Zizhi Tongjian: The Han Dynasty (In Progress)

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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:44 am

二年(己卯、前一六二)

The Second Year of the Second Part of Emperor Wen's Reign (The Jimao or Earth Rabbit Year, 162 BC)


夏,上行幸雍棫陽宮。

1. In the summer, Emperor Wen visited Yong and the Yuyang palace.

〈《黃圖》曰:棫陽宮,秦昭王所起。《括地志》:在岐州扶風縣東北。〉

(The Yellow Book of the Three Adjuncts Region states, "The Yuyang palace was built by King Zhao of Qin." The Comprehensive Gazetteer states, "It was northeast of Fufeng county in Qizhou.")


二年夏。上幸雍。還幸棫陽宮。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the second year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (162 BC), in the summer, Emperor Wen visited Yong. On his way back, he visited the Yuyang Palace.


六月,代孝王參薨。

2. In the sixth month, the Prince of Dai, Liu Can, passed away.

〈參,前二年封於太原,三年徙代。〉

(Liu Can was Emperor Wen's son. He had originally been appointed as Prince of Taiyuan in the second year of Emperor Wen's reign (-178.10), and had been shifted to be Prince of Dai three years later (-175.5).)


六月代王參薨。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the sixth month, the Prince of Dai, Liu Can, passed away.


匈奴連歲入邊,殺略人民、畜產甚多;雲中、遼東最甚,郡萬餘人。上患之,乃使使遺匈奴書。單于亦使當戶報謝,復與匈奴和親。

3. For several years, the Xiongnu had raided the border regions of the realm. They killed or kidnapped the local people and stole a great deal of their goods. Yunzhong and Liaodong commandaries were especially hit hard, losing more than ten thousand people each. Emperor Wen, vexed by this situation, at last sent an envoy to the Xiongnu bearing a letter to them. The Laoshang Chanyu sent one of his own envoys to return the visit and offer his apologies, and Emperor Wen once again entered into a marriage alliance with the Xiongnu.

〈遼東,戰國時燕之東北境,秦置郡。〉〈匈奴官自左、右賢王至左、右大當戶,凡二十四長。〉

(Liaodong had been the northeastern region of the state of Yan during the Warring States era. The Qin dynasty had organized it into a commandary.

The specific title of the Xiongnu envoy mentioned here was a 當戶. The Xiongnu had twenty-four leaders of various ranks, from the Worthy Princes of the Left and Right down to the Grand 當戶s of the Left and Right.)


匈奴和親。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

Emperor Wen arranged a marriage alliance with the Xiongnu.

匈奴日已驕,歳入邊,殺略人民畜產甚多,雲中、遼東最甚,至代郡萬餘人。漢患之,乃使使遺匈奴書。單于亦使當戶報謝,復言和親事。孝文帝後二年,使使遺匈奴書曰:「皇帝敬問匈奴大單于無恙。使當戶且居雕渠難、郎中韓遼遺朕馬二匹,已至,敬受。先帝制:長城以北,引弓之國,受命單于;長城以內,冠帶之室,朕亦制之。使萬民耕織射獵衣食,父子無離,臣主相安,俱無暴逆。今聞渫惡民貪降其進取之利,倍義絕約,忘萬民之命,離兩主之驩,然其事已在前矣。書曰:『二國已和親,兩主驩說,寢兵休卒養馬,世世昌樂,闟然更始。』朕甚嘉之。聖人者日新,改作更始,使老者得息,幼者得長,各保其首領而終其天年。朕與單于俱由此道,順天恤民,世世相傳,施之無窮,天下莫不咸便。漢與匈奴鄰國之敵,匈奴處北地,寒,殺氣早降,故詔吏遺單于秫糱金帛絲絮佗物歳有數。今天下大安,萬民熙熙,朕與單于爲之父母。朕追念前事,薄物細故,謀臣計失,皆不足以離兄弟之驩。朕聞天不頗覆,地不偏載。朕與單于皆捐往細故,俱蹈大道,墮壞前惡,以圖長久,使兩國之民若一家子。元元萬民,下及魚鱉,上及飛鳥,跂行喙息蠕動之類,莫不就安利而辟危殆。故來者不止,天之道也。俱去前事:朕釋逃虜民,單于無言章尼等。朕聞古之帝王,約分明而無食言。單于留志,天下大安,和親之後,漢過不先。單于其察之。」單于既約和親,於是制詔御史曰:「匈奴大單于遺朕書,言和親已定,亡人不足以益眾廣地,匈奴無入塞,漢無出塞,犯(令)[今]約者殺之,可以久親,后無咎,俱便。朕已許之。其布告天下,使明知之。」(Records of the Grand Historian 110, Account of the Xiongnu)

The Xiongnu grew more and more arrogant by the day. For several years, they raided the border regions of the realm. They killed or kidnapped the local people and stole a great deal of their goods. Yunzhong and Liaodong commandaries were especially hit hard, and Dai commandary lost more than ten thousand people. Emperor Wen, vexed by this situation, at last sent an envoy to the Xiongnu bearing a letter to them. The (Laoshang) Chanyu sent one of his own envoys to return the visit and offer his apologies, and Emperor Wen once again entered into a marriage alliance with the Xiongnu.

In the second year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (162 BC), Emperor Wen sent another envoy to the Xiongnu with the following letter: "The Emperor respectfully inquires after the health of the Grand Chanyu. You sent to us your 當戶, Qiejudiaoqunan, and your cadet Hanliao, along with two horses. Your envoys have arrived here, and I have respectfully accepted your gifts.

"The Xiongnu originally reached an agreement with the late Emperors: all the lands north of the Long Wall would be recognized as the domain of the people of the bow, and would accept the Chanyu as their ruler, while all the lands within the Long Wall would remain the residence of the people of caps and belts and be under my authority. We would both of us permit our peoples to obtain their clothing and food in peace and as they saw best, whether by plowing and weaving or through hunting of animals; there would be no discord between fathers and sons nor disharmony between sovereigns and subjects, and no one would violate or fail to keep the pact. Yet of late I have heard reports of evildoers who are indulging their greed and chasing after profits. These people have trampled upon righteous conduct, broken the peace agreement, and been heedless of the lives of the people or the happiness of the two sovereigns. Still, such things are now in the past.

"In your last letter to me you stated that 'our two states being at peace and our two rulers enjoying harmony, I wish to lay aside my weapons, rest my soldiers, and tend to my horses, the better to promote ages of good cheer and ensure a new beginning'. I fully commend such sentiments. Let us be as the sages of old, who cultivated themselves anew each day, and mark a new beginning. We shall allow the aged to enjoy their rest and the young to reach adulthood, and permit everyone to guard their heads and live out their full lives. You and I shall go down this road together, submitting to the will of Heaven and conscious of the wishes of the people, spreading our boundless blessings to them from generation to generation so that all the realm may share in them and our mutual foes will take notice.

"You Xiongnu dwell in the cold northern lands, where bitter cold comes quickly. Thus I have commanded my officials to send to the Chanyu annual gifts of sorghum, yeast, fine and rough silks, and other such things.

"All the world is now at peace and the people are enjoying an age of happiness, for they regard the two of us as their own parents. And when I think back on the past incidents which have troubled us, they seem such petty concerns, nor have the mistakes committed by our subjects given any sufficient cause to break the happy bonds of brotherhood between us. And after all, I have heard that Heaven is impartial with its blessings, nor does the Earth show favoritism with its bounties. So let you and I think no further of our past minor disputes and walk together on this grand path; cast aside these former slights in order to consider our plans for the long term. We shall regard our two peoples like the children of a single family. May the happiness of the people extend even to the beasts and fishes of the sea, the birds of the air, and every creature that treads or creeps along the ground, so that all existence may know peace and plenty and avoid danger and peril.

"There have been instances in the past of some of our respective peoples who left one state to come to the other. These things are only natural, and we should put all such incidents behind us as well. I hereby forgive all those who have fled to your lands, and let the Chanyu likewise speak no more of Zhangni and other such people.

"I have heard that the kings and emperors of old were always clear in their agreements and never ate their words. So if the Chanyu will be steadfast in his resolve, then we shall enjoy peace in our time and friendly relations in ages to come. Nor will it be the Han dynasty that is first to break their oath. May the Chanyu consider this."

The Chanyu then agreed to a peace agreement. So Emperor Wen issued an edict by way of the Imperial Secretary: "The Grand Chanyu of the Xiongnu has sent me a letter declaring that peace and harmony now exists between us, nor shall there be any cause for either side to seek to expand their territory or population at the expense of the other. The Xiongnu shall not pass through the border passes of the realm, nor shall the Han dynasty go out from them. Death shall be the punishment for any who break this agreement. Thus our two sides shall enjoy lasting friendship, nor shall there be any recrimination or blame between us, but only understanding. I have already agreed to these terms. Let this be announced across the realm, so that my will may be clearly understood."

匈奴日以驕,歲入邊,殺略人民甚眾,雲中、遼東最甚,郡萬餘人。漢甚患之,乃使使遺匈奴書,單于亦使當戶報謝,復言和親事。孝文後二年,使使遣匈奴書曰:「皇帝敬問匈奴大單于無恙。使當戶且渠雕渠難、郎中韓遼遺朕馬二匹,已至,敬受。先帝制,長城以北引弓之國受令單于,長城以內冠帶之室朕亦制之,使萬民耕織,射獵衣食,父子毋離,臣主相安,居無暴虐。今聞渫惡民貪降其趨,背義絕約,忘萬民之命,離兩主之驩,然其事已在前矣。《書》云『二國已和親,兩主驩說,寢兵休卒養馬,世世昌樂,翕然更始』,朕甚嘉之。聖者日新,改作更始,使老者得息,幼者得長,各保其首領,而終其天年。朕與單于俱由此道,順天恤民,世世相傳,施之無窮,天下莫不咸嘉。使漢與匈奴鄰敵之國,匈奴處北地,寒,殺氣早降,故詔吏遺單于秫糱金帛綿絮它物歲有數。今天下大安,萬民熙熙,獨朕與單于為之父母。朕追念前事,薄物細故,謀臣計失,皆不足以離昆弟之驩。朕聞天不頗覆,地不偏載。朕與單于皆捐細故,俱蹈大道也,墮壞前惡,以圖長久,使兩國之民若一家子。元元萬民,下及魚鱉,上及飛鳥,跂行喙息蝡動之類,莫不就安利,避危殆。故來者不止,天之道也。俱去前事,朕釋逃虜民,單于毋言章尼等。朕聞古之帝王,約分明而不食言。單于留志,天下大安,和親之後,漢過不先。單于其察之。」單于既約和親,於是制詔御史:「匈奴大單于遺朕書,和親已定,亡人不足以益眾廣地,匈奴無入塞,漢無出塞,犯今約者殺之,可以久親,後無咎,俱便。朕已許。其布告天下,使明知之。」(Book of Han 94-1, Account of the Xiongnu)

The Xiongnu grew more and more arrogant by the day. For several years, they raided the border regions of the realm. They killed or kidnapped the local people and stole a great deal of their goods. Yunzhong and Liaodong commandaries were especially hit hard, losing more than ten thousand people each. Emperor Wen, most vexed by this situation, at last sent an envoy to the Xiongnu bearing a letter to them. The (Laoshang) Chanyu sent one of his own envoys to return the visit and offer his apologies, and Emperor Wen once again entered into a marriage alliance with the Xiongnu.

In the second year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (162 BC), Emperor Wen sent another envoy to the Xiongnu with the following letter: "The Emperor respectfully inquires after the health of the Grand Chanyu. You sent to us your 當戶, Qiequdiaoqunan, and your cadet Hanliao, along with two horses. Your envoys have arrived here, and I have respectfully accepted your gifts.

"The Xiongnu originally reached an agreement with the late Emperors: all the lands north of the Long Wall would be recognized as the domain of the people of the bow, and would accept the Chanyu as their ruler, while all the lands within the Long Wall would remain the residence of the people of caps and belts and be under my authority. We would both of us permit our peoples to obtain their clothing and food in peace and as they saw best, whether by plowing and weaving or through hunting of animals; there would be no discord between fathers and sons nor disharmony between sovereigns and subjects, and no one would violate or fail to keep the pact. Yet of late I have heard reports of evildoers who are indulging their greed and chasing after profits. These people have trampled upon righteous conduct, broken the peace agreement, and been heedless of the lives of the people or the happiness of the two sovereigns. Still, such things are now in the past.

"In your last letter to me you stated that 'our two states being at peace and our two rulers enjoying harmony, I wish to lay aside my weapons, rest my soldiers, and tend to my horses, the better to promote ages of good cheer and ensure a new beginning'. I fully commend such sentiments. Let us be as the sages of old, who cultivated themselves anew each day, and mark a new beginning. We shall allow the aged to enjoy their rest and the young to reach adulthood, and permit everyone to guard their heads and live out their full lives. You and I shall go down this road together, submitting to the will of Heaven and conscious of the wishes of the people, spreading our boundless blessings to them from generation to generation so that all the realm may share in them and our mutual foes will take notice.

"You Xiongnu dwell in the cold northern lands, where bitter cold comes quickly. Thus I have commanded my officials to send to the Chanyu annual gifts of sorghum, yeast, fine and rough silks, and other such things.

"All the world is now at peace and the people are enjoying an age of happiness, for they regard the two of us as their own parents. And when I think back on the past incidents which have troubled us, they seem such petty concerns, nor have the mistakes committed by our subjects given any sufficient cause to break the happy bonds of brotherhood between us. And after all, I have heard that Heaven is impartial with its blessings, nor does the Earth show favoritism with its bounties. So let you and I think no further of our past minor disputes and walk together on this grand path; cast aside these former slights in order to consider our plans for the long term. We shall regard our two peoples like the children of a single family. May the happiness of the people extend even to the beasts and fishes of the sea, the birds of the air, and every creature that treads or creeps along the ground, so that all existence may know peace and plenty and avoid danger and peril.

"There have been instances in the past of some of our respective peoples who left one state to come to the other. These things are only natural, and we should put all such incidents behind us as well. I hereby forgive all those who have fled to your lands, and let the Chanyu likewise speak no more of Zhangni and other such people.

"I have heard that the kings and emperors of old were always clear in their agreements and never ate their words. So if the Chanyu will be steadfast in his resolve, then we shall enjoy peace in our time and friendly relations in ages to come. Nor will it be the Han dynasty that is first to break their oath. May the Chanyu consider this."

The Chanyu then agreed to a peace agreement. So Emperor Wen issued an edict by way of the Imperial Secretary: "The Grand Chanyu of the Xiongnu has sent me a letter declaring that peace and harmony now exists between us, nor shall there be any cause for either side to seek to expand their territory or population at the expense of the other. The Xiongnu shall not pass through the border passes of the realm, nor shall the Han dynasty go out from them. Death shall be the punishment for any who break this agreement. Thus our two sides shall enjoy lasting friendship, nor shall there be any recrimination or blame between us, but only understanding. I have already agreed to these terms. Let this be announced across the realm, so that my will may be clearly understood."


八月,戊戌,丞相張蒼免。帝以皇后弟竇廣國賢、有行,欲相之,曰:「恐天下以吾私廣國,久念不可。」而高帝時大臣,餘見無可者。御史大夫梁國申屠嘉,故以材官蹶張從高帝,封關內侯;庚午,以嘉爲丞相,封故安侯。嘉爲人廉直,門不受私謁。是時,太中大夫鄧通方愛幸,賞賜累鉅萬;帝嘗燕飲通家,其寵幸無比。嘉嘗入朝,而通居上旁,有怠慢之禮。嘉奏事畢,因言曰:「陛下幸愛羣臣,則富貴之;至於朝廷之禮,不可以不肅。」上曰:「君勿言,吾私之。」罷朝,坐府中,嘉爲檄召通詣丞相府,不來,且斬通。通恐,入言上;上曰:「汝第往,吾令使人召若。」通詣丞相府,免冠、徒跣,頓首謝嘉。嘉坐自如,弗爲禮,責曰:「夫朝廷者,高帝之朝廷也。通小臣,戲殿上,大不敬,當斬。吏!今行斬之!」通頓首,首盡出血,不解。上度丞相已困通,使使持節召通而謝丞相:「此吾弄臣,君釋之!」鄧通旣至,爲上泣曰:「丞相幾殺臣!」

4. In the eighth month, on the day Wuxu, Zhang Cang was officially dismissed as Prime Minister.

Since the post was now vacant, Emperor Wen considered appointing Empress Dou's younger brother Dou Guangguo as the new Prime Minister, since he considered Dou Guangguo to be a worthy man of good conduct. Yet he thought, "I fear that if I do this, the realm will think I am appointing him just out of personal interest. After careful consideration, it cannot be done." Nor did Emperor Wen consider any of the few remaining leading ministers from Liu Bang's reign to be suitable for the post. So instead, on the day Gengwu, he appointed the Imperial Secretary, Shentu Jia of the Liang princely fief, as the new Prime Minister, and further appointed him as Marquis of Gu'an. This Shentu Jia had been employed as a foot-powered crossbowman during Liu Bang's era due to his strength, and by the time of this appointment he had become a Marquis Within The Passes. He was an honest and forthright man, nor did he receive any personal visits at his home.

It was earlier mentioned that one of the Grand Household Counselors, Deng Tong, enjoyed the personal favor of Emperor Wen, who had showered him with countless funds. Emperor Wen once even went so far as to hold a feast at Deng Tong's home. No one could compare with him for the favor of the sovereign.

There was an occasion where, when Shentu Jia entered court to attend the court session, Deng Tong was seated beside Emperor Wen and was even remiss in his courtly behavior. After Shentu Jia had finished presenting his official business, he remarked, "I understand that Your Majesty loves and favors your subject, and has made him rich and exalted. But when it comes to court ritual, he has no choice but to be reverent."

Emperor Wen objected, "Sir, say no more about that. I will deal with this matter myself."

However, after the court session ended and Shentu Jia went to his office as Prime Minister, he issued a summons slip ordering Deng Tong to report to the Prime Minister's office, and that if he did not come, he would be beheaded. Deng Tong, terrified when he learned of this, rushed to see Emperor Wen and report to him.

Emperor Wen told him, "You go on ahead over there. But I will have someone come soon to call you back here."

Deng Tong thus went to the Prime Minister's office, where he took off his cap, knelt down, and kowtowed before Shentu Jia to apologize. Shentu Jia sat there completely casually, without any ceremony, and rebuked Deng Tong, telling him, "Our court is the court established by Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) himself. Yet you, Deng Tong, think to play around in the palace and show gross disrespect. You ought to be beheaded. My officials, take Deng Tong and behead him at once!"

Deng Tong repeatedly kowtowed until his face was covered in blood, yet Shentu Jia refused to release him. But Emperor Wen, who was concerned about what trouble Shentu Jia might cause for Deng Tong, sent an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to summon Deng Tong back to the palace, with the message, "This man is simply my playmate. Sir, release him!"

When Deng Tong returned to the palace, he wept to Emperor Wen, saying, "The Prime Minister almost killed me!"

〈謂高帝大臣薨逝之餘,其見存之臣無可相者。〉〈《莊子》有申徒狄,夏之賢人也。一曰:申徒,楚官號。《姓譜》:申侯之後,支子居安定屠原,因爲申屠氏。〉〈梁國本秦碭郡,漢爲梁國。如淳曰:材官之多力者,能脚蹋強弩張之,故曰蹶張。律有蹶張士。師古曰:今之弩,以手張者爲擘張,以足蹋者爲蹶張。〉〈班《志》,故安縣屬涿郡。《括地志》:今易州界武陽城中東南隅故城是也。〉〈師古曰:肅,敬也。〉〈師古曰:言欲私告戒之。〉〈《風俗通》:府,聚也,公、卿、牧、守道德之所聚也;又舍也。〉〈師古曰:檄,木書也,長二尺。〉〈【章:乙十一行本無「府」字;孔本同。】〉〈如淳曰:嘉語其吏曰:「今便行斬之」。〉

(This passage was saying that most of the great ministers from Liu Bang's reign had already passed away, and Emperor Wen did not consider any of the ones who were still alive to be suitable for the role of Prime Minister.

Regarding the surname 申屠 Shentu, the text Zhuangzi mentions a Shentu Di, who was a worthy fellow of the Xia dynasty. It is also said that Shentu was the name of an official position in the state of Chu. The Registry of Surnames states, "One of the branch descendants of the Marquis of 申 Shen had his residence at 屠 Tuyuan, and his descendants made 申屠 Shentu the name of their clan."

During the Qin dynasty, the princely fief of Liang had been Dang commandary. Han had made it the fief of the Prince of Liang.

This passage describes Shentu Jia's background as 材官蹶張. Ru Chun remarked, "A 材官 was someone employed for their great strength; someone able to use the strength of their feet to power a strong crossbow was called a 蹶張. The laws mention the position of Officer of 蹶張s." Yan Shigu remarked, "Among modern crossbows, those drawn by the hand are called 擘張s, while those pressed by the feet are called 蹶張s."

According to the Book of Han, Gu'an county was part of Zhuo commandary. The Comprehensive Gazetteer states, "This was the old city forming the southeast corner of the city of Wuyang in modern 易 Yizhou."

Yan Shigu remarked, "To be 肅 'reverent' is to be respectful."

Emperor Wen states that regarding Deng Tong, he will 私. Yan Shigu remarked, "He was saying that he would 私 'personally, privately' talk to and instruct Deng Tong."

The Fengsu Tong states, "The 府 'staff, bureau' was a gathering place; nobles, chief ministers, Governors, and Administrators gathered their virtues there. It also meant a residence."

Yan Shigu remarked, "A 檄 'declaration' was a wooden letter, two chi long."

Some versions state that Deng Tong only visited "the Prime Minister" rather than "the Prime Minister's office".

Shentu Jia makes a command of “吏!” Ru Chun remarked, "He was addressing his 吏 'officials' with a command: 'Behead him at once.'")


是歲淮陽相申屠嘉為御史大夫... 八月戊辰。丞相張蒼既免相。年老口中無齒。以女子為乳母。年百餘歲卒。著書八十篇。言陰陽律厤事。蒼之妻妾百數人。庚午。御史大夫申屠嘉為丞相開封侯。陶清翟為御史大夫。有天狗下梁野。天狗如大流星。有聲。在其地類狗。光炎如火。數數頃地。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the sixteenth year of Emperor Wen's reign (164 BC), the Chancellor of Huaiyang, Shentu Jia, was appointed as Imperial Secretary.

During this year (162 BC), in the eighth month, on the day Wuxu, Zhang Cang was officially dismissed as Prime Minister.

Zhang Cang was an old man; he no longer had any teeth in his mouth, so he drank mother's milk from a girl. He lived to be more than a hundred years old. He wrote a book in eighty chapters, discussing the laws and principles of the calendar system and the elements. He had hundreds of wives and concubines.

On the day Gengwu, Emperor Wen appointed the Imperial Secretary, Shentu Jia of the Liang princely fief, as the new Prime Minister, and further appointed him as Marquis of Kaifeng. He appointed Tao Qingdi as the new Imperial Secretary.

A heavenly dog fell to the earth in the fields of the Liang region. It was as massive as a comet, it made a sound like the dogs of that region, and it glowed like fire, which could be seen from several acres away.

嘉為人廉直。初鄧通侍文帝有慢。嘉曰。朝廷之禮。不可不肅。文帝曰。君勿言。吾私之。罷朝。嘉檄召通。通恐。入言文帝。帝曰。若往。吾今召若。通至。嘉責之曰。朝廷者。乃高皇帝之朝廷。通小臣。乃敢戲殿上。大不敬當斬。通頓首出血。不赦。文帝使使持節召通。謝丞相曰。此吾弄臣也。君釋之。通乃得免。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

Shentu Jia was an honest and forthright man.

Deng Tong was seated beside Emperor Wen and was remiss in his behavior. Shentu Jia remarked, "When it comes to court ritual, he has no choice but to be reverent."

Emperor Wen objected, "Sir, say no more about that. I will deal with this matter myself."

However, after the court session ended, Shentu Jia issued a summons slip for Deng Tong. Deng Tong, afraid, went to tell Emperor Wen.

Emperor Wen told him, "You go on ahead over there. But I will call you back here."

When Deng Tong arrived, Shentu Jia rebuked Deng Tong, telling him, "Our court is the court established by Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) himself. Yet an insignificant minister like you, Deng Tong, think to play around in the palace and show gross disrespect. You ought to be beheaded."

Deng Tong repeatedly kowtowed until his face was covered in blood, yet Shentu Jia refused to pardon him. But Emperor Wen sent an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to summon Deng Tong back to the palace, with the message, "This man is simply my playmate. Sir, release him." So Deng Tong was able to escape.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:45 am

三年(庚辰、前一六一)

The Third Year of the Second Part of Emperor Wen's Reign (The Gengchen or Metal Dragon Year, 161 BC)


春,二月,上行幸代。

1. In spring, the second month, Emperor Wen visited the princely fief of Dai.

三年春正月。行幸代。秋大雨。晝夜不絕。四十五日。藍田山水出流一百餘家。漢水出壞民室八十餘家。所殺三百餘人。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the third year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (161 BC), in spring, the first month, Emperor Wen visited the princely fief of Dai.

In the autumn, there was heavy rain which continued nonstop for forty-five days. The river on Mount Lantian flooded out more than a hundred families, and the Han River destroyed the homes of more than eighty families. More than three hundred people were killed.


是歲,匈奴老上單于死,子軍臣單于立。

2. During this year, the Laoshang Chanyu of the Xiongnu passed away. His son Junchen succeeded him as Chanyu.

後四歳,老上稽粥單于死,子軍臣立爲單于。既立,孝文皇帝復與匈奴和親。而中行說復事之。(Records of the Grand Historian 110, Account of the Xiongnu)

In the fourth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (160 BC), the Laoshang Chanyu of the Xiongnu passed away. His son Junchen succeeded him as Chanyu. After becoming Chanyu, Junchen agreed to the marriage alliance with Emperor Wen. Zhonghang Yue also continued to serve him.

後四年,老上單于死,子軍臣單于立,而中行說復事之。漢復與匈奴和親。(Book of Han 94-1, Account of the Xiongnu)

In the fourth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (160 BC), the Laoshang Chanyu of the Xiongnu passed away. His son Junchen succeeded him as Chanyu, and Zhonghang Yue also continued to serve him. Junchen agreed to the marriage alliance with Emperor Wen.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:46 am

四年(辛巳、前一六○)

The Fourth Year of the Second Part of Emperor Wen's Reign (The Xinsi or Metal Snake Year, 160 BC)


夏,四月,丙寅晦,日有食之。

1. In summer, the fourth month, on the day Bingyin, the last day of that month, there was an eclipse.

〈月末爲晦。《天文書》,晦則日月相沓,月在日後,則光體伏矣。〉

(The new moon is called the 晦; the monthly cycle being based on the phases of the moon, the new moon marked the end of the month. According to the Book of Astrological Records, during the new moon, the Moon and the Sun are in alignment such that the Moon is behind the Sun, so its splendor is obscured.)


四年夏四月丙寅晦。日有食之。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the fourth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (160 BC), in summer, the fourth month, on the day Bingyin, the last day of that month, there was an eclipse.


五月,赦天下。

2. In the fifth month, an amnesty was declared across the realm.

五月。赦天下。免諸官奴婢為庶人。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the fifth month, an amnesty was declared across the realm. The government slaves and serving girls were freed into the general population.


上行幸雍。

3. Emperor Wen visited Yong.

上幸雍。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

Emperor Wen visited Yong.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:46 am

五年(壬午、前一五九)

The Fifth Year of the Second Part of Emperor Wen's Reign (The Renwu or Water Horse Year, 159 BC)


春,正月,上行幸隴西;三月,行幸雍;秋,七月,行幸代。

1. In spring, the first month, Emperor Wen visited Longxi. In the third month, he visited Yong. In autumn, the seventh month, he visited Dai.

五年春正月。行幸隴西。三月行幸雍。六月齊城門下有狗生□。秋七月行幸代。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the fifth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (159 BC), in spring, the first month, Emperor Wen visited Longxi. In the third month, he visited Yong.

In the sixth month, beneath the gates of the city of Qi, a dog gave birth to a [unknown character].

In autumn, the seventh month, Emperor Wen visited Dai.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:48 am

六年(癸未、前一五八)

The Sixth Year of the Second Part of Emperor Wen's Reign (The Guiwei or Water Goat Year, 158 BC)


冬,匈奴三萬騎入上郡,三萬騎入雲中,所殺略甚衆,烽火通於甘泉、長安。以中大夫令免爲車騎將軍,屯飛狐;故楚相蘇意爲將軍,屯句注;將軍張武屯北地;河內太守周亞夫爲將軍,次細柳;宗正劉禮爲將軍,次霸上;祝茲侯徐厲爲將軍,次棘門;以備胡。上自勞軍,至霸上及棘門軍,直馳入,將以下騎送迎。已而之細柳軍,軍士吏被甲,銳兵刃,彀弓弩持滿,天子先驅至,不得入。先驅曰:「天子且至!」軍門都尉曰:「將軍令曰:『軍中聞將軍令,不聞天子之詔。』」居無何,上至,又不得入。於是上乃使使持節詔將軍:「吾欲入營勞軍。」亞夫乃傳言「開壁門。」壁門士請車騎曰:「將軍約:軍中不得馳驅。」於是天子乃按轡徐行。至營,將軍亞夫持兵揖曰:「介胄之士不拜,請以軍禮見。」天子爲動,改容,式車,使人稱謝:「皇帝敬勞將軍。」成禮而去。旣出軍門,羣臣皆驚。上曰:「嗟乎,此眞將軍矣!曩者霸上、棘門軍若兒戲耳,其將固可襲而虜也。至於亞夫,可得而犯耶!」稱善者久之。月餘,漢兵至邊,匈奴亦遠塞,漢兵亦罷。乃拜周亞夫爲中尉。

1. In the winter (of 159 BC), the Xiongnu launched another raid into the border regions. Thirty thousand Xiongnu cavalry rode into Shang commandary, and another thirty thousand rode into Yunzhong commandary. They killed and plundered a great many people, and the warning beacons were lit down to Ganquan and Chang'an.

Emperor Wen began making preparations to deal with the Xiongnu. He appointed one of the Household Counselors, Ling Mian, as General of Chariots and Cavalry and had him organize a camp at Feihu. He appointed the former Chancellor to the Prince of Chu, Su Yi, as a general and had him organize a camp at Gouzhu. He sent the general Zhang Wu to organize a camp at Beidi. He appointed the Administrator of Henei, Zhou Yafu, as a general and sent him to Xiliu. He appointed the Director of the Imperial Clan, Liu Li, as a general and sent him to Bashang. And he appointed the Marquis of Zhuzi, Xu Li, as a general and sent him to Jimen.

Emperor Wen rode out to personally inspect the camps. When he came to the camps at Bashang and at Jimen, his entourage simply rode straight into the camps, and the generals of those camps dismounted their horses to welcome his arrival.

However, when Emperor Wen's group came to the camp at Xiliu, they found the soldiers and officials there all dressed in armor and holding sharp blades, with bows or crossbows prepared and full quivers of arrows. The outriders of Emperor Wen's entourage were denied entry to the camp. They protested, "The Son of Heaven is approaching!"

But the camp commandant told them, "We have orders from the General: 'The army will heed the directives of the General, not the edicts of the Son of Heaven.'"

A short time later, Emperor Wen himself arrived at the gates of the camp. But he too was barred passage. So he dispatched an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to present an edict to Zhou Yafu, stating, "I wish to enter the camp and inspect the army."

Only then did Zhou Yafu announce, "Open the gates."

The gate guards told Emperor Wen's riders, "It is the ordinance of the General that no one present among the army can rush about unchecked." So when Emperor Wen's group entered, they reined in their horses and moved at a deliberate pace.

When they entered the camp and Zhou Yafu appeared to welcome them, he gave only a simple salute while still holding his weapon, saying, "A man clad in armor and helmet does not perform a full obeisance. I hope I may greet you according to military custom."

Emperor Wen, quite impressed by this, came down from his carriage and sent someone to commend Zhou Yafu and convey his thanks: "The Emperor respects the General's hard work."

After everything was complete, the imperial entourage departed. As they were leaving the gates of the camp, all of his ministers were astonished at the treatment they had received. But Emperor Wen said, "Ah, now there's a real general! Those camps we visited at Bashang and Jimen were like a lot of little boys just playing around; if we had been raiders, we could have launched a surprise attack and captured them. But this Zhou Yafu knows what he is doing. How could anyone get the better of him?" And he kept praising Zhou Yafu's good qualities for a long time.

After about a month, the Han soldiers marched out to the border regions. Once the Xiongnu had withdrawn far away from the border passes of the realm, the Han armies were disbanded.

Emperor Wen appointed Zhou Yafu as a Palace Commandant.

〈文穎曰:邊方備胡寇作高土,櫓上作桔槔,桔槔頭兜零,以薪草置其中,常低之。有寇,卽燃火舉之以相告,曰烽。又多積薪,寇至卽燃之,以望其煙,曰燧。〉〈師古曰:中大夫,官名;其人姓令名免耳。此諸將軍下至徐厲皆書姓,而徐廣以爲中大夫令是官名,此說非也。據《百官表》:景帝初改衞尉爲中大夫令,文帝時無此官;而中大夫是郎中令屬官,秩比二千石。《索隱》曰:據《風俗通》:令姓,楚令尹子文之後。虞世南曰:中大夫令是史家追書耳。〉〈句,音鈎。〉〈秦滅義渠,置北地郡。〉〈項羽以河內郡爲殷國;高帝滅殷,復置河內郡。服虔曰:細柳在長安西北。如淳曰:長安細柳倉在渭北,近石徼。張揖曰:在昆明池南,今有柳市是也。臣瓚曰:一宿曰宿,再宿曰信,過信爲次。師古曰:《匈奴傳》云:置三將軍,軍長安西細柳、渭北棘門、霸上,此則細柳不在渭北,揖說是也。《索隱》曰:按《三輔故事》:細柳在直城門外阿房宮西北維。《舊唐書》:肅宗母元獻楊后葬細柳原。〉〈宗正,秦官,掌親屬;漢因之。徐厲,高祖功臣,呂后四年封祝茲侯。《史記‧表》作「松滋」。班《志》,松滋縣屬廬江郡。孟康曰:棘門在長安北,秦時宮門也。如淳曰:棘門在橫門外。橫門,長安城北出西頭第一門。〉〈之,往也。〉〈師古曰:先驅導駕,若今之武候隊矣。〉〈禮,介者不拜。〉〈爲以亞夫屬太子張本。〉

(This passage refers to the 烽火 that were lit as far as Ganquan and Chang'an. Wen Ying remarked, "As part of the border defenses against tribal raids or invasions, there would be mounds set up with a pulley set up atop a tower. There would be a container attached to the pulley, filled with twigs and kindling, which was usually kept low. But when there was a tribal attack, the kindling would be set aflame and then the fire hoisted up to display a warning, called a beacon fire. It was kept well-stocked with firewood so that by the time it was set aflame when the tribal attackers drew near, its smoke could serve as a warning from afar."

This passage records the man now appointed as General of Chariots and Cavalry as 中大夫令免. Yan Shigu remarked, "中大夫令免 should be split to read 中大夫 'the Household Counselor', 令免 Ling Mian. By a pure reading of the text it would be technically possible to split this phrase to read 中大夫令 'the Prefect of the Household Counselors, 免 Mian. Xu Guang does so; although for the names of all other generals mentioned here he parses the text to incorporate both their surnames and given names, here he only admits Mian to be the name of this man. But Xu Guang is incorrect in this reading. According to the Table of Offices, the office of Prefect of the Household Counselors did not exist until the reign of Emperor Jing, who renamed the Commandant of the Guards to that title. Before that time, the Household Counselors were under the authority of the Prefect of the Household Gentlemen, at a salary rank of Equivalent To Two Thousand Bushels." The Suoyin commentary to the Records of the Grand Historian states, "According to the Fengsu Tong, those with the surname 令 Ling are the descendants of the Prefect of Chu, Junzi Wen." Yu Shinan remarked, "The issue with the 'Prefect of the Household Counselors' is simply the historian using an anachronistic term (meaning that Ling was not intended to be this man's surname)."

The first character of Gouzhu, 句, is pronounced "gou".

After the state of Qin conquered the state of Yiqu, they organized its former territory into Beidi commandary.

Xiang Yu had organized Henei commandary into the kingdom of Yin. After Liu Bang conquered Yin, he restored it to its previous status as Henei commandary.

Regarding Xiliu, Fu Qian remarked, "Xiliu was northwest of Chang'an." Ru Chun remarked, "The Xiliu Granary at Chang'an was north of the Wei River, near Shijiao." Zhang Yi remarked, "It was south of Kunming Pond, at the same place as the modern Liu Market." Chen Zan remarked, "A single stay is called a 宿, two stays is called a 信, and three stays is called a 次." Yan Shigu remarked, "According to the Account of the Xiongnu, when Emperor Wen appointed these three men as generals (Zhou Yafu, Liu Li, and Xu Li), their forces were stationed 'at Xiuli west of Chang'an and at Jimen and Bashang north of the Wei River'. Thus Xiliu cannot have been north of the Wei River, so Zhang Yi is correct." The Suoyin commentary to the Records of the Grand Historian states, "According to the Past Events of the Three Adjuncts text, Xiliu was just outside the walls of the city, on the northwest side of the Epang Palace." The Old Book of Tang states, "Empress Yuanxian, Suzong's mother Lady Yang, was buried at the plains at Xiliu."

Director of the Imperial Clan had been an office during the Qin dynasty. Han had maintained it.

Xu Li had been an accomplished minister during Liu Bang's reign. In the fourth year of Lü Zhi's reign (184 BC), he was appointed as a marquis. His title in this passage is Marquis of 祝茲 Zhuzi, but the tables of the Records of the Grand Historian lists his title as Marquis of 松滋 Songzi. The Book of Han does list a Songzi county in Lujiang commandary.

Regarding Jimen, Meng Kang remarked, "Jimen was north of Chang'an; it had been the gates of a palace during the Qin dynasty." Ru Chun remarked, "Jimen was outside the Heng Gate, which was the western-most gate of the north wall of Chang'an."

The term 之 here means "towards, approaching".

Regarding Emperor Wen's "outriders", Yan Shigu remarked, "These were people who rode ahead while escorting the imperial carriage, comparable to our modern martial guards."

According to military custom, one did not perform obeisance while wearing armor and a helmet.

This was why Zhou Yafu came under the command of the Crown Prince.)


六年冬。匈奴三萬騎入上郡。三萬騎入雲中。車騎將軍李勉屯飛狐口。將軍蘇隱屯勾注。將軍張武屯北地。周勃子亞夫為將軍。次細柳。將軍劉禮次霸上。將軍徐厲次棘門。以備胡。單于退遠。上自勞軍。至霸上及棘門。軍直馳入。大將軍以下。出入以騎送迎拜謁。已而之細柳軍。軍吏被甲執銳。彀弓弩持滿。天子先驅曰。天子將至。軍尉曰。軍中但聞將軍令。不聞天子詔。有頃。上至不得入。於是使使持節召將軍亞夫曰。吾欲入勞軍。亞夫傳言開壁。門。尉謂車騎曰。將軍令軍中不得驅馳。於是天子案轡徐行。至中營。將軍亞夫持兵揖曰。介冑之士不拜。請以軍禮見。天子為之改容式車。使人稱詔。謝皇帝敬勞將軍。成禮而去。既出軍門。群臣驚。上曰。嗟乎。此真將軍也。霸上棘門如兒戲耳。月餘。三軍皆罷。拜亞夫為中尉。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the sixth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (158 BC), in the winter (of 159 BC), the Xiongnu launched another raid into the border regions. Thirty thousand Xiongnu cavalry rode into Shang commandary, and another thirty thousand rode into Yunzhong commandary.

The General of Chariots and Cavalry, Li Mian, camped at Feihukou. The general Su Yi camped at Gouzhu. The general Zhang Wu camped at Beidi. Emperor Wen appointed Zhou Bo's son Zhou Yafu as a general and sent him to Xiliu. He sent the general Liu Li to Bashang. And he sent the general Xu Li to Jimen. This was all to prepare to deal with the Xiongnu.

Emperor Wen rode out to personally inspect the camps. When he came to the camps at Bashang and at Jimen, his entourage simply rode straight into the camps, and all the officers of those camps from the commander on down came out and dismounted their horses to welcome his arrival.

However, when Emperor Wen's group came to the camp at Xiliu, they found the soldiers and officials there all dressed in armor and holding sharp blades, with bows or crossbows prepared and full quivers of arrows. The outriders of Emperor Wen's entourage declared, "The Son of Heaven is approaching!"

But the camp commandant told them, "In the army, we heed only the directives of the General, not the edicts of the Son of Heaven."

A short time later, Emperor Wen himself arrived at the gates of the camp. But he too was barred passage. So he dispatched an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to summon Zhou Yafu and tell him, "I wish to enter the camp and inspect the army."

Only then did Zhou Yafu send out commands to open the gates.

The gate guards told Emperor Wen's riders, "It is the ordinance of the General that no one present among the army can rush about unchecked." So when Emperor Wen's group entered, they reined in their horses and moved at a deliberate pace.

When they entered the camp and Zhou Yafu appeared to welcome them, he gave only a simple salute while still holding his weapon, saying, "A man clad in armor and helmet does not perform a full obeisance. I hope I may greet you according to military custom."

Emperor Wen, quite impressed by this, came down from his carriage and sent someone to commend Zhou Yafu and convey his thanks: "The Emperor respects the General's hard work."

After everything was complete, the imperial entourage departed. As they were leaving the gates of the camp, all of his ministers were astonished at the treatment they had received. But Emperor Wen said, "Ah, now there's a real general! Those camps we visited at Bashang and Jimen were like a lot of little boys just playing around."

After about a month, the three Han armies were disbanded.

Emperor Wen appointed Zhou Yafu as a Palace Commandant.

條侯亞夫自未侯為河內守時,許負相之,曰:「君後三歲而侯。侯八歲為將相,持國秉,貴重矣,於人臣無兩。其後九歲而君餓死。」亞夫笑曰:「臣之兄已代父侯矣,有如卒,子當代,亞夫何說侯乎?然既已貴如負言,又何說餓死?指示我。」許負指其口曰:「有從理入口,此餓死法也。」居三歲,其兄絳侯勝之有罪,孝文帝擇絳侯子賢者,皆推亞夫,乃封亞夫為條侯,續絳侯後。文帝之後六年,匈奴大入邊。乃以宗正劉禮為將軍,軍霸上;祝茲侯徐厲為將軍,軍棘門;以河內守亞夫為將軍,軍細柳:以備胡。上自勞軍。至霸上及棘門軍,直馳入,將以下騎送迎。已而之細柳軍,軍士吏被甲,銳兵刃,彀弓弩,持滿。天子先驅至,不得入。先驅曰:「天子且至!」軍門都尉曰:「將軍令曰『軍中聞將軍令,不聞天子之詔』。」居無何,上至,又不得入。於是上乃使使持節詔將軍:「吾欲入勞軍。」亞夫乃傳言開壁門。壁門士吏謂從屬車騎曰:「將軍約,軍中不得驅馳。」於是天子乃按轡徐行。至營,將軍亞夫持兵揖曰:「介胄之士不拜,請以軍禮見。」天子為動,改容式車。使人稱謝:「皇帝敬勞將軍。」成禮而去。既出軍門,群臣皆驚。文帝曰:「嗟乎,此真將軍矣!曩者霸上、棘門軍,若兒戲耳,其將固可襲而虜也。至於亞夫,可得而犯邪!」稱善者久之。月餘,三軍皆罷。乃拜亞夫為中尉。(Records of the Grand Historian 57, Biography of Zhou Yafu)

During the time that Zhou Yafu was Administrator of Henei and had not yet inherited his father Zhou Bo's marquisate, he allowed the physiognomist Xu Fu to examine his features. She declared, "Sir, three years from now, you shall be named a marquis. For eight years after you have received this title, you shall serve as a general and as a chancellor; you will wield great authority over the state, you shall be held in high honor, and no other subject of the dynasty will be your peer. But in the ninth year, you shall starve to death."

Zhou Yafu laughed and said, "My elder brother has already inherited my father's title as marquis, and after his death, his son will inherit the title from him. How could I claim any such title for myself? Besides, if I am going to be as highly honored as you say, then why would I starve to death? Indicate to me which feature predicts this."

Xu Fu pointed to his mouth and said, "Your mouth, of course. This will cause you to starve to death."

In Zhou Yafu's third year as Administrator of Henei, his elder brother Zhou Shengzhi was convicted of a crime and was stripped of Zhou Bo's title as Marquis of Jiang. Emperor Wen then sought out a more worthy son of Zhou Bo to receive the fief instead, and everyone recommended Zhou Yafu to him. So he appointed Zhou Yafu as the successor to Zhou Bo's old fief as Marquis of Jiang, naming Zhou Yafu as Marquis of Tiao.

In the sixth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (158 BC), the Xiongnu launched a great invasion across the borders. Emperor Wen appointed the Director of the Imperial Clan, Liu Li, as a general and sent him to Bashang. He appointed the Marquis of Zhuzi, Xu Li, as a general and sent him to Jimen. And he appointed Zhou Yafu as a general and sent him to Xiliu. All this was done to prepare to deal with the Xiongnu.

Emperor Wen rode out to personally inspect the camps. When he came to the camps at Bashang and at Jimen, his entourage simply rode straight into the camps, and the generals of those camps dismounted their horses to welcome his arrival.

However, when Emperor Wen's group came to the camp at Xiliu, they found the soldiers and officials there all dressed in armor and holding sharp blades, with bows or crossbows prepared and full quivers of arrows. The outriders of Emperor Wen's entourage were denied entry to the camp. They protested, "The Son of Heaven is approaching!"

But the camp gate commandant told them, "We have orders from the General: 'The army will heed the directives of the General, not the edicts of the Son of Heaven.'"

A short time later, Emperor Wen himself arrived at the gates of the camp. But he too was barred passage. So he dispatched an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to present an edict to Zhou Yafu, stating, "I wish to enter the camp and inspect the army."

Only then did Zhou Yafu send out a command to open the gates.

The gate guards told Emperor Wen's riders, "It is the arrangement of the General that no one present among the army can rush about unchecked." So when Emperor Wen's group entered, they reined in their horses and moved at a deliberate pace.

When they entered the camp and Zhou Yafu appeared to welcome them, he gave only a simple salute while still holding his weapon, saying, "A man clad in armor and helmet does not perform a full obeisance. I hope I may greet you according to military custom."

Emperor Wen, quite impressed by this, came down from his carriage and sent someone to commend Zhou Yafu and convey his thanks: "The Emperor respects the General's hard work."

After everything was complete, the imperial entourage departed. As they were leaving the gates of the camp, all of his ministers were astonished at the treatment they had received. But Emperor Wen said, "Ah, now there's a real general! Those camps we visited at Bashang and Jimen were like a lot of little boys just playing around; if we had been raiders, we could have launched a surprise attack and captured them. But this Zhou Yafu knows what he is doing. How could anyone get the better of him?" And he kept praising Zhou Yafu's good qualities for a long time.

After about a month, the Han armies were disbanded.

Emperor Wen appointed Zhou Yafu as a Palace Commandant.

亞夫為河內守時,許負相之:「君後三歲而侯。侯八歲,為將相,持國秉,貴重矣,於人臣無二。後九年而餓死。」亞夫笑曰:「臣之兄以代父侯矣,有如卒,子當代,我何說侯乎?然既已貴如負言,又何說餓死?指視我。」負指其口曰:「從理入口,此餓死法也。」居三歲,兄絳侯勝之有罪,文帝擇勃子賢者,皆推亞夫,乃封為條侯。文帝後六年,匈奴大入邊。以宗正劉禮為將軍軍霸上,祝茲侯徐厲為將軍軍棘門,以河內守亞夫為將軍軍細柳,以備胡。上自勞軍,至霸上及棘門軍,直馳入,將以下騎出入送迎。已而之細柳軍,軍士吏被甲,銳兵刃,彀弓弩,持滿。天子先驅至,不得入。先驅曰:「天子且至!」軍門都尉曰:「軍中聞將軍之令,不聞天子之詔。」有頃,上至,又不得入。於是上使使持節詔將軍曰:「吾欲勞軍。」亞夫乃傳言開壁門。壁門士請車騎曰:「將軍約,軍中不得驅馳。」於是天子乃按轡徐行。至中營,將軍亞夫揖,曰:「介冑之士不拜,請以軍禮見。」天子為動,改容式車。使人稱謝:「皇帝敬勞將軍。」成禮而去。既出軍門,群臣皆驚。文帝曰:「嗟乎,此真將軍矣!鄉者霸上、棘門如兒戲耳,其將固可襲而虜也。至於亞夫,可得而犯邪!」稱善者久之。月餘,三軍皆罷。乃拜亞夫為中尉。(Book of Han 40, Biography of Zhou Yafu)

During the time that Zhou Yafu was Administrator of Henei, he allowed the physiognomist Xu Fu to examine his features. She declared, "Sir, three years from now, you shall be named a marquis. For eight years after you have received this title, you shall serve as a general and as a chancellor; you will wield great authority over the state, you shall be held in high honor, and no other subject of the dynasty will be your peer. But in the ninth year, you shall starve to death."

Zhou Yafu laughed and said, "My elder brother has already inherited my father's title as marquis, and after his death, his son will inherit the title from him. How could I claim any such title for myself? Besides, if I am going to be as highly honored as you say, then why would I starve to death? Indicate to me which feature predicts this."

Xu Fu pointed to his mouth and said, "Your mouth, of course. This will cause you to starve to death."

In Zhou Yafu's third year as Administrator of Henei, his elder brother Zhou Shengzhi was convicted of a crime and was stripped of Zhou Bo's title as Marquis of Jiang. Emperor Wen then sought out a more worthy son of Zhou Bo to receive the fief instead, and everyone recommended Zhou Yafu to him. So he appointed Zhou Yafu as Marquis of Tiao.

In the sixth year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (158 BC), the Xiongnu launched a great invasion across the borders. Emperor Wen appointed the Director of the Imperial Clan, Liu Li, as a general and sent him to Bashang. He appointed the Marquis of Zhuzi, Xu Li, as a general and sent him to Jimen. And he appointed Zhou Yafu as a general and sent him to Xiliu. All this was done to prepare to deal with the Xiongnu.

Emperor Wen rode out to personally inspect the camps. When he came to the camps at Bashang and at Jimen, his entourage simply rode straight into the camps, and the generals of those camps dismounted their horses to welcome his arrival.

However, when Emperor Wen's group came to the camp at Xiliu, they found the soldiers and officials there all dressed in armor and holding sharp blades, with bows or crossbows prepared and full quivers of arrows. The outriders of Emperor Wen's entourage were denied entry to the camp. They protested, "The Son of Heaven is approaching!"

But the camp gate commandant told them, "In the army, we heed only the directives of the General, not the edicts of the Son of Heaven."

A short time later, Emperor Wen himself arrived at the gates of the camp. But he too was barred passage. So he dispatched an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to present an edict to Zhou Yafu, stating, "I wish to enter the camp and inspect the army."

Only then did Zhou Yafu send out a command to open the gates.

The gate guards told Emperor Wen's riders, "It is the arrangement of the General that no one present among the army can rush about unchecked." So when Emperor Wen's group entered, they reined in their horses and moved at a deliberate pace.

When they entered the camp and Zhou Yafu appeared to welcome them, he gave only a simple salute while still holding his weapon, saying, "A man clad in armor and helmet does not perform a full obeisance. I hope I may greet you according to military custom."

Emperor Wen, quite impressed by this, came down from his carriage and sent someone to commend Zhou Yafu and convey his thanks: "The Emperor respects the General's hard work."

After everything was complete, the imperial entourage departed. As they were leaving the gates of the camp, all of his ministers were astonished at the treatment they had received. But Emperor Wen said, "Ah, now there's a real general! Those camps we visited at Bashang and Jimen were like a lot of little boys just playing around; if we had been raiders, we could have launched a surprise attack and captured them. But this Zhou Yafu knows what he is doing. How could anyone get the better of him?" And he kept praising Zhou Yafu's good qualities for a long time.

After about a month, the Han armies were disbanded.

Emperor Wen appointed Zhou Yafu as a Palace Commandant.

軍臣單于立四歳,匈奴復絕和親,大入上郡、雲中各三萬騎,所殺略甚眾而去。於是漢使三將軍軍屯北地,代屯句注,趙屯飛狐口,緣邊亦各堅守以備胡寇。又置三將軍,軍長安西細柳、渭北棘門、霸上以備胡。胡騎入代句注邊,烽火通於甘泉、長安。數月,漢兵至邊,匈奴亦去遠塞,漢兵亦罷。(Records of the Grand Historian 110, Account of the Xiongnu)

In Junchen's fourth year as Chanyu (156 BC), the Xiongnu once again broke the peace agreement and launched a great raid into the border regions. Thirty thousand Xiongnu cavalry rode into Shang commandary, and another thirty thousand rode into Yunzhong commandary. Emperor Wen sent three generals to camp at Beidi commandary, at Gouzhu in Dai commandary, and at Feihukou in the Zhao region, so that these camps could remain in contact and shore up their mutual defenses against the Xiongnu invasion. Emperor Wen also appointed another three generals to assemble camps west of Chang'an at Xiliu and north of the Wei River at Jimen and Bashang, to prepare to attack the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu cavalry entered Dai commandary as far as Gouzhu, and the beacon fires were lit all the way to Ganquan and Chang'an. After several months, the Han soldiers marched out to the border regions. Once the Xiongnu had withdrawn far away from the border passes of the realm, the Han armies were disbanded.

軍臣單于立歲餘,匈奴復絕和親,大入上郡、雲中各三萬騎,所殺略甚眾。於是漢使三將軍軍屯北地,代屯句注,趙屯飛狐口,緣邊亦各堅守以備胡寇。又置三將軍,軍長安西細柳、渭北棘門、霸上以備胡。胡騎入代句注邊,烽火通於甘泉、長安。數月,漢兵至邊,匈奴亦遠塞,漢兵亦罷。(Book of Han 94-1, Account of the Xiongnu)

A little more than a year after Junchen became Chanyu (~158 BC), the Xiongnu once again broke the peace agreement and launched a great raid into the border regions. Thirty thousand Xiongnu cavalry rode into Shang commandary, and another thirty thousand rode into Yunzhong commandary. Emperor Wen sent three generals to camp at Beidi commandary, at Gouzhu in Dai commandary, and at Feihukou in the Zhao region, so that these camps could remain in contact and shore up their mutual defenses against the Xiongnu invasion. Emperor Wen also appointed another three generals to assemble camps west of Chang'an at Xiliu and north of the Wei River at Jimen and Bashang, to prepare to attack the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu cavalry entered Dai commandary as far as Gouzhu, and the beacon fires were lit all the way to Ganquan and Chang'an. After several months, the Han soldiers marched out to the border regions. Once the Xiongnu had withdrawn far away from the border passes of the realm, the Han armies were disbanded.


夏,四月,大旱,蝗。令諸侯無入貢;弛山澤,減諸服御,損郎吏員;發倉庾以振民;民得賣爵。

2. In summer, the fourth month, there was famine and locusts. Emperor Wen thus ordered the feudal lords not to send tribute to the court, he permitted gathering from the royal hills and marshes, he reduced the various royal equippages and decreased the number of cadets and officials, he distributed grain from the granaries and wharfs to help the people, and he permitted the common people to sell their noble titles to obtain money.

〈師古曰:蝗,卽螽也,食苗爲災;今俗呼爲簸蝩。《說文》曰:一曰蝝,一曰蝗。〉〈師古曰:弛,解也;解而不禁,與衆庶同其利。〉〈應劭曰:水漕倉曰庾。胡公曰:在邑曰倉,在野曰庾。康曰:凡倉無屋曰庾。〉

(One of the disasters listed here is 蝗. Yan Shigu remarked, "This means locusts, who are a disaster because they eat the grain stalks. Today they are commonly called 簸蝩." The Shuowen dictionary states, "These insects are sometimes called 蝝s, sometimes called 蝗s."

Yan Shigu remarked, "To permit is to allow; Emperor Wen was allowing something rather than forbidding it. In this case, he was allowing the common people to gather up the bounty of the mountains and marshes normally reserved for imperial use."

The sites of grain storage mentioned in this passage are 倉s and 庾s. Ying Shao remarked, "A water-based storage site is called a 庾 'wharf'." Hu Gong remarked, "A storage site within a town or city is called a 倉 'granary', while one out in the field is called a 庾 'depot'." Meng Kang remarked, "Granaries without rooms are called 庾s.")


夏大旱。蝗。令諸侯無入貢。弛山澤。減諸服御。損郎吏員。發倉庫以賑貧民。令得買爵。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the summer, there were locusts. Emperor Wen thus ordered the feudal lords not to send tribute to the court, he permitted gathering from the royal hills and marshes, he reduced the various royal equippages and decreased the number of cadets and officials, he distributed grain from the granaries and wharfs to help the people, and he permitted the common people to sell their noble titles to obtain money.
Last edited by Taishi Ci 2.0 on Mon Mar 30, 2020 3:27 am, edited 4 times in total.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:50 am

七年(甲申、前一五七)

The Seventh Year of the Second Part of Emperor Wen's Reign (The Jiashen or Wood Monkey Year, 157 BC)


夏,六月,己亥,帝崩于未央宮。遺詔曰:「朕聞之:蓋天下萬物之萌生,靡不有死;死者,天地之理,萬物之自然,奚可甚哀!當今之世,咸嘉生而惡死,厚葬以破業,重服以傷生,吾甚不取。且朕旣不德,無以佐百姓;今崩,又使重服久臨以罹寒暑之數,哀人父子,傷長老之志,損其飲食,絕鬼神之祭祀,以重吾不德,謂天下何!朕獲保宗廟,以眇眇之身託于天下君王之上,二十有餘年矣。賴天之靈,社稷之福,方內安寧,靡有兵革。朕旣不敏,常懼過行以羞先帝之遺德,惟年之久長,懼于不終。今乃幸以天年得復供養於高廟,其奚哀念之有!其令天下吏民:令到,出臨三日,皆釋服;毋禁取婦、嫁女、祠祀、飲酒、食肉;自當給喪事服臨者,皆無跣;絰帶毋過三寸;毋布車及兵器;毋發民哭臨宮殿中;殿中當臨者,皆以旦夕各十五舉音,禮畢罷;非旦夕臨時,禁毋得擅哭臨;已下棺,服大功十五日,小功十四者,纖七日,釋服。他不在令中者,皆以此令比類從事。布告天下,使明知朕意。霸陵山川因其故,毋有所改。歸夫人以下至少使。」乙巳,葬霸陵。

1. In summer, the sixth month, on the day Jihai, Emperor Wen passed away at the Weiyang Palace.

Emperor Wen left behind a last testament. It stated, "I have heard that no form of life in this world is spared from death; to die is only natural, the final outcome of all life. Why should we be so despondent about such a thing? Yet in our times, everyone cherishes life and abhors death so greatly. They spend so lavishly on burials that they ruin their livelihoods, and they engage in such strenuous mourning practices that they damage their health. I cannot accept such a thing. Already in life, because I lacked virtue, I could not provide any help to the common people. And now I must consider the prospect that after I die, I will cause people to commit to mourning and lamentation for me such that they continually suffer from the cold and the heat. Fathers and sons will all be injured, the wishes of the aged and elderly will be harmed, the people will deny themselves their usual amount of food and drink, and the sacrifices and offerings to the gods and spirits will be cut off. Such things will only compound my lack of virtue; how could I defend myself before the realm?

"Though I was a meager fellow of little importance, I was entrusted with guarding the temple of my ancestors and presiding over the princes of the realm for more than twenty years. It has all been thanks to the influence of Heaven and the blessings of the earth that the land has enjoyed peace and tranquility and there has been little instance of warfare. Lacking in cleverness, I have often feared that through some fault in my conduct I would fail to live up to the legacy of virtue left by the Emperors before me, and as the years have rolled on, I trembled at the thought of an untimely end. Yet now I see that Heaven has blessed me with the full allotment of my years, and now I shall enjoy my last repose in the temple of Emperor Gao (Liu Bang). Why then should I lament my fate?

"Thus I send this command to all the officials and people of the realm. Upon receiving this command, go into mourning for me only for three days. Afterwards, remove your mourning attire and conduct yourselves as you were before. I expressly forbid the usual mourning prohibitions on taking wives or marrying off daughters, on offering prayers and sacrifices, on drinking wine, and on eating meat. For those actively taking part in the mourning, do not walk barefoot, do not wear mourning belts or bands of more than three cun, do not cover carriages or soldiers' weapons in mourning cloth, and do not draft the people to come to the palace to weep and wail. For those who are mourning at the palace, let them wail only fifteen times at dawn and at dusk, until the mourning period has ended, then cease wailing, and let there be no presumption of ritual wailing at other times. After my coffin has been buried, dress in the clothes of great mourning for fifteen days, then the clothes of light mourning for fourteen days, then thin clothing for seven days; afterwards, return to your usual clothing. As for other elements of mourning which I have not addressed in this order, may they all follow the same sentiment I have expressed here. Let these words go out across the realm, so that all may clearly know my intentions.

"My tomb at Ba Tomb shall be built only according to the natural lay of the land there; let there be no modifications of the land. Let all of my remaining concubines, down to the Lesser Maids, be sent back to their homes."

On the day Yisi, Emperor Wen was buried at Ba Tomb.

〈《喪禮》:大功之服,七升、八升、九升;小功,十升、十一升、十二升。再期而大祥,踰月而禫;禫而纖,無所不佩。鄭《註》云:大祥,除衰杖。黑經白緯曰纖。舊說:纖,冠者采纓也。無所不佩者,紛帨之屬如平常也。孔氏《正義》曰:禫而纖者,禫祭之時,玄冠朝服;禫祭旣訖,而首著纖冠,身著素端黃裳;以至吉祭,無所不佩者,吉祭之時,身尋常吉服,平常所服之物無不佩也。服虔曰:大功、小功,布也;纖,細布衣也。應劭曰:凡三十六日而釋服矣,此以日易月也。師古曰:此喪制者,文帝自率己意創而爲之,非有取於周禮也。何爲以日易月乎!三年之喪,其實二十七月,豈有三十六月之文!禫又無七月也。應氏旣失之於前,近代學者因循繆說,未之思也。貢父曰:文帝制此喪服,斷自已葬之後;其未葬之前,則服斬衰。漢諸帝自崩至葬有百餘日者,未葬則服不除矣。《翟方進傳》:「後母終,旣葬,三十六日起視事」,其證也。說者遂以日易月,又不通計葬之日,皆大謬也。攷之文帝意,旣葬除重服,制大功、小功,所以漸卽吉耳。賈公彥曰:布之精粗,斬衰三升;齊衰有三等:或四升,或五升,或六升;小功、大功如前說;緦麻十五升,抽去半;朝服十五升。〉〈師古曰:言此詔中無文者,皆以類比而行事。〉〈應劭曰:因山爲藏,不復起墳,山下川流不遏絕,就其水名以爲陵號耳。師古曰:霸陵在長安東南。〉〈應劭曰:夫人已下,有美人、良人、八子、七子、長使、少使,皆遣歸家,重絕人類。〉〈臣瓚曰:壽四十六。〉〈【章:乙十一行本無「萬」字。】〉〈師古曰:臨,哭也。〉〈師古曰:罹,遭也。〉〈師古曰:眇眇,猶言細末也。〉〈方內,四方之內也。〉〈師古曰:過行,行有過失也。羞,謂忝辱也。〉〈帝自謙,以謂得終其天年以從先帝幸矣,奚哀念之有乎!〉〈取,讀曰娶。〉〈跣,足親地也。〉〈應劭曰:毋以布衣車及兵器也。服虔曰:不施輕車介士也。師古曰:應說是也。〉

(Chen Zan remarked, "Emperor Wen was forty-five years old when he died."

Emperor Wen uses the term 萬物 "all things, all beings", but some versions do not have the character 萬.

Regarding the term 臨 "preside, be present at", Yan Shigu remarked, "This meant to be present at the wailing or to be offering wailing."

Regarding the term 罹, Yan Shigu remarked, "This meant 'to suffer from'."

Emperor Wen describes himself as 眇眇. Yan Shigu remarked, "This meant 'meager, minute, insignificant'."

Emperor Wen uses the term 方內 "all within". This meant within the four sides of a square; in other words, everything.

Emperor Wen worries that he might 過行 and thus 羞 the previous Emperors. Yan Shigu remarked, "過行 means to commit a fault in one's conduct; 羞 means to be shameful and unworthy."

How modest Emperor Wen was, to say that he had received the full allotment of his years and would receive the same blessings as his predecessors, and that he had no reason to lament his fate!

To 取婦 "take a wife" means to be married.

To be 跣 "barefoot" means to have one's feet in direct contact with the ground.

Emperor Wen orders that no one should 布 the carriages or soldiers' weapons. Ying Shao argued, "He meant that no one should 布衣 'cover these things in cloth'." Fu Qian argued, "He meant that there should be no distribution of light carts or soldiers in armor." Yan Shigu remarked, "Ying Shao is correct."

Emperor Wen refers to the 大功 "clothes of greater mourning", the 小功 "clothes of lesser mourning", and the 纖 "light clothes". The Mourning Rites chapter of the Book of Rites states, "The mourning cloth for the 大功 'nine months of mourning' was made with seven, eight, or nine sheng (of thickness); that for the 小功 'five months of mourning', with ten, eleven, or twelve sheng." And later, it mentions these lengths of time: "at the end of the second year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered", and "after the concluding sacrifice of mourning, in the next month, the black cap and 纖 'silk of black and white' were put on, and all the appendages of the girdle were assumed." Zheng Xuan's Annotations to this passage states, "After the greater felicitous sacrifice, one ceased using the mourning cane. The 纖 was a silk of intermixed black and white. It was anciently said that the 纖 was a cap of varied tassels. By 'all the appendages of the girdle were assumed', it means that the various cloths and such were worn as normal." Master Kong's Zhengyi commentary states, "The phrase 'after the concluding sacrifice of mourning' refers to the time of the sacrifice that concludes the mourning period, during which one wears a black cap and court attire; once this sacrifice is concluded, one wears a cap of thin fabric and unmarked clothing with a yellow skirt. These things remain worn until the time of the felicitous sacrifice, along with all the usual appendages. Following that sacrifice, one once again began wearing clothing of good cheer and one's usual attire with the usual accessories." Fu Qian remarked, "The clothes of greater and of lesser mourning were of cotton cloth, while the thin clothing was of fine cloth." Ying Shao remarked, "It was the ancient practice to observe the mourning period for three years, or thirty-six months. Emperor Wen declared his mourning period to be drastically shortened by letting a day stand in for a month, so that it lasted for thirty-six days instead of months." Yan Shigu remarked, "The mourning arrangements which Emperor Wen described in his last testament were creations of his own design, and had nothing to do with the old Zhou rituals. How could one say that he was 'substituting a day for a month'? Besides, the three year mourning period in truth only lasted for twenty-seven months, so how could any describe it as thirty-six months? Nor did people wear the mourning cap for seven months either. Ying Shao was mistaken in his references to ancient practices, not to mention led astray by his contemporaries who made erroneous comments on the ancient texts. He did not consider things properly." Gongfu remarked, "The mourning arrangements which Emperor Wen described in his testament were meant to apply only after he had been buried; before the burial, the usual mourning traditions were still to be followed. There were some cases during the Han dynasty in which there were more than a hundred days between the day of the Emperor's death and the day of his burial, and the usual mourning practices remained observed during those intervals. We see evidence of this practice in the Biography of Zhai Fangjin, which states, 'Later his mother died; after her burial, he observed the thirty-six days of mourning, then returned to business.' Those who promote the concept of 'a day takes the place of a month' fail to realize that the thirty-six day period only applied after the burial, and they are greatly mistaken. They are twisting Emperor Wen's intention, which was that after the burial was the time to change one's clothing, first to the greater mourning clothes, then the lesser, and so on until the time of the felicitous sacrifice." Jia Gongyan remarked, "Fine cloth worn for mourning purposes is cut to be three sheng. In the Qi region, some is cut to be three sheng, some four, some five, some six. The clothes of greater and lesser mourning are cut to be the length as described in the Book of Rites. Fine hempen clothes are fifteen sheng, but half drawn-up. Court clothing is also fifteen sheng."

Yan Shigu remarked, "Emperor Wen was saying that he wanted any affairs not directly mentioned in this edict to be handled in the same way as the ones that he had mentioned."

Emperor Wen orders that there be no modification of the terrain for his tomb. Ying Shao remarked, "He intended to use the natural features of the land to serve as his tomb, and did not want to have a mound raised there, nor to have the waters flowing down the hills there diverted or stopped, but to let the name of the river (the Ba River) serve as the name of his tomb (Ba Tomb)." Yan Shigu remarked, "Ba Tomb was southeast of Chang'an."

Regarding the ranks of the Emperor's concubines, Ying Shao remarked, "Starting from the top rank, they were the Beauties, the Fine Ladies, the Ladies of Eighth Rank, the Ladies of Seventh Rank, the Greater Maids, and the Lesser Maids. These were now all sent back to their families, for he did not wish to have them be cut off from other people.")


七年春正月。辛未朔日有食之。夏六月。封竇廣國為章武侯。拜中軍尉周亞夫為車騎將軍。己亥。帝崩于未央宮。遺詔曰。蓋聞萬物之萌生。靡有不死。死者天地之理。物之自然。奚可甚哀。當今之世。咸喜生而惡死。皆厚葬以破其業。重服以傷其生。吾甚不取。且朕以不德獲保社稷。託君王之上。二十餘年。常畏過行。以羞先帝之遺德。永惟年之不長。懼於不終。今乃幸以天年得終。時復供養高廟。朕之不明與嘉之。其奚悲哀之有。其令天下吏民臨三日。皆釋服。無禁娶婦嫁女。祠祀飲酒食肉。當給喪事服臨者。皆無跣足。絰帶無過三寸。無布車及兵器。無發民哭臨殿中。當臨者皆以旦夕。各十五舉聲。禮畢罷。非旦夕臨。無得擅哭。服大功十五日。小功十四日。纖七日釋服。他不在令者。皆以此令比數從事。布告天下。使明知朕意。霸陵山川。宜因其故。無有所改。所幸慎夫人已下。至少使得令嫁。己巳皇帝葬霸陵。荀悅曰。書云高宗諒闇。三年不言。孔子曰古之人皆然。三年之喪。天下之通喪。由來者尚矣。今而廢之。以虧大化。非禮也。雖然。以國家之重。慎其權柄。雖不諒闇。存其大體可也。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

In the seventh year of the second part of Emperor Wen's reign (157 BC), in spring, the first month, on the day Xinwei, the last day of that month, there was an eclipse.

In summer, the sixth month, Emperor Wen appointed Dou Guangguo as Marquis of Zhangwu, and he appointed the Palace Commandant, Zhou Yafu, as General of Chariots and Cavalry.

On the day Jihai, Emperor Wen passed away at the Weiyang Palace.

Emperor Wen left behind a last testament. It stated, "I have heard that no form of life which comes into being in this world is spared from death; to die is only natural, the final outcome of all life. Why should we be so despondent about such a thing? Yet in our times, everyone cherishes life and abhors death so greatly. They spend so lavishly on burials that they ruin their livelihoods, and they engage in such strenuous mourning practices that they damage their health. I cannot accept such a thing. Already in life, because I lacked virtue, I could not protect and preserve the altars of state.

"I have presided over the princes and lords of the realm for more than twenty years. I have often feared that through some fault in my conduct I would fail to live up to the legacy of virtue left by the Emperors before me, and as the years have rolled on, I trembled at the thought of an untimely end. Yet now I see that Heaven has blessed me with the full allotment of my years, and now I shall enjoy my last repose in the temple of Emperor Gao (Liu Bang). Though I was unwise, yet I have received acclaim. Why then should I lament my fate?

"I hereby command all the officials and people of the realm to go into mourning for me only for three days. Afterwards, remove your mourning attire and conduct yourselves as you were before. Let there be no mourning prohibitions on taking wives or marrying off daughters, on offering prayers and sacrifices, on drinking wine, and on eating meat. For those actively taking part in the mourning, do not walk barefoot, do not wear mourning belts or bands of more than three cun, do not cover carriages or soldiers' weapons in mourning cloth, and do not draft the people to come to the palace to weep and wail. For those who are mourning at the palace, let them wail only fifteen times at dawn and at dusk, until the mourning period has ended, then cease wailing, and let there be no presumption of ritual wailing at other times. After my coffin has been buried, dress in the clothes of great mourning for fifteen days, then the clothes of light mourning for fourteen days, then thin clothing for seven days; afterwards, return to your usual clothing. As for other elements of mourning which I have not addressed in this order, may they all follow the same sentiment I have expressed here. Let these words go out across the realm, so that all may clearly know my intentions.

"My tomb at Ba Tomb shall be built only according to the natural lay of the land there; let there be no modifications of the land. Let all of my remaining concubines, from Lady Shen on down to the Lesser Maids, be sent back to their homes and ordered to take husbands."

On the day Yisi, Emperor Wen was buried at Ba Tomb.

Your servant Xun Yue remarks: The ancient texts speak of how Gaozong (Wu Ding of Shang) remained for three years in the mourning shed after the death of his father without uttering a word. And Confucius states that the ancients all conducted themselves this way. The mourning period of three years was observed all across the realm, and was held in great esteem up until this time. Yet Emperor Wen thus abolished it. How greatly he harmed culture and defied tradition. Still, because of the importance of the mourning observance to the state, Emperor Wen was cautious with his approach. Though he did away with the practice of the mourning shed, he still preserved the general sentiment of it.


帝卽位二十三年,宮室、苑囿、車騎、服御,無所增益;有不便,輒弛以利民。嘗欲作露臺,召匠計之,直百金。上曰:「百金,中人十家之產也。吾奉先帝宮室,嘗恐羞之,何以臺爲!」身衣弋綈;所幸愼夫人,衣不曳地;帷帳無文繡;以示敦朴,爲天下先。治霸陵,皆瓦器,不得以金、銀、銅、錫爲飾;因其山,不起墳。吳王詐病不朝,賜以几杖。羣臣袁盎等諫說雖切,常假借納用焉。張武等受賂金錢,覺,更加賞賜以媿其心;專務以德化民。是以海內安寧,家給人足,後世鮮能及之。

2. Historians have made these remarks about Emperor Wen:

During the twenty-three years of Emperor Wen's reign, he made no increases or additions to the palaces or chambers, the imperial parks or gardens, his personal carriages or riders, or his clothing or equippages. Whatever was not beneficial to the people, he at once did away with in order to help them.

There was an occasion when Emperor Wen was considering building a Dew Terrace. But when he summoned an architect and asked him to calculate the cost, the figure came out to a hundred gold. Emperor Wen declared, "A hundred gold would equal the income of ten average families. I have already inherited the palaces and chambers of my predecessors, and already I fear I might disgrace them. What use do I really have for such a terrace?"

In his personal attire, Emperor Wen dressed in thick black silk, and he did not even permit his favorite, Lady Shen, to dress in clothes that trailed on the floor. Nor did his curtains and canopies contain any brocaded patterns. Through such simple and frugal displays, he acted as a model for the realm. And in the building of his tomb at Ba Tomb, he used only plain tiles, and did not ornament it with gold, silver, copper, or tin. Nor did he raise a mound there, but only used the natural shape of the land.

When the Prince of Wu, Liu Bi, feigned illness in order to avoid coming to the capital to attend court, even so Emperor Wen sent him a stool and a cane as gifts. Although Yuan Ang and other ministers were harsh and blunt in their remonstrations of Emperor Wen, he was always accepting of their criticisms and heeded their advice. When it was discovered that Zhang Wu and others had accepted bribes of gold and money, rather than subject them to the law, Emperor Wen only gave them more gifts in order to shame their hearts. For Emperor Wen saw it as his duty to act virtuously in order to transform the people.

During Emperor Wen's reign, there was peace and tranquility in the realm, and the people had enough to support themselves. Rarely did the sovereigns of later ages ever measure up to him.

〈師古曰:中,謂不富不貧。今新豐縣南驪山之頂有露臺鄕,極爲高顯,猶有文帝所欲作臺之處。〉〈如淳曰:弋,皁也。師古曰:弋,黑色。〉〈古者墓而不墳。墳者,聚土使之高大也。皇甫謐曰:漢長陵高十三丈,陽陵高十四丈;安陵三十餘丈,則不度甚矣。〉

(Emperor Wen mentions 中 "average" families. Yan Shigu remarked, "This meant families that were not especially rich nor poor."

Regarding this proposed Dew Terrace, Yan Shigu remarked, "There is a Dew Terrace district atop the Nanli Hills in Xinfeng county, a very lofty and conspicuous place; this was where Emperor Wen proposed to build his terrace."

Emperor Wen's attire is described as being 弋. Ru Chun and Yan Shigu agree that this means a shade of black, which Ru Chun describes as 皁 and Yan Shigu describes as 黑.

The ancients did not build mounds for their tombs. A mound was a gathering of earth in order to make a great height. Huangfu Mi remarked, "Among the tombs of the Han Emperors, Chang Tomb (Liu Bang's tomb) was thirteen zhang tall, Yang Tomb (Emperor Jing's tomb) was fourteen zhang tall, and An Tomb (Emperor Hui's tomb) was more than thirty li tall. So there was no set standard.")


讚曰。本紀稱孝文皇帝。宮室苑囿。車馬御服。無所增益。有不便輒弛以利民。身衣弋綈。慎夫人雖幸。衣不曳地。幃帳無文繡。以示敦朴。愛費百金。不為露臺。及治霸陵。皆瓦器。不得以金銀銅錫為飾。因其山不起墳。南越王尉佗自立為帝。以德懷之。匈奴背約。令守邊備。不發兵深入。無動勞百姓。吳王詐病不朝。賜以几杖。群臣袁盎等諫說雖切。嘗假借之。張武等受賂金錢。重加賞賜。以媿其心。專務以德化民。是以海內殷富。興於禮義。斷獄數百。幾致刑措。登顯洪業。為漢太宗。甚盛矣哉。揚雄有言。文帝親屈帝尊。以申亞夫之軍令。曷為不能用頗牧。彼將有所感激云爾。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

Historians have praised Emperor Wen's reign, observing that during his reign he made no increases or additions to the palaces or chambers, the imperial parks or gardens, his personal carriages or riders, or his clothing or equippages. Whatever was not beneficial to the people, he at once did away with in order to help them.

In his personal attire, Emperor Wen dressed in thick black silk, and he did not even permit his favorite, Lady Shen, to dress in clothes that trailed on the floor. Nor did his curtains and canopies contain any brocaded patterns. Thus he displayed his simplicity and frugality. He loved the people so much that he chose not to build the Dew Terrace rather than spend a hundred gold on such a frivolity. And in the building of his tomb at Ba Tomb, he used only plain tiles, and did not ornament it with gold, silver, copper, or tin. Nor did he raise a mound there, but only used the natural shape of the land.

When the King of Southern Yue, Zhao Tuo, styled himself as Emperor, Emperor Wen used virtue to win Zhao Tuo over to him as a vassal. When the Xiongnu broke their peace agreements, though Emperor Wen ordered defenses prepared for the border regions, he did not send an expeditionary army deep into Xiongnu territory, not wishing to trouble or disturb the people. When the Prince of Wu, Liu Bi, feigned illness in order to avoid coming to the capital to attend court, even so Emperor Wen sent him a stool and a cane as gifts. Although Yuan Ang and other ministers were harsh and blunt in their remonstrations of Emperor Wen, he was always accepting of their criticisms and heeded their advice. When it was discovered that Zhang Wu and others had accepted bribes of gold and money, rather than subject them to the law, Emperor Wen only gave them more gifts in order to shame their hearts. For Emperor Wen saw it as his duty to act virtuously in order to transform the people.

During Emperor Wen's reign, there was abundance and plenty within the seas and a great rise in righteous and ritual behavior and conduct. Only several hundred criminal cases were actually prosecuted, and punishments were almost done away with entirely. Such prominence and grand enterprise well entitled Emperor Wen to the temple name of Taizong, the Grand Exemplar.

Yang Xiong said of him, "Personally yielding himself with the honor of being Emperor, Emperor Wen supported Zhou Yafu's command of the army. Why could he not have used Lian Po and Li Mu? Feng Tang only said such a thing in order to arouse Emperor Wen's attention."


丁未,太子卽皇帝位。尊皇太后薄氏曰太皇太后,皇后曰皇太后。

3. On the day Dingwei, the Crown Prince, Liu Qi, became the new Emperor. He would be known as Emperor Jing.

Emperor Jing honored the Empress Dowager, his grandmother Lady Bo, as Grand Empress Dowager, and he honored the Empress, his mother Lady Dou, as Empress Dowager.

〈鄭樵曰:漢大歛畢,三公奏:「《尚書‧顧命》,太子卽日卽天子位于柩前。請太子卽皇帝位,皇后爲皇太后。」奏可,羣臣皆出,吉服入會,如儀。太尉升自阼階,當柩御坐,北面稽首,讀册畢,以傳國玉璽綬東面跪授;皇太子卽皇帝位,告令羣臣,羣臣皆伏稱萬歲,或大赦天下。羣臣百僚罷,入,成喪服,如禮。〉〈帝祖母曰太皇太后,帝母曰皇太后。〉

(Zheng Qiao remarked, "According to Han ceremony, after the late Emperor was placed in his coffin, the Three Excellencies would present the following petition: 'According to the Testamentary Edict chapter of the Book of Documents, the Crown Prince should assume the position of Son of Heaven before the coffin of his father. Thus we ask that the Crown Prince take his place as Emperor, and the Empress be made the Empress Dowager.' Following this presentation, the ministers all went out, put on clothing of celebration, assembled, and acted according to custom. The Grand Commandant ascended the steps to sit before the coffin of the late Emperor and guard it, bowing his head towards the north. After the reading of the memorial, the Imperial Seal and other seals ribbons of state were presented while kneeling towards the east. The Crown Prince then became the Emperor and announced his orders to the assembled ministers, who all bowed to him and called out 'Long live the Emperor!' Sometimes there would be a general amnesty declared across the realm. The ministers would then disperse, go back inside, put on their mourning clothes again, and act according to mourning custom.”

The Emperor's grandmother was known as the Grand Empress Dowager, and his mother as the Empress Dowager.)


乙卯。故韓王信之子頹當及孫嬰。率其眾來降。封頹當為弓高侯。嬰為襄城侯。(Records of Former Han 8, Annals of Emperor Wen)

Many years earlier, King Xin of Hann had fled the realm to take refuge with the Xiongnu. During this year (157 BC), on the day Yimao, King Xin's son Hann Tuidang and his grandson Hann Ying led their forces back to the realm to surrender. Hann Tuidang was appointed as Marquis of Gonggao, and Hann Ying was appointed as Marquis of Xiangcheng.

皇帝丁未即位。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

On the day Dingwei, the Crown Prince, Liu Qi, became the new Emperor. He would be known as Emperor Jing.


九月,有星孛于西方。

4. In the ninth month, there was a comet in the west.

秋九月有星孛于西方。其本值尾箕末。至牽牛及天漢。十六日不見。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In autumn, the ninth month, there was a comet in the west. It first appeared in the Tail and Winnowing Basket constellations, and traveled as far as the Ox and Heavenly Han constellations. It remained for sixty days before disappearing.


是歲,長沙王吳著薨,無子,國除。初,高祖賢文王芮,制詔御史︰「長沙王忠,其定著令。」至孝惠、高后時,封芮庶子二人爲列侯,傳國數世絕。

5. It was earlier mentioned that the only remaining King of the realm who was not a member of the Liu clan was the King of Changsha, Wu Rui, and his descendants. It was during this year that the last King of Changsha, Wu Zhe, passed away without any heirs, so the fief was at last abolished.

Since Liu Bang had esteemed Wu Rui as a worthy man, during his reign he had issued an edict stating, "The King of Changsha is a worthy man. I hereby exempt him from the command concerning Princes." And during the reigns of Emperor Hui and of Lü Zhi, Wu Rui's two sons from common mothers had been appointed as minor marquises, and they passed on these fiefs for several generations before they lapsed.

〈高帝封吳芮爲長沙王,傳成王臣,共[哀]王回、共王右,至著而絕。「著」,《漢書》作「差」。〉〈鄧展曰︰漢約非劉氏不王而芮王,故著令使特王也。或曰︰以芮至忠,故著令也。仲馮曰︰兼用鄧二說,乃著令之意也。貢父曰︰「長沙王忠,其定著令。」定著令者,謂於令著長沙王車服土地之類也。〉

(Liu Bang had appointed Wu Rui as King of Changsha, and the title had passed down through his descendants: King Cheng, Wu Chen, King Ai, Wu Hui, King Gong, Wu You, and now Wu Zhe. With Wu Zhe's death, the fief was abolished.

This passage records the last King of Changsha's name as Wu 著 Zhe, but the Book of Han records his name as Wu 差 Cha.

Liu Bang's edict stated that concerning Wu Rui, he would be 定著令. Deng Zhan remarked, "It was Liu Bang's command that no one except members of the Liu clan would be named as a Prince. Yet he named Wu Rui as a King. It was because he was granting Wu Rui an exemption to the command by especially naming him as a King. Some say that he was showing Wu Rui special favor because of his utmost loyalty." Zhongfeng remarked, "Both of the things which Deng Zhan says are correct, and are expressing the sentiment of the edict." Gongfu remarked, "By 定著令, the edict was granting Wu Rui such things as his kingly chariots and clothing and his land and territory.")
Last edited by Taishi Ci 2.0 on Thu Mar 26, 2020 12:26 am, edited 2 times in total.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 1:59 am

孝景皇帝上

Beginning of the Reign of Emperor Jing, Liu Qi


〈荀悅曰:諱「啓」之字曰「開」。文帝長子也。應劭曰:《禮‧諡法》:布義行剛曰景。〉

(Xun Yue remarked, "Since Liu Qi's given name was Qi, the word 啓 Qi or 'expand' was forbidden; it was always to be replaced by the synonym 開 'open'."

Ying Shao remarked, "According to the Laws of Posthumous Names, "Those who blanket the realm in righteousness and are stern in their conduct may be called Jing ('the Splendid').")


元年(乙酉、前一五六)

The First Year of Emperor Jing's Reign (The Yiyou or Wood Rooster Year, 156 BC)


冬,十月,丞相嘉等奏:「功莫大於高皇帝,德莫盛於孝文皇帝。高皇帝廟,宜爲帝者太祖之廟;孝文皇帝廟,宜爲帝者太宗之廟。天子宜世世獻祖宗之廟,郡國諸侯宜各爲孝文皇帝立太宗之廟。」制曰:「可。」

1. In winter, the tenth month (of 157 BC), Shentu Jia and others presented a petition stating, "When it came to achievements, no one surpassed Emperor Gao (Liu Bang). When it came to virtues, no one had them in as much abundance as Emperor Wen. Thus Emperor Gao's temple as Emperor should be named the temple of Taizu ('the Grand Progenitor'), and Emperor Wen's temple as Emperor should be named the temple of Taizong ('the Grand Exemplar'). Furthermore, each Son of Heaven through the generations ought to be granted one of these temple names, either Zu or Zong, and all the commandaries and princely fiefs each ought to establish temples to Emperor Wen by the name of Taizong."

Emperor Jing issued a decree stating, "Let it be so."

〈應劭曰:始取天下者曰祖,高帝稱高祖是也。始治天下者曰宗,文帝稱太宗是也。師古曰:應說非也。祖,始也,始受命也。宗,尊也,有德可尊。貢父曰:顏說非也。始受命稱太祖耳;有功亦稱祖,商祖甲是也。〉

(Regarding the meaning of 祖 Zu and 宗 Zong, Ying Shao argued, "One who first attains the realm is called Zu or Progenitor; thus Liu Bang was called Taizu, the Grand Progenitor. One who first governs the realm is called Zong or Ancestor; thus Emperor Wen was called Taizong, the Grand Ancestor." Yan Shigu argued, "Ying Shao is incorrect. Zu refers to the origin, the one who first receives the Mandate. Zong is a term of honor, and refers to someone virtuous who may be honored." Gongfu argued, "Yan Shigu is himself incorrect. The one who first receives the Mandate may indeed be called Taizu, but one may also be named Zu based on achievements, as with Zujia of the Shang dynasty.")


元年冬十月。詔曰。蓋聞古者祖有功而宗有德。孝文皇帝德厚侔於天地。利澤施四海。而廟樂不稱。朕甚懼焉。其奏昭德四時之舞。丞相嘉等奏尊孝文廟為太宗。奏昭德四時之舞。令郡國皆立太宗廟。四時舞孝文所作。以明天下之安和。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In the first year of Emperor Jing's reign (156 BC), in winter, the tenth month (of 157 BC), Emperor Jing issued an edict stating, "I have heard that in ancient times, those of great achievements were called Zu ('the Progenitor') while those of abundant virtues were called Zong ('the Exemplar'). Emperor Wen's virtues were so great that they were the equals of Heaven and Earth, and his goodness spread all throughout the Four Seas. Yet the music of his ancestral temple has not yet been established. I am much distressed by this. May his virtues be displayed through dancing at the four seasons."

The Prime Minister, Shentu Jia, and others presented a petition honoring Emperor Wen as Taizong ("the Grand Exemplar"), and for the seasonal dancing, they ordered that all the commandaries and princely fiefs each ought to establish temples to Emperor Wen by the name of Taizong and conduct such dances to him each season, in order to display the peace and harmony of the realm.


夏,四月,乙卯,赦天下。

2. In summer, the fourth month, on the day Yimao, an amnesty was declared for the realm.

遣御史大夫青至代下與匈奴和親。

3. Emperor Jing sent the Imperial Secretary, Tao Qing, to Dai to affirm the marriage alliance with the Xiongnu.

〈開封侯陶青,高祖功臣陶舍之子。〉

(The Marquis of Kaifeng, Tao Qing, was the son of Liu Bang's accomplished minister Tao She.)


夏六月。御史大夫陶青翟使匈奴。結和親。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In summer, the sixth month, Emperor Jing sent the Imperial Secretary, Tao Qingdi, to Dai to affirm the marriage alliance with the Xiongnu.


五月,復收民田半租,三十而稅一。

4. In the fifth month, Emperor Jing restored half of the original tax on farmland, such that the tax rate was 1/30th.

〈文帝十二年,賜民田租之半;次年,盡除田之租稅;今復收半租。〉

(Emperor Wen had halved the farmland tax rate in the twelfth year of his reign (-168.3), and then the following year (-167.5) he had entirely abolished it. Emperor Jing now restored it to the half-rate.)


五月令民田收半租。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In the fifth month, Emperor Jing restored half of the original tax on farmland.


初,文帝除肉刑,外有輕刑之名,內實殺人;斬右止者又當死;斬左止者笞五百,當劓者笞三百,率多死。是歲,下詔曰:「加笞與重罪無異;幸而不死,不可爲人。其定律:笞五百曰三百,笞三百曰二百。」

5. It was earlier mentioned that Emperor Wen had banned mutilating punishments. Although this had been done with the intention of lightening the severity of punishments, in reality more people were being killed than before. Those who had previously been sentenced to have the right foot cut off were now outright executed, while of those whose former punishments of having the left foot or the nose cut off were changed to receiving five hundred or three hundred strokes of the cane, many died from the beatings.

During this year, Emperor Jing issued an edict stating, "To increase the amount of strokes inflicted has become no different than capital punishment. Even those fortunate enough to survive these punishments can no longer function as people. Let the law be reformed: sentences of five hundred strokes shall be reduced to three hundred, and sentences of three hundred shall be reduced to two hundred."

〈事見文帝十三年。〉〈孟康曰:重罪,謂死刑。〉〈師古曰:謂不能自起居也。〉

(Emperor Wen's ban on mutilating punishments is mentioned in the thirteenth year of his reign (-167.3).

Regarding the term 重罪 "capital punishment", Meng Kang remarked, "This meant a death sentence."

Yan Shigu remarked, "By 'they can no longer function as people', Emperor Jing meant they could no longer get up on their own.")


以太中大夫周仁爲郎中令,張歐爲廷尉,楚元王子平陸侯禮爲宗正,中大夫鼂錯爲左內史。仁始爲太子舍人,以廉謹得幸。張歐亦事帝於太子宮,雖治刑名家,爲人長者;帝由是重之,用爲九卿。歐爲吏未嘗言按人,專以誠長者處官;官屬以爲長者,亦不敢大欺。

6. Emperor Jing appointed one of the Grand Household Counselors, Zhou Ren, as Prefect of the Household Gentlemen. He appointed Zhang Ou as Minister of Justice. He appointed the Marquis of Pingling, Liu Li, as Director of the Imperial Clan. He appointed one of the Household Counselors, Chao Cuo, as Interior Director of the Left. He appointed Ren Shi as Chief of Retainers of the Crown Prince's Household. This Liu Li was the son of the late Prince Yuan of Chu, Liu Jiao.

Ren Shi had gained Emperor Jing's approval because of his honesty and his diligence. Zhang Ou had also served Emperor Jing during his time as Crown Prince, and although he was an advocate of severity in the Legalist fashion, he was considered a worthy man, so Emperor Jing esteemed him and appointed him as one of the Nine Ministers. During his time in lower office, Zhang Ou had never once minced his words, but always presumed to offer honest remarks suited to his position. But his subordinates considered him a good man, and never dared to utter a sigh of complaint.

〈孟康曰:歐,音驅;《索隱》曰:於后翻。〉〈平陸,戰國時齊邑。班《志》,東平國有東平陸縣,又,西河郡有平陸縣。意禮所封者齊地。〉〈內史掌治京邑,武帝建元六年始分左、右內史。疑「左」字衍。《續漢志》:太子舍人更直宿衞,如三署郎中。〉

(Regarding Zhang Ou's given name 歐, Meng Kang remarked, "It is pronounced 'Qu'." The Suoyin commentary to the Records of the Grand Historian pronounces it as "you (y-ou)".

During the Warring States era, Pingling had been a town in the state of Qi. According to the Book of Han, there was an Eastern Pingling county in the Dongping princely fief, and there was a Pingling county in Xihe commandary. Evidently Liu Li's fief was somewhere in the Qi region.

The 內史 "Interior Director" was in charge of governing the capital region. However, although this passage lists Chao Cuo as being appointed as Interior Director "of the Left", this office was not split into Left and Right versions until Emperor Wu's sixth year of Jianyuan (135 BC). I (Hu Sanxing) suspect the use of "of the Left" here is redundant.

According to the Continued Records of Han, the Chief of Retainers of the Crown Prince's Household was equivalent to a Commandant of the Guards, like the director of the three bureaus of the Household Gentlemen.)


太中大夫任成周仁為郎中令。仁為人陰重不泄。衣敝不飾。甚見親信。上自幸其家者再。賞賜甚厚。仁常固讓。諸侯群臣贈遺無所受。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

Emperor Jing appointed one of the Grand Household Counselors, Zhou Ren of Rencheng, as Prefect of the Household Gentlemen.

Zhou Ren was a cautious and unpretentious man, and he wore simply clothes without adornment. He was a closely trusted friend of Emperor Jing, who twice personally visited his home. Emperor Jing showered Zhou Ren with gifts, but Zhou Ren usually strenuously declined them. Nor did he accept the gifts or bequests of the various nobles or ministers.
Last edited by Taishi Ci 2.0 on Thu Mar 26, 2020 3:00 am, edited 2 times in total.
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BOOK 15

Unread postby Taishi Ci 2.0 » Mon Mar 23, 2020 2:01 am

二年(丙戌、前一五五)

The Second Year of Emperor Jing's Reign (The Bingxu or Fire Dog Year, 155 BC)


冬,十二月,有星孛于西南。

1. In winter, the twelfth month (of 156 BC), there was a comet in the southwest.

令天下男子年二十始傅。

2. Emperor Jing ordered that from now on, registration of men in the realm for draft and taxation would begin at the age of nineteen.

〈師古曰:舊制二十三而傅;今此二十,更爲異制也。傅,讀曰附。〉

(Yan Shigu remarked, "The old system had been to begin registration at the age of twenty-two; Emperor Jing now changed it to nineteen. 傅 'registration' should be read as 附 'to align with'.")


令天下男子年二十始賦。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

Emperor Jing ordered that from now on, registration of men in the realm for draft and taxation would begin at the age of nineteen.


春,三月,甲寅,立皇子德爲河間王,閼爲臨江王,餘爲淮陽王,非爲汝南王,彭祖爲廣川王,發爲長沙王。

3. In spring, the third month, on the day Jiayin, Emperor Jing appointed six of his sons as Princes. He appointed Liu De as Prince of Hejian, he appointed Liu E as Prince of Linjiang, he appointed Liu Yu as Prince of Huaiyang, he appointed Liu Fei as Prince of Runan, he appointed Liu Pengzu as Prince of Guangchuan, and he appointed Liu Fa as Prince of Changsha.

〈河間王,都樂成。臨江王,都江陵。淮陽王,都陳。汝南王,都平輿。廣川王,都信都。長沙王,都長沙。閼,一易翻。〉

(The capital of the Prince of Hejian was at Yuecheng; of the Prince of Linjiang, at Jiangling; of the Prince of Huaiyang, at Chen; of the Prince of Runan, at Pingyu; of the Prince of Guangchuan, at Xindu; and of the Prince of Changsha, at Changsha.

Liu E's given name 閼 is pronounced "yi (y-i)".)


春三月。立皇子德為河閒王。閼為臨江王。余為淮陽王。非為汝南王。彭祖為廣川王。發為長沙王。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In spring, the third month, Emperor Jing appointed six of his sons as Princes. He appointed Liu De as Prince of Hexian, he appointed Liu E as Prince of Linjiang, he appointed Liu Yu as Prince of Huaiyang, he appointed Liu Fei as Prince of Runan, he appointed Liu Pengzu as Prince of Guangchuan, and he appointed Liu Fa as Prince of Changsha.


夏,四月,壬午,太皇太后薄氏崩。

4. In summer, the fourth month, on the day Renwu, the Grand Empress Dowager, Lady Bo, passed away.

〈薄太皇,文帝母也。〉

(She was the mother of Emperor Wen.)


夏四月壬午。太皇太后崩。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In summer, the fourth month, on the day Renwu, the Grand Empress Dowager, Lady Bo, passed away.


六月,丞相申屠嘉薨。時內史鼂錯數請間言事,輒聽,寵幸傾九卿,法令多所更定。丞相嘉自絀所言不用,疾錯。錯爲內史,東出不便,更穿一門南出。南出者,太上皇廟堧垣也。嘉聞錯穿宗廟垣,爲奏,請誅錯。客有語錯,錯恐,夜入宮上謁,自歸上。至朝,嘉請誅內史錯。上曰:「錯所穿非眞廟垣,乃外堧垣,故宂官居其中;且又我使爲之,錯無罪。」丞相嘉謝。罷朝,嘉謂長史曰:「吾悔不先斬錯乃請之,爲錯所賣。」至舍,因歐血而死。錯以此愈貴。

5. In the sixth month, Shentu Jia passed away.

By this time, because of the constant advice and opinions that he offered to Emperor Jing, who was very receptive to them, Chao Cuo enjoyed more favor in the government than any of the Nine Ministers. He reformed many of the laws and ordinances. Shentu Jia blamed himself for his own advice not being heeded, and he hated Chao Cuo.

Chao Cuo felt that the eastern exit to his office as Interior Director was inconvenient, so he carved out a new exit to the south through the wall. But the wall that he had carved through was also the outer wall of the temple to Liu Bang's father. When Shentu Jia heard that Chao Cuo had carved through this wall, he sent in a petition asking to have Chao Cuo executed. One of the officials informed Chao Cuo of this, and afraid for his life, Chao Cuo hurried into the palace during the night to explain himself to Emperor Jing.

At the court session the next morning, Shentu Jia officially presented his request that Chao Cuo be executed. But Emperor Jing replied, "The wall which Chao Cuo carved through was not the actual wall of the temple, but simply an outer boundary wall, in order to expand his office. Besides, I was the one who ordered him to do so. He has committed no crime." Shentu Jia offered his apologies.

After court broke up, Shentu Jia said to his Chief Clerk, "I regret I didn't take the initiative to just have Chao Cuo beheaded at once and then ask forgiveness afterwards. Now he's sold me out." And when he returned to his residence, he coughed up blood and passed away.

From this time on, Chao Cuo only became more and more prominent.

〈漢正卿九,奉常、郎中令、衞尉、太僕、廷尉、典客、宗正、治粟內史、少府是也。〉〈《三輔黃圖》:太上皇廟在長安香室街南,馮翊府北。武帝分內史爲左右,後又改左內史爲左馮翊。《括地志》︰漢太上皇廟,在雍州長安縣西北,長安故城中酒池之北。服虔曰:堧垣,宮外垣餘地也。師古曰:內垣之外餘地也。〉〈師古曰:宂,謂散輩也,如今之散官。〉

(During the Han dynasty, the Nine Ministers were the Presenter of Ceremonies, the Prefect of the Household Gentlemen, the Commandant of the Guards, the Minister Coachman, the Minister of Justice, the Director of Guests, the Director of the Imperial Clan, the Interior Minister of Grain Management, and the Privy Steward.

The Yellow Book of the Three Adjuncts Regions states, "The temple of the Retired Emperor (Liu Bang's father) was south of Xiangshi Street in Chang'an, north of the Office of the Eastern Supporter. When Emperor Wu later split the office of Internal Director into Left and Right versions, he later changed the name of the Left version to Eastern Supporter." The Comprehensive Gazetteer states, "The temple of the Retired Emperor of Han was northwest of Chang'an district in Yongzhou; it was north of Jiu Pond in the old city of Chang'an."

Fu Qian remarked, "A 堧垣 'boundary wall' is a wall encompassing the remaining ground outside of the palace itself." Yan Shigu remarked, "It was the wall around the land outside of the inner wall."

Emperor Jing mentions that Chao Cuo was 宂ing his office. Yan Shigu remarked, "This means a scattered office, like our modern branch office.")


六月。丞相申屠嘉薨。時內史晁錯貴幸。穿太上皇廟壖垣為舍門。嘉奏請誅。錯自歸上。上曰。此非真廟垣。又我使為之。錯無罪。嘉曰。悔不先誅錯。為所賣。遂歐血而死。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In the sixth month, the Prime Minister, Shentu Jia, passed away.

By this time, the Interior Director, Chao Cuo, enjoyed Emperor Jing's favor. He carved through the outer wall of the temple to Liu Bang's father in order to make a new door for his office. Shentu Jia sent in a petition asking to have Chao Cuo executed. Chao Cuo wentt to explain himself to Emperor Jing.

Emperor Jing told Shentu Jia, "The wall which Chao Cuo carved through was not the actual wall of the temple. Besides, I was the one who ordered him to do so. He has committed no crime."

Shentu Jia said to himself, "I regret I didn't take the initiative to just have Chao Cuo beheaded at once. Now he's sold me out." And he coughed up blood and passed away.


秋,與匈奴和親。

6. In the autumn, the marriage alliance with the Xiongnu was reaffirmed.

八月,丁未,以御史大夫開封侯陶青爲丞相。丁巳,以內史鼂錯爲御史大夫。

7. In the eighth month, on the day Dingwei, Emperor Jing appointed the Imperial Secretary and Marquis of Kaifeng, Tao Qing, as the new Prime Minister. On the day Dingsi, he appointed Chao Cuo as the new Imperial Secretary.

〈班《志》,開封縣屬河南郡。《姓譜》:陶,陶唐氏之後。〉

(According to the Book of Han, Kaifeng county was in Henan commandary.

Regarding the surname 陶 Tao, the Registry of Surnames states, "Those with this surname are the descendants of the Taotang clan.")


秋八月丁巳。御史大夫陶青翟為丞相。左內使晁錯為御史大夫。封蕭何曾孫嘉為列侯。先是嘉兄則有罪失侯。(Records of Former Han 9, Annals of Emperor Jing)

In autumn, the eighth month, on the day Dingsi, Emperor Jing appointed the Imperial Secretary, Tao Qingdi, as the new Prime Minister, and he appointed the Interior Director of the Left, Chao Cuo, as the new Imperial Secretary.

Emperor Jing also appointed Xiao He's grandson Xiao Jia as a minor marquis. Xiao Jia's elder brother Xiao Ze had earlier lost his grandfather's marquisate because of some crime.


彗星出東北。

8. There was a broom star in the northeast.

秋,衡山雨雹,大者五寸,深者二尺。

9. In the autumn, it rained hail at Hengshan; the large hailstones were five cun in size, and they plunged two chi deep.

〈《大戴禮》曰:孔會子云:陽之專氣爲霰,陰之專氣爲雹。盛陽之氣在雨水,則溫暖而爲雨,陰氣薄而脅之不相入,則搏而爲雹也。盛陰之氣在雨水,則凝滯而爲雪,陽氣薄而脅之不相入,則消散而下,因水而爲霰。〉

(Dai the Greater's Book of Rites states, "Kong Huizi teaches us the difference between sleet and hail. When there is a presence of Yang or prominent energy in the air, sleet falls; when there is a presence of Yin or subdued energy, hail falls. Normally, an abundance of Yang energy during a storm provides heat and warmth and causes rain, but when there is a trace of Yin energy in the air as well which interferes with the Yang energy, the rain draws together and forms hail. Conversely, an abundance of Yin energy during a storm normally freezes the water so that snow falls, but when there is a trace of Yang energy as well which interferes with the Yin energy, the snow will not solidify as much and sleet is formed instead.")


熒惑逆行守北辰,月出北辰間;歲星逆行天廷中。

10. Mars wandered off its usual course and resided in the Northern Chen constellation, and the Moon too wandered into the Northern Chen. Jupiter also wandered from its path and passed through the Heavenly Court constellation.

〈熒惑,火星。北辰,中宮天極星也。月有九行,黑道二,出黃道北,自立冬、冬至行之,青道二,出黃道東,立春、春分行之;赤道二,出黃道南,立夏、夏至行之;白道二,出黃道西,立秋、秋分行之。其去極有遠近,終不能出北辰之間;出北辰間,失其行也。歲星,木星也。太微爲天廷。據《天文志》:北極及太微,人君之位;或守之,或出之,或逆行經之,皆變也。又石氏《星傳》曰:龍左角爲天田,右角爲天廷。孔穎達曰:《春秋緯》文:紫微宮爲大帝,太微爲天庭,中有五帝座。〉

(This passage refers to the planet 熒惑 "the Sparkling Deceiver"; this was an old name for the Fire Star (Mars).

The Northern Chen constellation were the brightest stars within the Heavenly Palace section of the night sky.

The Moon has nine positions throughout the year. During the Black Road, it leaves the Yellow Road to the north and remains on this road from the beginning to the end of winter. During the Green Road, it leaves the Yellow Road to the east and remains on this road from the beginning to the end of spring. During the Red Road, it leaves the Yellow Road to the south and remains on this road from the beginning to the end of summer. During the White Road, it leaves the Yellow Road to the west and remains on this road from the beginning to the end of autumn. Thus at the time of this passage, the Moon ought to have been in the west, but it had wandered very far from its course, for it was not supposed to appear in the Northern Chen constellation near the onset of winter.

This passage also refers to the 歲星 "Year Star"; this was an old name for the Wood Star (Jupiter).

The Heavenly Court was the Supreme Palace Enclosure. According to the Astrological Records, the North Pole Star and the Supreme Palace Enclosure were symbols of the sovereign. Sometimes stars would reside in these areas, or appear from them, or wander off their course and pass through them; all of these were omens involving the sovereign. Master Shi's Star Records states, "The Left Horn of the Dragon is the Heavenly Field, and the Right Horn is the Heavenly Court." Kong Yingda remarked, "According to the Weave of the Seasons text, the Purple Palace Enclosure is the Great Emperor, the Supreme Palace Enclosure is the Heavenly Court, and between them are the Five Imperial Steps.")


梁孝王以竇太后少子故,有寵,王四十餘城,居天下膏腴地。賞賜不可勝道,府庫金錢且百巨萬,珠玉寶器多於京師。築東苑,方三百餘里,廣睢陽城七十里,大治宮室,爲複道,自宮連屬於平臺三十餘里。招延四方豪俊之士,如吳人枚乘、嚴忌,齊人羊勝、公孫詭、鄒陽,蜀人司馬相如之屬皆從之遊。每入朝,上使使持節以乘輿駟馬迎梁王於關下。旣至,寵幸無比;入則侍上同輦,出則同車,射獵上林中;因上疏請留,且半歲。梁侍中、郎、謁者著籍引出入天子殿門,與漢宦官無異。

11. The Prince of Liang, Liu Wu, was the youngest son of Empress Dowager Dou, who favored him. He ruled as prince over more than forty cities, and occupied one of the most fertile territories in all the realm. He gave out gifts and rewards too numerous to count, his warehouses were stuffed with gold by the hundreds of millions, and he had a massive supply of pearls, jewels, and other treasures in the capital region. He built an eastern garden, more than three hundred square li in size, and he expanded the walls of his capital at Suiyang by seventy li. He built a large palace, with a raised walkway more than thirty li in length connecting the palace to the Ping Terrace. He gathered and attracted talented fellows from every corner, and his followers included Mei Cheng and Yan Ji from the Wu region, Yang Sheng, Gongsun Gui, and Zou Yang from the Qi region, and Sima Xiangru from the Shu region.

Whenever Liu Wu came to the capital to attend court, Emperor Jing would send an agent bearing a Staff of Authority to bring a carriage with a team of four horses to welcome Liu Wu's arrival at the gates. And whenever Liu Wu was at the capital, no one else could compete with him for Emperor Jing's favor: they sat on the same palanquin together while they were in the city, they rode in the same carriage when they went out, and they hunted together in Shanglin Park. Liu Wu even submitted a petition asking leave to remain in the capital for half the year. And all the Palace Attendants, Gentlemen, and Diplomats of Liu Wu's fief as Prince of Liang were registered at the palace and allowed free access through the gates of the Son of Heaven's palace, enjoying the same privileges as the palace eunuchs and the officials of the central court.

〈巨萬,萬萬也。〉〈唐宋州治宋城縣,卽漢睢陽。〉〈如淳曰:平臺在梁東北,離宮所在。師古曰:今其城東二十里所有故臺基,其處寬博,俗云平臺也。〉〈《姓譜》:枚,姓也。六國有賢人枚被。嚴忌,本姓莊,《漢書》避明帝諱,改爲嚴。羊,晉羊舌大夫之後。鄒,以國爲氏。〉〈《史記正義》曰:籍,謂名簿也;若今通引出入門也。〉

(This passage states that Liu Wu had 巨萬 gold; 巨萬 means "ten thousand ten thousand (or, a million)".

During the Song dynasty, Songzhou was governed from Songcheng county; this was the same place as Han's Suiyang.

Regarding the Ping Terrace, Ru Chun remarked, "The Ping Terrace was northeast of Liang, at the detached palace." Yan Shigu remarked, "There is the foundation of an old terrace twenty li east of the modern city, where the land is broad and extensive; it's commonly said that this was the Ping Terrace."

Regarding the surname 枚 Mei, the Registry of Surnames mentions a certain worthy fellow named Mei Bei from the Six States (Warring States) era.

嚴 Yan Ji's surname was really 莊 Zhuang. But because the Book of Han was written after it was necessary to observe the taboo on the given name of Emperor Ming, which was Zhuang, this man's surname was recorded as Yan instead.

Those with the surname 羊 Yang are the descendants of the chief Jin minister Yang She.

Those with the surname 鄒 Zou took their name from the state of that name during the Spring and Autumn era.

This passage states that Liu Wu's subordinates were 籍 "registered" for entering the palace. The Zhengyi commentary to the Records of the Grand Historian states, "This meant to have their names recorded, like with our modern credentials for permitting passage through the gates.")
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