much wisdom and courage as others, how can one achieve what they have achieved? Their foundation is laid firmly, and their treacherous plan is securely based.

Now, in Shu, the eunuchs are monopolizing state business. Despite the law of the land, they indulge in making campaigns, so that the people are tired and the troops are worn out; wrestling for success over the external foe, they neglect their defense. There is an inequality of strength between them (the Wei on one hand and the Shu on the other); and one is also superior to the other in wisdom and resourcefulness. If one takes advantage of the other's precarious situation to attack him, victory is always certain.

Even if they (Wei) do not win a victory, they will simply remain unsuccessful. At any rate, there cannot be any anxiety for them that they might be defeated nor worry that their army might be overthrown. Why should they not attempt it? Of old, when Chu swords were sharp, Duke Zhao of Jin was afraid; when Meng Ming was employed, the Jin worried. Alas, their attaining their aims will be a source of worry for us.”

The Wu had laughed at his words, but by this time they granted that he was right.

36. The Wu were afraid that the Wuqi, barbarians of Wuling, bordering on Shu, might rebel, now that Shu had perished, and so appointed the yueji jiao yu Zhongli Mu to be taishou of Wuling. In the meanwhile, Wei had already sent the magistrate of Hanjia(-xian) Guo Chun to act, on probation, as taishou of Wuling. Leading the people of Fouling, he entered the Jianling region and halted at Chisha. He agitated the various barbarian tribes, and advanced and attacked Yuyang. IN the prefecture of Wuling, everyone was in a panic. Zhongli Mu asked his subordinate officials, “The Western Shu is overthrown and our territory is invaded. How shall we defend it?” They all answered, “The two xian (Chenling and Yuyang) are mountainous and steep, while the various barbarian tribes are obstructing the progress of our troops. We should not disturb them with our troops. If they are disturbed, these barbarian tribes will maintain their positions obstinately. For the time being, we ought to put them at ease. You may send pacification officials to convey your instructions and tranquillize them.”

Zhongli Mu said, “Nay, not so. Now the external hordes are invading our territory and moreover are agitating the people. While their root has not yet struck deep, we should take them. This is just like the saying: 'One must make haste when one puts out a conflagration.'” He ordered that troops should be moved to the frontier. Thereof, his subordinate officials who were opposed he punished in accordance with military law. The fuyi jiangjun Gao Shang spoke to Zhongli Mu, “Of old, the taichang Pan Jun attacked the Wuqi barbarians only when he had fifty thousand men under his command. And at that time the Liu (i.e. Shu) were our ally, and the various barbarian tribes were obedient and submissive. Now, the legacy from the past is no more, and furthermore Guo Chun has already occupied Jianling. In spite of this, Your Excellency, with your three thousand men, would go far into their territory. I do not see what success you can achieve.”

Zhongli Mu said, “In times of crisis, how can we follow the former precedent?” He thereupon led what troops he had under his command; he advanced day and night, scaling mountains and crossing defiles, for a distance of almost two thousand li. From his frontier post, he killed more than one hundred leaders of these wicked people, who harbored rebellious thoughts, as well as their partisans, more than one thousand men in all. Guo Chun and his men dispersed and fled; the Wuqi barbarians were completely conquered.

37. In the twelfth month, on the day gengxu (February 3, 264 AD), the situ Zheng Zhong was appointed taibao.

38. On the day renzi (February 5, 264), a portion of Yizhou was ceded and named Liangzhou.

39. On the day guichou (February 6, 264), a special pardon was granted to the gentry and people of Yizhou, and they were exempted from paying half of their land tax for a period of five years.

40. ON the day yimao (February 8, 264), Deng Ai was appointed taiyu with his appanage increased by twenty thousand households, and Zhong Hui was appointed situ, with his appanage increased to ten thousand households.

41. The Empress Dowager, Guo, died.

42. While in Chengdu, Deng Ai was quite boastful of his achievements. He spoke to the gentry of Shu, “Thanks to having met me, you gentlemen are what you are today. Had you met men like Wu Han, you all could have been exterminated.” He further said, “Jiang Wei is indeed a hero of the time; it is because he had to deal with me that he is reduced to this extremity.” All men of sense laughed at him.

43. By letter, Deng Ai addressed the Duke of Jin, Sima Zhao, “In battle, sometimes uproar should precede action. If we now use our conquest of Shu as the opportunity to act against Wu, the Wu will be shattered by fear; this is the time when we should carry all before us. On the other hand, as a result of the great campaign we have made, our generals and troops are worn out and cannot be employed immediately. Therefore we must take time in executing our plan. We ought to leave here twenty thousand men of the Longyou troops and another twenty thousand me of the Shu troops, manufacture salt by boiling and iron by smelting for the important functions of war and husbandry; at the same time we ought to construct ships in preparation for sailing downstream (toward the Wu). After these are done, we should send our envoys to tell them how their interests will be affected. Then, the Wu will be certain to surrender to us; we may thus conquer them without making any campaign against them.

Now we ought to treat Liu Shan liberally in order to induce Sun Xiu to surrender, bring peace to the gentry and the people in order to make the people from afar come to us. If we, without any ado, were to send Liu Shan to the capital, the Wu would think that he was being banished; they would be discouraged in their intention to come over to us. We ought to stretch a point and temporarily leave him as he is now. In the autumn or winter of the following year, when the Wu will have been conquered, it may be possible.

Liu Shan ought to be enfeoffed as Prince of Fufeng with emoluments; also his attendants ought to be supplied with their needs. In the prefecture of Fufeng, there is the Dongzhuowu, which ought to be converted into his palace. His sons ought to be enfeoffed as Dukes and Lords, with the different xian in the prefecture as their appanages. By this means, would he be shown special honors for having surrendered.

We ought to set aside Guangling and Chengyang for the Wu (i.e. Sun Xiu, who would be enfeoffed as Prince of one of these prefectures upon his surrender). Then will he be filled with awe and love us for our virtue, and will surrender voluntarily.”

Sima Zhao sent the jianjun Wei Guan to Deng Ai to instruct him to request approval first and not to act on his own authority.

Deng Ai again addressed him, “When, under your orders, I started on the expedition, I received your instructions. Now the arch-rebel has surrendered. IN presuming the Imperial authority and conferring appointments, my intention was to put the newly surrendered at ease; I think I acted properly as far as it was expedient. Now, the Shu have surrendered one and all; their territory extends to the South China Sea and in the east it abuts on Wujun and Kuaiji. Therefore, it is necessary that I restore tranquility as early as possible. If I must await instructions from the State, the journey back and forth would take days and months. It is a principle prescribed since the Chunqiu period that a Great Officer, 'if he, going out of the country, can stabilize the foundation of his country and effect advantages to the State, may take power into his own hand.'
Now, the Wu have not surrendered and they are intimately associated with the Shu. We should not bind ourselves to routine and fail to act properly. The Art of War (bingfa) says, 'One does not seek fame when advancing nor evade punishment when retreating.' I indeed fall short of the ancients of virtue, but I do not act too modestly and ruin the cause of the State.”

44. Zhong Hui, in his heart, harbored rebellious thoughts. Knowing this, Jiang Wei wanted to incite him to revolt; he therefore persuaded him, “I have heard that since the rebellion of Huainan, you have never committed a single mistake in strategy and that the prosperity of the House of Jin is all due to your service. Now that you have also conquered Shu, your prowess and virtue shake the world; the people respect you for your achievements and your master is afraid of your plans. What are you going to do with yourself? Han Xin did not revolt to the Han when conditions were unsettled and so his loyalty was doubted after he had conquered the Empire. The Great Officer Zhong did not follow Fan Li to the Five Lakes and so he stabbed himself to death. Is it that their sovereigns were unenlightened and they, who were subjects, stupid? It was all because of a difference in interests. Now, you have made great achievements and your great virtue has become well known. Why do you imitate Gao Zhugong (Fan Li) in floating a boat and effacing yourself in order that you may keep your achievements unsullied and protect your person, and finally climb the O'mei mountain and roam in the company of Chisongzi?”

Zhong Hui said,”Your words are wide of the mark. I cannot do what you advise me to do. Furthermore, nowadays the Way probably is not exhausted as you say.” Jiang Wei said, “You have shown wisdom and power in many things. I, an old man, shall leave it to your own discretion.” From then on they became very intimate. When they went out, they shared the same carriage. When they sat, they shared the same mat. He said to his zhangshi Du Yu, “If Jiang Boyue (i.e. Jiang Wei) is to be compared with the illustrious personages of China, Zhuge Gongxiu, Zhuge Dan and Xiahou Taichu (i.e. Xiahou Xuan) cannot do any better than he.”

45. Because Deng Ai had presumed the Imperial authority and monopolized power, Zhong Hui together with Wei Guan secretly reported that Deng Ai was planning a rebellion.

46. Zhong Hui was a skillful imitator of other persons' calligraphy. When he was at Jiange, he intercepted Deng Ai's memorials and reports; he altered the diction and made his language wantonly arrogant, mostly boastful of his own achievements. He also destroyed the replies of the duke of Jin; he forged new replies and made Deng Ai doubtful of his position.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Wed Dec 28, 2011 3:19 am

First Year of Xianxi (264 AD)
Wu: First Year of Yuanxing

1. Spring, first month. On the day renchen (renxu? Febraury 15), the Emperor in an edict commanded that Deng Ai should return to the capital in a cage-cart.

2. The Duke of Jin, Sima Zhao, feared that Deng Ai might not obey the command and so ordered Zhong Hui to advance with his troops to Chengdu. He also sent Jia Chong with troops to enter Yegu.

3. Sima Zhao himself led a large force and followed the Emperor in his progress to Chang'an.

4. As the princes and dukes of the blood were all in Ye, he appointed Shan Tao to be xingjun sima and stationed him at Ye.

5. Now Zhong Hui had been given trust because of his talents and ability. Sima Zhao's wife Wang spoke to Sima Zhao, “Zhong Hui will cease to be loyal when he comes across profit. He is also enterprising and ambitious. If you show him too much favor, he will be certain to arise in rebellion. He should not be given too much trust.”

6. When Zhong Hui was about to start on his expedition against the Han, the xi caoshu Shao Ti spoke to the Duke of Jin, “Now, you are sending Zhong Hui with more than one hundred thousand men to attack Shu. I am, however, of the opinion that, since Zhong Hui is alone and has no sons to serve as hostages, it would be better to send someone else.” Laughing, the Duke of Jin said, “Do I not know this? The Shu have repeatedly invaded our territory; their troops are tired and their people are worn out. Our attack will now be as easy as pointing to one's palm. But the multitude says that Shu cannot be attacked. Human nature is such that once one becomes timid, both wisdom and courage will desert one; to coerce men to work in spite of this is just to make them become the enemy's captives. Only Zhong Hui is of the same opinion as I. Now I send Zhong Hui to attack the Shu, and the Shu will be certain to be destroyed.

If, after the Shu are destroyed, matters should turn out as you fear, why should we not be able to manage the situation? To a general who has been defeated, one cannot speak of courage; to a Great Minister whose State has perished one cannot speak of preservation; for their wit and courage have deserted them. Once Shu is destroyed, her subjects will be shaken by fear; one cannot plot anything with them. Generals and troops from Central China will all want to return home and will not be willing to participate. Should Zhong Hui act wickedly, he will only be annihilating his entire clan. You need not worry on this score. But keep it to yourself and do not divulge it to others.”

When the Duke of Jin was about to proceed to Chang'an, Shao Ti again said, “The troops under Zhong Hui's command are five or xis times greater than those under Deng Ai. You only need to instruct Zhong Hui to seize Deng Ai.. You need not go yourself.” The Duke of Jin said, “Is it because you have forgotten your former words that you tell me that I need not go myself? Still, you should not divulge what I have said. What I need to do is to treat others with trust, and others ought not to betray my trust. Must I forestall them and be suspicious? Recently, the hujun Jia Chong asked me, 'Do you somewhat doubt Zhong Hui?' I answered, 'Now that I am also sending you, should I doubt you too?' Jia Chong had nothing to say to this. When I reach Chang'an, matters will straighten out by themselves.”

7. Zhong Hui sent Wei Guan ahead to Chengdu to arrest Deng Ai. Since the number of troops under Wei Guan was small, Zhong Hui wanted Deng Ai to kill Wei Guan so that Deng Ai might thereby be incriminated. Wei Guan knew his intention, but could not disobey. And so he reached Chengdu by night and issued a proclamation to the various generals under Deng Ai's command; he claimed that in accordance with an Imperial edict he was arresting Deng Ai, that others would not be affected at all, and that all those who came forth to the government troops would retain their ranks and enfeoffments as before, but those who did not come would be executed as would the members of their families to the third degree. By cockcrow, all had come to Wei Guan, except those in Deng Ai's own tent who stayed behind. At dawn, Wei Guan opened the gate of his own camp, mounted the carriage of an Imperial envoy, and proceeded directly to where Deng Ai lived. Deng Ai was still in bed. IN the end, he arrested Deng Ai and his son Deng Zhong and put Deng Ai in a cage-cart.

The various generals wanted to retake Deng Ai by force; well armed, they proceeded to Wei Guan's encampment. Wei Guan came out unarmed to meet them. He falsely promised them to write a memorial to clear up the Deng Ai affair. The various generals believed him and desisted from their plan. On the day bingzi (February 29), Zhong Hui reached Chengdu and sent Deng Ai to the capital.

8. Deng Ai was the only person of whom Zhong Hui stood in fear. Deng Ai and his son having been captured, Zhong Hui became the sole commander of all the troops, and the western region was overawed by his prowess. He thought to himself that, since his achievements were unsurpassed in the Empire, he should no longer remain in the service of another person. Furthermore, all the brave generals and crack troops were now in his hands. In the end, he decided to rebel.

Zhong Hui wanted to have Jiang Wei command fifty thousand men and go out to Yegu as his vanguard, Zhong Hui himself to follow with the main force; planning that when they should reach Chang'an, he would have the cavalry march along the land route, and the infantry take the water route and sail down the Wei river into the He (Yellow River), reaching Mengjin, as he calculated, on the fifth day and meeting the cavalry at Luoyang. He would thus conquer the Empire in one stroke.

Zhong Hui received a letter from the Duke of Jin, which read, “I am afraid that Deng Ai might not obey the order to return. Now I am sending the zhonghu jun Jia Chong with ten thousand infantry-men and cavalrymen to enter Yegu and station himself at Luocheng. I myself shall lead one hundred thousand men and station myself at Chang'an. We shall meet soon.”

Zhong Hui received this letter with astonishment and addressed his intimates, “As for arresting Deng Ai, the xiangguo knows well that I can manage it singlehanded. Now he comes with an altogether large force; it must be that he has some suspicion of my intention. I must execute my plot speedily; if I succeed I shall obtain the Empire; if I fail, I may retire to Shu-Han, where I can still become another Liu Bei. Since the Huainan rebellion, I have never committed a single mistake in strategy. What else am I going to do with myself?”

9. On the day dingchou (March 1), Zhong Hui summoned all the hujun, prefects (junshou), yamen and chitu and other higher officials, as well as the former officials of Shu to observe mourning for the Empress Dowager in the palace of Shu. He produced a false posthumous edict of the Empress Dowager ordering Zhong Hui to raise arms and dismiss Sima Zhao. He showed it to all those who were in the assembly and let them discuss it. He wrote down their agreement and gave official appointments; he had those in his confidence replace those who commanded the troops at that time. All the officials he had invited to observe the mourning he interned in the various government buildings of Yizhou. He also closed all the palace gates and city gates, and had troops guard those places strictly.

10. Wei Guan pretended that he was severely ill and went to an outer building. Zhong Hui believed him and did not fear him any more.

11. Jiang Wei wanted Zhong Hui to kill all the generals from the north, planning that he would afterwards kill Zhong Hui and massacre all the Wei troops, thus to restore the throne to the Sovereign of Han. He sent a secret letter to Liu Shan, “I wish that your Majesty would put up with a few days' disgrace. I am planning to restore the fallen dynasty, and make the obscured sun and moon shine again.”

12. Zhong Hui was inclined to follow Jiang Wei's advice and kill the various generals, but he hesitated.

13. Zhong Hui's chang xiadu Qiu Jian was originally a subordinate of Hu Lie. Zhong Hui loved and trusted him. Qiu Jian took pity on Hu Lie for his solitary confinement and asked Zhong Hui to permit a trusted soldier to carry food to him; the various yamen, also, following this precedent, were each to have a man who would be allowed to enter their rooms. Hu Lie lied to the trusted soldier and also wrote the following note to his son Hu Yuan, “According to the secret message I have received from Qiu Jian, Zhong Hui has already dug a large ditch and made several thousand white painted clubs. He intends to summon all the troops from the outside to make each of them a gift of a white cap and to appoint them as sanjiang, and then to kill them with the clubs one after another and throw their bodies into the ditch.” All the trusted soldiers of the yamen also told the same story. In a single night, the news spread everywhere. Someone advised Zhong Hui to kill all the yamen and jidu as well as the higher officials, but Zhong Hui hesistated.

ON the day jimao, at noon, Hu Yuan went out, leading his father's troops who were beating drums. The various troops also came out beating drums and making an uproar on their own. Although there was no one who commanded them, they rushed along toward the walled city. At that time, Zhong Hui was giving armor and weapons to Jiang Wei. Someone reported that there was a hubbub outside resembling that of a conflagration. After a while there came another report that the troops were proceeding toward the city walls.

Astonished, Zhong Hui said to Jiang Wei, “The troops are coming with some sinister intention. What shall we do?” Jiang Wei said, “There is nothing else to do but strike at them.” Zhong Hui sent his troops to kill the yamen and prefects he had until then held in confinement. Those within, however, piled up desks to blockade the doors. The troops attempted to hew the doors down, but could not break them open. Meanwhile, those outside the city gates scaled the walls with ladders, set fire to the walls and, in disorder, rushed in like a mass of ants. Arrows poured down like raindrops. The yamen and Prefects climbed to the roofs of the houses and came out; they then joined their own troops. Leading his attendants, Jiang Wei fought, killing five or six men by his own hand. The mass of troops grappled Jiang Wei and killed him, then rushed along and killed Zhong Hui. At that time, Zhong Hui was forty years old. Of Zhong Hui's generals and troops, several hundred were killed.

They killed the Crown Prince of Han, Liu Xuan, as well as Jiang Wei's wife and children. The troops plundered, and the bodies of the dead were strewn everywher. Wei Guan directed the various generals and, in a few days, order was restored.

14. The generals and troops of Deng Ai's own camp had pursued Deng Ai, who was in a cage cart, and were bringing him back. Wei Guan, thinking to himself that it was he and Zhong Hui who had brought ruin to Deng Ai, feared that he might turn against him. He also wanted to take for himself alone the credit of having put Zhong Hui to death. He therefore sent the hujun Tian Xu and others to lead troops and assault Deng Ai; they met him west of Mianzhu, where they killed Deng Ai and his son.

15. When Deng Ai entered Jiangyou, Tian Xu did not advance; Deng Ai wanted to kill Tian Xu but pardoned him afterwards. Sending Tian Xu on the mission, Wei Guan said to him, “You may now vindicate the disgrace you suffered at Jiangyou.”

The zhangshi to the zhenxi jiangjun Du Yu spoke to the multitude, “Boyu will not be able to escape calamity. Being a man of renown and enjoying a high position, he not only does not speak any virtuous words but also does not guide his subordinates to do what is right. Being a mean man, he assumes the appearance of a superior man. How is he going to sustain the responsibility?” Hearing of this, Wei Guan went to thank Du Yu without waiting for his carriage to take him. Du Yu was a son of Du Shu..

16. The other sons of Deng Ai, who were in Luoyang, were all put to death. Deng Ai's wife and his grandchildren were banished to Xicheng.

17. Zhong Hui's elder brother Zhong Yu once spoke secretly to the Duke of Jin, “Zhong Hui is crafty and one cannot vouch for his honesty. He should not be given too much trust.”

At the time of Zhong Hui's rebellion, Zhong Yu was already dead. In memory of Zhong Yu's achievements and Zhong Yu's worthiness, the Duke of Jin gave a special pardon to Zhong Yu's sons, Zhong Jun and Zhong Qian, allowing them to retain their official positions and enfeoffments.

18. Zhong Hui's gongcao Xiang Xiong collected and buried Zhong Hui's corpse. The Duke of Jin summoned and reproved him, “Formerly when Wang Jing died, you mourned him at the East Market, but I did not take notice. Now, Zhong Hui has become a rebel and a traitor, yet you collected and buried his corpse without ado. Were I to tolerate this again, what would become of the laws of the land?”

Xiang Xiong said, “In ancient times, the former kings covered skeletons and buried corpses, their benevolence affecting desiccated bones. Did they first determine their merits and demerits before they collected and buried them? Now that the proper punishment of the land has been applied to Zhong Hui, the requirements of the law are fulfilled. Motivated by a sense of propriety, I have collected and buried him; this does not injure the sages' instructions. Thus, the law is enforced from on high, and the sages' instructions are spread below.

Since the world is thus instructed, is it not fine? Why must you let me betray the dead and act against the living as a means of maintaining myself in this world? Your Excellency would be hostile to desiccated bones and throw them into the wilderness. You will be ridiculed even by menials after a hundred generations. Can this be the goal of a benevolent and worthy man?” The Duke of Jin was pleased and dismissed him after having talked with him in a friendly manner.

19. Second month. On the day bingchen (April 9), the Emperor returned to Luoyang.

20. ON the day gengshen (April 13), the Empress Yuan, Consort of Mingdi, was buried.

21. Liu Shan had the taishou of Badong, Luo Xian of Xiangyang, lead two thousand men to guard Yong'an. Hearing that Chengdu had fallen to the enemy, under-officials and the people were seized by panic. Luo Xian beheaded a man who said that Chengdu was in disorder, after which the people became calm again. When he received Liu Shan's command, he led forth his subordinates and troops to Duting (in Yong'an), where they wailed for three days. Hearing that Shu was overthrown, the Wu sent troops to the West; nominally the move was meant to give reinforcements, but actually their purpose was to assault Luo Xian.

Luo Xian said, “Now that our State is overthrown, the Wu, who are as closely connected to us as lips are to teeth, will not pity us in our adversity but try to seize some profit by breaking the covenant; they are most iniquitous. Furthermore, our Han having perished, will the Wu last long? Should we compel ourselves to surrender to the Wu?” He persisted in the defense of the city, repaired their armor, and conveyed his intention to the generals and troops, with whom he took an oath; there were none that did not express their indignation.

The Wu heard that Zhong Hui and Deng Ai had perished and consequently the hundred cities of Shu had no master; they harbored the ambition to annex Shu. But Ba-dong was strongly defended, so that their troops could not pass. And so they had their fujun Bu Xie lead the troops westward. Luo Xian's strength did not suffice to ward them off. He sent his canjun Yang Cong to break through the siege and go northward to ask the andong jiangjun Chen Qian for help. He also sent the seals of civil and military officials (including his own), as well as his sons as hostages, to the Duke of Jin. Bu Xie attacked Yong'an. Luo Xian fought with him and inflicted a heavy defeat on him. The Sovereign of Wu was vexed at this and further sent the chenjun Lu Kang and others with thirty thousand men to strengthen the siege against Xian.

22. Third month. ON the day dingchou (April 30), the sigong Wang Xiang was appointed to be taiyu, the zhengbei jiangjun He Ceng to be situ, and the shangshu zuo puyi Xun Yi to be sigong.

23. On the day jimao (May 2), the rank of the Duke of Jin was advanced to that of Prince of Jin, with an additional ten prefectures as his fief.

24. Wang Xiang, He Ceng, and Xun Yi together visited the Prince of Jin to congratulate him. Xun Yi said to Wang Xiang, “The Prince, the xiangguo, is an exalted personage. Lord He Ceng as well as the officials of the entire Court have all paid respect to him. Today I intend to go with you and bow to him. Please have no suspicion.” Wang Xiang said, “The xiangguo, to be sure, is exalted, but after all he is a mere Prime Minister of Wei. We on the other hand are Three Ducal Ministers of Wei. The distance between a Prince and Ducal Ministers is merely one degree; in the official hierarchy there is, in the main, no difference. Must the Three Ducal Ministers of the Son of Heaven bow to other people? The renown of the Wei court will be thereby lessened and the virtue of the Prince of Jin will be depreciated. The superior man loves another by acting in conformity with propriety.”

When they entered the palace of the Prince of Jin, Xun Yi bowed, but Wang Xiang alone saluted him by holding up his hands. The Prince said to Wang Xiang, “Today I know how much you are concerned about me.”

25. Liu Shan and all the members of his family moved eastward to Luoyang. There was much disorder at that time and the matter hurried along; none of the ministers of Liu Shan followed in his suite. Only the bishu ling Qi Zheng and the tianzhong du Zhang Dong of Runan left their wives and children behind and followed Liu Shan by themselves. Thanks to the proper guidance given him by Qi Zheng, Liu Shan was saved from committing any error in his conduct. Being touched, he sighed, regretting that he had not prized Qi Zheng earlier {when} [people of the time commended him].

26. When the taishou of Jianning in Han, Huo Yi, who was acting as dudu in Nanzhong, heard that the Wei troops were coming, he wanted to come to Chengdu. On the grounds that preparations against the enemy were all settled, Liu Shan did not permit it. When Chengdu capitulated, Huo Yi put on a white mourning garment and wailed for three days. His subordinate generals all advised Huo Yi to surrender speedily to the Wei. Huo Yi said, “Now, communication is cut off and we do not know whether the Sovereign is safe or not. To surrender is a serious matter; one should not do so too rashly. I the Wei treat our Sovereign in accordance with propriety, it would not be too late to surrender after defending the territory for some time. Should he be treated dishonorably, we shall resist until we die. It is immaterial whether late or early.”

Only when the news came to him that Liu Shan was moving eastward did he, at the head of the generals and troops of the six prefectures, send up a memorial to the Wei throne, “I, Your Subject, have heard that one ought to treat the three kinds of persons in an identical manner: When they are in adversity, one must sacrifice one's own life. Now, my country has perished and my Sovereign pays allegiance to you; there is no reason for me to die. Therefore, I surrender and shall not be disloyal.” The Prince of Jin commended him, and appointed him duyu of Nanzhong, entrusting him with his former duties.

27. On the day dinghai (May 10), Liu Shan was enfeoffed as Duke of Anle. His sons and grandsons as well as his former officials, more than fifty in all, were enfeoffed as Lords.

28. The Prince of Jin entertained Liu Shan and had the music of the Former State of Shu played for him. The entire audience was touched, but Liu Shan laughed merrily as if nothing had happened. The Prince spoke to Jia Chong, “That a man should be so without feeling as this! Even Zhuge Liang in his day was not able to give such guidance as would sustain him for long. How much less then can Jiang Wei do this?” Jia Chong said, “If he were not so, how could your Highness have annexed his territory?” On another day, the Prince asked Liu Shan, “Do you give some thought to Shu?” Liu Shan said, “I am so pleased here that I do not think of shu.” Hearing of this, Qi Zheng spoke to Liu Shan, “If the prince asks you again, you must weep and reply, 'The grave of my father is in distant Min-Shu. My heart, being in the west, is sad; a single day does not pass that I do not think of it.' After this, you must close your eyes.” The Prince happened to ask him again; Liu Shan answered as he was told to do. The Prince said, “How like Qi Zheng does this sound?” Liu Shan was astonished and said, “To be sure, it is as you say.” The attendants all burst out laughing.

29. Summer, fourth month (May 13-June 11). Wang Zhi, the xinfu du (Commander of the Recently Surrendered) sailed on the sea and entered Gouchang in Wu, bringing back its chief official as well as more than two hundred men and women captives.

30. Fifth month. On the day gengshen (June 12), the Prince of Jin memorialized that the system of five ranks be restored; the jidu and higher officials, more than six hundred men, were enfeoffed.

31. On the day jiaxu (June 26), the reign title was altered from Jingyuan to Xianxi.

32. On the day guiwei (July 5), the Lord of Wenxuan of Wuyang, Sima Yi, was posthumously enfeoffed as Prince Xuan of Jin, and the Lord of Zhongwu (of Wuyang), Sima Shi as Prince Jing of Jin.

33. Luo Xian had been under attack for six months, but no reinforcements came. Within the city, more than half of the people were ill. Someone advised Luo Xian to desert the city and take to flight. Luo Xian said, “As the master of a city, I am one to whom the people look up. To be unable to rescue them from danger and yet to flee in times of urgency, this is not what a superior man will do. I shall die here.”

Chen Qian asked the Prince of Jin to send the cishi of Jingzhou, Hu Lie, with twenty thousand infantrymen and cavalrymen to attack Xiling in order to rescue Luo Xian.

Autumn, seventh month (August 10-September 7). The Wu army retreated. The Prince of Jin let Luo Xian keep his former post, appointed him lingjiang jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Wannian ting.

34. The Prince of Jin memorialized that the sigong Xun Yi fix the rituals, the zhonghu jun Jia chong rectify the laws, the shangshu puyi Pei Xiu discuss the official hierarchy, with the taibao Zheng Zhong superintending them all.

35. The Wu partitioned Jiaozhou and named this portion Guangzhou.

36. Gravely ill, the sovereign of Wu could not speak. IN his own hand, he wrote a letter summoning the chengxiang Puyang Xing to his presence. He ordered his son Sun Wan to come and bow to him. Grasping Puyang Xing's arm, Sun Xiu pointed to Sun Wan, thus entrusting him to his care.

37. On the day guiwei (November 3), the Sovereign of Wu died; he was canonized Jingdi. The myriad officials proffered the title of Empress Dowager to the Empress Ju.

38. Because the Shu had recently perished and Jiaozhi had fallen into the hands of the rebels, and the entire country was seized by fear, the Wu wanted to have an adult Sovereign. The zuo dianjun Wan Yu was once ling (Magistrate) of Wuchang and maintained friendly relations with the Lord of Wuchang Sun Hao; he praised Sun Hao as possessing bright talents and sound judgment, a veritable peer of Prince Huan of Changsha (Sun Ce), and furthermore as fond of study and observant of the laws of the land. He spoke of him frequently to the chengxiang Puyang Xing and the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu. Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu told the Empress Dowager Ju that they wanted to make Sun Hao successor to the throne. The Empress Dowager Ju said, “I am only a widow; how can I know anything of matters that concern the State? If the State of Wu does not perish and the Ancestral Temple has its support, that will be fine.” They thereupon welcomed Sun Hao to the throne; the reign title was altered to Yuanxing and a general amnesty was granted.

39. Eighth month. ON the day gengyin (September 10), the zhongfu jun Sima Yan was appointed assistant to the xiangguo.

40. When Zhong Hui was attacking Han, Xin Xianying said, “Zhong Hui is ambitious and presumptuous. He is not one to remain a subordinate to others. I am afraid that he has other aims.” Yang Hu said, “Aunt, do not speak of it to others.”

Zhong Hui asked to have her son, the langzhong Yang Xiu, as his canjun. Xin Xianying was worried and said, “The other day I was worried about the State, but calamity has today fallen upon our family.” Yang Xiu earnestly petitioned the Prince of Jin, but the Prince would not hear of his refusal. Xin Xianying said to Yang Xiu, “You may go, but be cautious. The superior man of antiquity behaved filially towards his parents when he was at home and served the State loyally when he went out. Occupying an official position, he thought of his duties; in regard to righteousness, he thought of where he stood. The only thing that will preserve you while you are in the army is benevolence and magnanimity. May you be prudent.”

Yang Xiu in the end returned safely. ON the day guisi (September 13), the Emperor, in an edict, conferred the title of a Guannei Lord on Yang Xiu because he had remonstrated with Zhong Hui not to rebel.

41. Ninth month. ON the day wuwu (October 8), the zhongfu jun Sima Yan was appointed fujun da jiangjun.

42. On the day xinwei (October 21), the Emperor, in an edict, appointed Lü Xing to be annan jiangjun and dudu of all the armed forces in Jiaozhou, and the jianjun of Nanzhong Huo Yi to be cishi of Jiaozhou with the authorization to appoint his own officials. Huo Yi, in a memorial, reported that he had appointed Cuan Gu of Jianning to be taishou of Jiaozhi and made him lead the yamen Dong Yuan, Mao Gui, Meng Gan, Meng Cong, Cuan Neng, Li Song, Wang Su, et al. With troops to give reinforcement to Lü Xing; before they arrived, Lü Xing was killed by his gongcao Li Dong.

43. The Sovereign of Wu demoted the Empress Dowager Ju to Jing Huanghou (Empress Consort of Jing Huangdi), canonized his father Sun He as Wen Huangdi, and conferred the title of Empress Dowager on his mother He.

44. Winter, tenth month. On the day dinghai (November 6), the Emperor in an edict appointed the captives from Shouchun, the canjun, to the xiangguo of Wu, Xu Shao, to the post of sanji changshi and the shuicaoyuan Sun Yu to that of jishi huangmen shilang, and sent them to Wu as envoys; those members of their families who were here in Wei were all allowed to go with them, and the envoys were not obliged to return, so that our trust and confidence might be widely spread. The Prince of Jin on this occasion sent a letter to the Sovereign of Wu admonishing him where the latter's interests lay.

45. The Prince of Jin had married a daughter of Wang Su; she gave birth to Sima Yan and Sima Yu. Sima Yu was made heir by Prince Jing (i.e. Sima Shi). By nature, Sima Yu was filial and fraternal; he was versatile in his talents, and was quiet and balanced, fair and just; hence his fame surpassed that of Sima Yan. The Prince of Jin loved him and used to say, “The Empire is Prince Jing's. I am now serving as Prime Minister in proxy, but after my death the great function will be handed over to Sima Yu.” When Sima Yan stood, his hair touched the ground and his hands reached his knees. Once he quietly asked Pei Xiu, “Is there such a thing as a man's physiognomy?,” and showed him his extraordinary physiognomy; from then on, Pei Xiu's heart inclined toward him. Yang Xiu, who was a good friend of Sima Yan, schemed for Sima Yan; he observed what measures should be introduced or rejected in government and let Sima Yan commit them all to memory, so that he was ready to answer any question the Prince of Jin might ask him.

The Prince of Jin wanted to appoint Sima Yu as Crown Prince. Shan Tao said, “It is against the rules of propriety as well as inauspicious to dismiss the elder and appoint the younger.” Jia Chong said, “The zhongfu jun Sima Yan possesses the virtues of a Sovereign; he should not be replaced.” Hu Ceng and Pei Xiu said, “The Zhongfu Jun {Sima Yan} is intelligent and far-sighted, and gifted with godlike prowess. People look up to him; thus is his Heaven-endowed appearance. His is certainly not the physiognomy of a subject of a Sovereign.”

And so the Prince of Jin made up his mind. On the day bingwu (November 25), he appointed Sima Yan as Crown Prince.

46. The Sovereign of Wu enfeoffed the Crown Prince Sun Wan and his three younger brothers as feudal princes, and enthroned his consort Deng as Empress.

47. When the Sovereign of Wu first acceeded to the throne, he issued edicts written in benign language, which soothed the gentry and the people; he opened State granaries to give relief to the poverty stricken, selected and sent out palace-ladies to marry them to those who had no wives, and released all the birds and quadrupeds that were being kept in the Imperial park. At this time, he widely enjoyed the reputation of being an enlightened Sovereign.

48. But when he had attained his aims, he became coarse and wild, arrogant and haughty; he abhorred and shunned many things superstitiously, and was fond of wine and women. High and low, all were disappointed in him.

Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu privately regretted having brought him to the throne. Someone slandered them to the Sovereign of Wu. Eleventh month. ON the first day of the month (December 6), Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu entered the Court to pay homage to their Sovereign on the day of the new moon. The Sovereign of Wu seized them and banished them to Guangzhou; on the way thither, he had them killed, and exterminated the members of their families to the third degree.

He appointed the father of the Empress, Deng Mu, to be wei jiangjun and lu shangshu shi. Deng Mu was of the clan of Deng Yin.

49. IN this year, officials in charge of agricultural colonies were dismissed, in order that governmental functions be systematized. The diannong zhonglangjiang were all reappointed as taishou (prefects) and the diannong duyu were all reappointed as ling or zhang (District Magistrates). Encouragement was given the Shu to migrate inland (i.e. to Central China) by the promise of free distribution of provisions for two years and exemption from taxation for twenty years.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Wed Dec 28, 2011 3:47 am

It's done!!! Or is it? I am still probably going to add in notes, and those are about as long as everything that's been typed up so far by everybody who has helped out with this.

I may decide to be selective with the notes. We'll see. I also need to plan out how I'm going to add them in exactly; I can either add them in as separate posts or try to edit the posts that have been made so far to contain them.


First Year of Taishi (265 AD)
Wu: First Year of Ganlu

1. Spring, third month (April 3-May 2). The Sovereign of Wu had the guanglu dafu Ji Zhi and the wuguan zhonglangjiang Hong Qiu come, accompanied by Xu Shao and Sun Yu, as reciprocal envoys. Xu Shao had reached Juxu when someone reported that Xu Shao had eulogized Central China (i.e. Wei); the Sovereign of Wu, angry at him, had him brought back and killed him.

2. Summer, fourth month (May 3-31). The Wu altered the reign title to Ganlu.

3. Fifth month (June 1-30). The Emperor of Wei showed special honors to Prince Wen; he advanced the rank of the Prince's consort (wangfei) to that of hou (Princess or Queen) and that of his heir apparent (shizi) to taizi (Crown Prince).

4. On the day guiwei (June 30), a general amnesty was granted.

5. Autumn, seventh month (July 30-August 28). The Sovereign of Wu forced Jing Huanghou to commmit suicide and moved the four sons of Jingdi to Wujun, the two eldest of whom were killed soon afterward.

6. Eighth month (August 29-September 26). On the day xinmao (September 6), Prince Wen died. The Crown Prince succeeded him as xiangguo and Prince of Jin.

7. Ninth (eighth?) month. On the day yiwei (September 10?), a general amnesty was granted.

8. Ninth month (September 27-October 26). On the day wuzi (misprint for wuwu, October 3), the situ of Wei, He Ceng, was appointed chengxiang of Jin.

On the day guihai (October 8), the piaoji jiangjun Sima Wang was appointed situ. On the day yihai (October 20), Prince Wen was buried in the mausoleum of Zhongyangling.

9. Winter. The du of Xiling of Wu, Bu Chan, memorialized the sovereign of Wu requesting that the capital be moved to Wuchang. The Sovereign of Wu complied with his request. He had the yushi dafu Ding Gu and the yu jiangjun Zhuge Jing guard Jianye. Bu Chan was a son of Bu Zhi.

10. Twelfth month (January 23-February 21, 266 AD). ON the day renxu (February 4, 266 AD), the Emperor of Wei abdicated in favor of the Prince of Jin. On the day jiazi (February 6, 266 AD), he moved his residence to Jinyongcheng.

11. The taifu Sima Fu bowed to him to bid farewell; in tears, he grasped the Emperor's hand. Not able to bear his emotion; he said, “On the day I, Your Subject, die, I shall prove myself a loyal official of Wei.”

12. On the day bingyin (February 8, 266 AD), the Prince of Jin ascended the Imperial throne, granted a general amnesty, and altered the reign title from Xianxi to Taishi.

13. On the day dingmao (February 9, 266 AD), the title of Prince of Chenliu was conferred on the Wei Emperor and he was sent to his palace in Ye. He was given favorable treatment, all in accordance with the precedent established at the beginning of Wei; the various princes of the blood of Wei were all degraded to the rank of Marquises (hou).

14. Prince Xuan (i.e. Sima Yi) was given the posthumous title of Xuan Huangdi, Prince Jing (i.e. Sima Shi) that of Jing Huangdi, and Prince Wen (i.e. Sima Zhao) that of Wen Huangdi,. The Consort of Prince Xuan, Zhang, was given that of Xuanmu Huanghou. The Princess Dowager Wang was given the title of Empress Dowager (Huang taihou). The Emperor's junior granduncle Sima Fu was enfeoffed as Prince of Anping. The Emperor's junior uncles, Sima Gan, as Prince of Pingyuan, Sima Liang as Prince of Fufeng, Sima Zhou as Prince of Dongguan, Sima Jun as Prince of Juyin, Sima Yong as Prince of Liang, and Sima Lun as Prince of Langye. The Emperor's younger brothers, Sima Yu as Prince of Qi, Sima Jian as Prince of Lean, Sima Ji as Prince of Yan. Also, the various Imperial cousins of the second or more degrees, such as the situ Sima Wang, Prince of Yiyang, in all seventeen men, were enfeoffed as Princes.

15. Shi Bao was appointed da sima, Zheng Zhong as taifu, Wang Xiang as taibao, He Ceng as taiyu, Jia Chong as cheji jiangjun and Wang Chen as piaoji jiangjun. The other officials, civil and military, all had their ranks and enfeoffments advanced proportionately.

16. On the day yi hai (February 17, 266 AD), the Prince of Anping Sima Fu was appointed taicai and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces of the land. Soon afterwards, the cheji jiangjun Chen Qian was appointed da jiangjun; he and the situ Sima Wang, Prince of Yiyang, and the sigong Xun Xu et al., eight Ducal Ministers, were invested with their offices at the same time.

17. Taking a lesson from the evil of Wei's isolation, the Emperor enfeoffed members of his clan on a large scale, giving them official positions. He also commanded in an edict that all the feudal princes of the blood be allowed to appoint chief under-officials in their own feudal domains. But the wei jiangjun Sima Yu, Prince of Qi, alone did not dare to do so; he ordered that the appointments should in each case be requested from the throne.

18. In an edict, the Emperor commanded that the members of the Imperial clan of Wei be freed from their confinement in their own houses, and that the exacting of hostages from the buqujiang and the underofficials be discontinued.

19. The Emperor had inherited the harsh laws and extravagances of the Wei; he wanted to correct the tendency by means of benevolence and frugality.

The taichangcheng (Master of Ceremonies) Xu Ji was a son of Xu Yun. The Emperor was once about to offer sacrifices to the Ancestral Temple, when the Court Officials argued that, since Xu Ji's father had been put to death, he should not come near the temple, and requested that he be sent to a provisional post. The Emperor then discoursed on Xu Yun's early fame and praised Xu Ji's talents; he promoted him to the post of sibulang.

The official in charge reported that the rope made of dark-colored silk on the sacrificial bull was broken; the Emperor commanded that a dark colored hemp robe be substituted for it.

20. Censors were appointed for the first time and the sanji changshi Fu Xuan and Huangfu Tao filled the posts. Fu Xuan was a son of Fu Gan. On the grounds that the gentry at the end of Wei tended to be decadent, Fu Xuan sent up the following memorial, “I have heard that when former kings ruled the Empire, their teachings and influence prospered above and criticism flourished below. High and low helped one another and everyone cherished upright sentiments. But the ruinous Qin destroyed the institutions of the former kings and governed the Empire by means of laws, so that upright sentiments perished. In recent times, Wudi of Wei was found of laws, hence the Empire prized legalistic measures; Wendi of Wei admired freedom, hence the world looked down upon righteousness. Afterwards, discipline became lax and wanton talk filled the Court. And so the Empire ceased to have any more criticism. The malady of the ruinous Qin now broke out again. Your Majesty rose up like a dragon and received the throne; you have spread the rule of Yao and Shun and opened up the way for the correct and upright. You have taken as a model the extreme frugality of Yu of Xia and embody in yourself the institutions of Yin and Zhou.

We, who are literary officials, do nothing but sigh in admiration and praise of you; what more is there for us to say? But men who are pure and noble and act in conformity with the rules of propriety are not yet given employment, and men who are inane and despicable are not yet removed as a warning to the irreverent. It is because of this that I dare to speak thus.”

The Emperor commended his words and had Fu Xuan draft his views in detail and send them up. Nevertheless, he was not able to introduce reform.

21. The zhengxi jiangjun of Han, Sima Jun, begot the taishou of Yuchang Sima Liang. Sima Liang begot the taishou of Yingchuan, Sima Jun. Sima Jun begot the yin of Jingzhao Sima Fang, and Sima Fang begot Xuandi (Sima Yi).
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