Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 6:52 am

First Year of Jiaping (249 A.D.)
Shu: Twelfth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Twelfth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month. On the day chia-wu (Feb. 5) the Emperor went to visit the mausoleum of Gaopingling [1], attended by the da jiangjun Cao Shuang and his younger brothers, the zhongling jun Cao Xi, the wuwei jiangjun Cao Xun, and the sanji changshi Cao Yan (曹彥). [2]

[1] From SGZ, Chronicle of Prince of Qi.

[1.1] The mausoleum was that of the late Mingdi. The Wei shi ji of Sun Sheng reads: “Gaoping ling is on Dashishan, south of the Luoshui and ninety li from the city of Luoyang.”

[1.2] Added by Sima Guang. SGZ continues, “The taifu Sima Xuanwang, through a memorial, had the da jiangjun Cao Shuang and his younger brothers dismissed from their offices and sent to their residences as Lords.” SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang has: “In the tenth year of Zhengshi (i.e. first year of Jiaping), the Emperor paid homage at Gaopingling. Cao Shuang and his younger brothers were all in his suite.”

2. The taifu Sima Yi, in the name of the Empress Dowager, closed the various city gates, dispatched troops to occupy the Arsenal, and led out the army to take up his position on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui.

[2] From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang. “Sima Xuanwang took command of the army; first he occupied the arsenal and then went out and took up station on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui.”

SGZ, Biography of the Empress Yuan, named Guo, Consort of Mingdi, states: “The three dethroned Sovereigns being young and weak, ministerial guardians directed and decided state affairs; on matters of great importance, they first consulted with the Empress Dowager before measures were taken.” For the Empress Dowager's connection in this coup d'etat, see Section 4. For the sentence on the closing of the city gates, see Note 7.2

3. He had the situ Gao Rou receive the Tally and act as da jiangjun to occupy Cao Shuang’s headquarters [1], and made the taipu Wang Guan acting as zhongling jun to occupy Cao Xi’s headquarters. [2]

[3] From two biographies.

[3.1] SGZ, Biography of Gao Rou: “When the taifu Sima Xuanwang memorialized to have Cao Shuang dismissed, the Empress Dowager conferred the Tally on Gao Rou and had him act as da jiangjun occupying Cao Shuang's headquarters. The taifu said to Gao Rou, 'You are now another Zhou Bo.'”

[3.2] SGZ, Biography of Wang Guan: “Cao Shuang and his men lived luxuriously and extravagantly. They often infringed upon the shaofu (which was Wang Guan's office until then). Fearing Wang Guan for his adherence to the laws, he transferred him to be taipu. When Sima Xuanwang was punishing Cao Shuang, he had Wang Guan act as zhonglingjun and occupy the headquarters of Cao Shuang's younger brother, Cao Xi.”

4. Then he memorialized the Emperor on Cao Shuang’s crimes: “When I returned from Liaodong some time ago, the late Emperor ordered Your Majesty, the Prince of Qin, and myself to mount the imperial couch, and holding my arm he expressed his deep concern in behalf of his successor. I said, ‘Both Cao Cao and Cao Pi entrusted me with their respective successors, as Your Majesty witnessed in person. There shall be no cause for worry: should anything go amiss, I will observe your command though I die.’ [This is something the huang-men-ling Dong Ji (董箕) and the cairen (Accomplished Ladies) who attended the sickbed all heard.] Now, the da jiangjun Cao Shuang has disobeyed the testamentary charge and trampled down the laws of the land. Within his home he emulates the imperial dignity, without he abuses power. He has destroyed the barracks and taken possession of the entire palace bodyguard, appointed his intimates to various important offices and replaced the palace guards with his own men. He has fostered corruption, daily indulging in his wantonness. Thus is his conduct outside the palace. Then, he has appointed as dujiang the huang-men Zhang Dang (張當), who monopolizes important connections. He spies on Your Majesty’s August Person, on the lookout to usurp the throne. He brings estrangement between the two palaces (i.e., the Emperor and the Empress Dowager), wounding the relationships of the blood. The empire is disturbed and the people sense danger. Your Majesty sits on the throne as a mere tolerated guest; how long can you remain in peace? This is not what the late Emperor intended when he ordered Your Majesty and me to mount the imperial couch.

Old and decrepit though I am, I dare not forget his words. Of old, Zhao Gao reveled in his desires and the Qin perished thereby; after the Lu and Huo were extirpated in good time, the lineage of the Han was perpetuated. This is a great warning for Your Majesty, and one which obliges me to act accordingly. The taiyu Jiang Ji, the shang-shu-ling Sima Fu, and others all believe that Cao Shuang has a heart which knows no Sovereign, and that he and his younger brothers therefore should not command the imperial bodyguards. I have memorialized the Yongning Palace, and the Empress Dowager has commanded me to act as I proposed in my memorial. Thereupon I ordered the official in charge, as well as the huang-men-ling, that Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, and Cao Xun are relieved of their command of the troops and are to proceed to their fiefs as Lords, and are not to tarry to detain the imperial carriage; should they detain it or themselves linger, they will be tried and punished in accordance with military regulations. Struggling against my ailments, I have led out the army and stationed it on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui in anticipation of any eventuality.”

Receiving this memorial of Sima Yi’s, Cao Shuang intercepted it and did not pass it on to the Emperor. He was greatly distressed and at a loss what to do.

[4] From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

5. He detained the imperial carriage and made the Emperor pass the night on the south bank of the Yishui. [1] He had trees hewed down to put up spiked barricades, and drafted several thousand troops of the agricultural colony as guards.

[5] From the Jin ji of Gan Bao.

[5.1] Jin ji: “Cao Shuang declined...” By omitting the first character, Sima Guang links this with the last sentence of Section 4, which in ZZTJ reads: “He was greatly distressed and at a loss what to do, but detained...”

Wei mo zhuan: “Sima Xuanwang said to his younger brother Sima Fu, 'His Majesty should not pass the night in the open while he is out of his palace,' and had tents, the taiguan (Superintendent of the Imperial Kitchen), and table utensils sent to the Emperor's temporary quarters.”

6. Sima Yi sent the shizhong Xu Yun (許允) of Gaoyang and the shang-shu Chen Tai to persuade Cao Shuang to plead guilty as early as possible. [1] He further sent the dianzhong jiaoyu Yin Damu, a man trusted by Cao Shuang to assure Cao Shuang that there would result nothing more than his dismissal; by the Luoshui he took an oath of his good faith. Chen Tai was Chen Qun’s son. [2]

[6] From SGZ and Shi yu.

[6.1] From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, which reads: “The shizhong Xu Yun and the shangshu Chen Tai persuaded Cao Shuang that he should plead guilty as early as possible.” This does not state that Sima Yi had sent them; but ZZTJ derives the story also from the Shi yu. The provenience of Xu Yun comes from SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Shang.

[6.2] From the Shiyu, which reads: “Sima Xuanwang sent Xu Yun and Chen Tai to relieve Cao Shuang of his anxiety. Jiang Ji also sent a letter to him conveying Sima Xuanwang's intentions. He further sent the dianzhong jiaoyu...Cao Shuang believed him and dismissed his troops.”

7. On the grounds that Huan Fan was a senior and experienced man of his native district, Cao Shuang used to show him especial honor above the rest of the Nine Minsters, but was not very intimate with him. Having put the army into action, Sima Yi summoned Huan Fan in the name of the Empress Dowager, wishing to have him act as zhongling jun. Huan Fan was willing to accept the appointment, but his son stopped him, saying, “With the Emperor out of the city, it is better for you to go out and proceed to the south.”

Huan Fan remained undecided for some time; his son again urged him. When Huan Fan was about to go, the sinong cheng and subordinate officials under him stopped Huan Fan. Huan Fan did not listen to them.

Huan Fan then left and went to the Ping-chang gate. The gate was already closed. The gate-keeper Si Fan (司蕃) happened to be a former subordinate of Huan Fan. Huan Fan addressed him and raised the tablet in his hand to show it to him. Falsely, he said, “I am summoned by an imperial rescript. Be quick and open the gate for me.”

Si Fan wanted to see the text of the rescript. Huan Fan scolded him and said, “Were you not my subordinate in the past? How dare you act like this?” Thereupon he opened the gate. Once out of the city, Huan Fan turned to Si Fan and said, “The taifu has revolted. You had better go along with me.” Si Fan, who was on foot, could not follow him and finally hid himself on the roadside.

[7] From the Weilue.

8. Sima Yi observed to Jiang Ji, “The ‘bag of wisdom’ is gone.” “Huang Fan is indeed wise,” said Jiang Ji, “but stupid horses are too much attached to the beans in their manger. Cao Shuang is certain not to employ his counsel.”

[8] From the Jin Shu.

9. When he arrived, Huan Fan advised Cao Shuang and his younger brothers to escort the Emperor to Xuchang and draft troops from the four quarters to strengthen his position. Cao Shuang was dubious and remained undecided. Huan Fan said to Cao Xi, “The thing is clear as day. What is the use of your having studied books? Your House being today what it is, could you become poor and lowly even if you wanted to? [6] Besides a commoner can still hope, by providing a hostage, to keep on living. You are now in the company of the emperor; if you command the empire, who will dare not to rally to you?”

They all said not a word. Huan Fan again spoke to Cao Xi, “You have another headquarters near at hand, south of the capital, and the Luo Yang Superintendent of Agriculture has his seat of office outside the city. Both are at your beck and call. If you go with the Emperor to Xu Chang, there is no need of staying more than two nights. The subsidiary arsenal to Xu Chang is adequate to arm the troops. Our only worry is provisions, but I happen to have the seal of da sinong with me.”

Cao Xi and his brothers remained silent and did not consent. This lasted from early evening until dawn, when Cao Shuang threw his sword to the ground and said, “At any rate I shall not fail to remain a rich man.” [11] Huan Fan wailed and said, “Cao Zhen was a good man, yet sired you and your brothers, little pigs and calves that you are! I never expected to be involved with you and have my family annihilated. Cao Shuang then passed Sima Yi’s memorial to the Emperor, requested a rescript of dismissal from office, and escorted the Emperor back to his palace. [13]

[9] Principally from the Weilue.

[9.6] Weilue: “Today your House is overthrown.” The ZZTJ version (also the two sentences following it) are derived from SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang: “The da sinong Huan Fan of Peiguo heard that the army had been put into action, but did not obey the summons of the Empress Dowager. He had the pingchang Gate opened by falsely giving out that he held an Imperial rescript. Unsheathing his sword, he took the gate-keeper by force along with him, and fled south to Cao Shuang. Informed of this, Sima Xuanwang observed, 'Huan Fan may give counsel, but Cao Shuang is certain not to employ Huan Fan's plan.' Huan Fan tried to persuade Cao Shuang to move the Emperor to Xuchang and enlist troops from the provinces. Cao Shuang and his younger brothers hesitated and did not come to any decision. Huan Fan then said to Cao Xi...Still Cao Xi was not able to follow this advice.”

[9.11] Weilue has: “When Cao Shuang threw down his sword to the ground and said to those officials who were in the Emperor's suite, 'I am convinced that the taifu intends no more than to have me and my younger brothers submit to him. I must indeed be rather disliked far and near.” The ZZTJ version is from the Wei shi chunqiu, which reads: “Having disarmed himself, Cao Shuang said, 'I shall not fail to remain a rich man.'”

[9.13] Weilue continues the story as follows: “Finally he advanced and said to the Emperor, 'Your Majesty will issue a rescript dismissing me from office and thus comply with the Empress Dowager's command.' Huan Fan knew that after Cao Shuang gave up and was dismissed, he himself would be charged with having instigated open resistance. He came up and then said, 'I, an old man, am going to have myself and my family annihilated for having been involved with your brothers.'

After Cao Shuang and the others were dismissed from their offices, the Emperor sent out to return to his palace, and Huan Fan was ordered to follow the Emperor in his suite. Arriving at the north of the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui, he saw Sima Xuanwang; he alighted from his carriage and knocked his head on the ground before him without uttering a word. Sima Xuanwang addressed him by his surname, 'Huan dafu, why act thus?'

After the Emperor entered the palace, he ordered Huan Fan reinstated in his office. Huan Fan came to the palace to receive the Imperial command and offer thanks. It so happened that Si Fan came to the Honglu and gave himself up; he reported in detail what Huan Fan had said to him when going out of the city. Sima Xuanwang was vexed and said, 'What measures does the law take toward a man who falsely charges another with rebellion?'

The official in charge said that according to the Criminal Code, he must be punished with the same punishment that would be meted out to the rebel. Huan Fan was then seized in the palace. They pressed Huan Fan very hard; Huan Fan said to the judiciary officials, 'Be lenient, for I am also a righteous gentlemen.' In the end he was sent to the tingyu.

SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, continuing from the passage given above, reads: “Thereupon Cao Shuang sent Xu Yun and Chen Tai back to Sima Xuanwang with the message that he pleaded guilty and deserved capital punishment. Then he passed Sima Xuanwang's memorial to the Emperor. In the end, Cao Shuang and his younger brothers were dismissed from their offices and sent to their residences as Lords.”

10. After Cao Shuang and his brothers had returned to their residences, Sima Yi drafted some officials and soldiers of Luo Yang to surround and guard them. [1] At the four corners he had high towers built and stationed men in them to watch Cao Shuang’s and his brothers’ movements. When Cao Shuang went to his rear garden, carrying a bow, the men in the towers would yell, ‘The former da jiangjun is going to the southeast. Cao Shuang was in despair and did not know what to do. [4]

[10] From the Wei mo zhuan.

[10.1] Wei mo zhuan has: “After Cao Shuang and his brothers had returned to their residences, the magistrate of Luoyangxian was ordered to levy eight hundred men and put them under the command of a yu to surround the four corners of Cao Shuang's residence.”

[10.4] Modified from Wei mo zhuan, the story goes into detail as follows:

“Cao Shuang returned to the main hall. The brothers deliberated on the matter, but they did not know what intentions Sima Xuanwang had concerning them. He then sent a letter to Sima Xuanwang: 'Cao Shuang, a lowly son, laments and is fearful beyond description; he indeed deserves butchering for his crimes. Some time ago he sent a servant of his house to obtain provisions, but until now the man has not returned. We have lacked provisions for some days and beg to obtain some from you to continue our lives.' When he received this letter, Sima Xuanwang was greatly surprised and replied to him immediately, 'I never thought of your lack of provisions, and am extremely sorry. However, I have ordered that you be sent a hundred bushels of grain, as well as preserved meat, salt and spices, and beans.' These were soon sent, whereupon Cao Shuang and his younger brothers, not understanding the changed situation, rejoiced and thought they would be spared from death.”

11. On the day wu-xu (Feb.9), the officials in charge memorialized the throne that the huang-men Zhang Dang, on his own authority, had given Cao Shuang the cairen (Accomplished Ladies) he had selected for the palace; and that there was a suspicion of illicit relations; Zhang Dang was arrested and sent to the tingyu for examination. [1] He told it that Cao Shuang, together with the shang-shu He Yan, Deng Yang, and Ding Mi, the sili jiaoyu Bi Gui, and the cishi of Jingzhou Li Sheng et al., had formed a conspiracy against the throne and were going to execute their plan in the third month (Mar. 31 – Apr. 29). [2] Thereupon, Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, Cao Xun, He Yan, Deng Yang, Ding Mi, Bi Gui, Li Sheng and Huan Fan as well, were all imprisoned and charged with high treason. Together with Zhang Dang they were all put to death, and also the members of their families to the third degree. [4]

[11] From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

[11.1] SGZ: “Now, Zhang Dang on his own authority had given to Cao Shuang the cairen Zhang, He, and others he had selected, and there was a suspicion of illicit relations; Zhang Dang was arrested for punishment.” Sima Guang also took note of SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which reads: “On the day wuxu, the officials in charge memorialized the throne to arrest the huangmen Zhang Dang and send him to the tingyu for examination.”

[11.2] SGZ: “Zhang Dang set forth how Cao Shuang, together with He Yan and others, had formed a conspiracy against the throne and, having already trained themselves in arms and weapons, were inteding to...”

SGZ, continues the passage given in Note 11.1 as follows: “He told that Cao Shuang and he had formed an insidious plot, and that furthermore the shangshu Ding Mi, Deng Yang and He Yan, the sili jiaoyu Bi Gui, the cishi of Jingzhou Li Sheng, and the da sinong Huan Fan had all joined Cao Shuang in this conspiracy. They and the members of their families to the third degree were all put to death.”

[11.4] Sgz gives a detailed account: “It happened that the ducal and other ministers and court dignitaries deliberated at court as follows: 'In accordance with the principles of the Chunqiu, a man does not plot against one's Sovereign or parents; if he does, he must be put to death. Cao Shuang, belonging to a collateral branch of the Imperial House and receiving especial favors through many generations in his family, personally received the treatment from the late Emperor, who then grasped his hand, and was entrusted with the charge of the Emperor. Yet he has harbored an insidious plot and neglected the testamentary charge; with He Yan, Deng Yang, Zhang Dang and others he has plotted to usurp the throne. Huan Fan has taken the side of these criminals. They are guilty of high treason. Thereupon, Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, Cao Xun, He Yan, Deng Yang, Ding Yi, Bi Gui, Li Sheng, Huan Fan and Zhang Dang were all put to death and the members of their families to the third degree were exterminated.”

Wei shi chunqiu gives a different account: “Now Sima Xuanwang had He Yan inquire into the case of Cao Shuang and the others. He Yan investigated his partisanship without mercy in the hope of obtaining pardon for himself. Sima Xuanwang, however, said to him, 'There are eight clans.' He Yan told him there were the Ding and the Deng, etc., seven clans in all. Sima Xuanwang said, 'They are not all.' Hard-pressed, He Yan said, 'You do not mean me?' Sima Xuanwang said, 'Quite so.' Thereupon he arrested He Yan.”

Sima Guang quotes this passage in the Zizi Tongjian kaoyi and comments as follows: “Sima Xuanwang, engaged in punishing the partisans of Cao Shuang, could not possibly let He Yan take charge of the case; even if it were possible, could He Yan, who himself was well aware that he was on terms of the greatest intimacy with Cao Shuang, have hoped that he alone would evade the punishment? In this, Sun Sheng (author of the Weishi chunqiu) was perhaps following an inaccurate story.”

12. When Cao Shuang had gone out of the capital with the Emperor, his sima Lu Zhi (魯芝) had stayed behind at his headquarters. Hearing of the coup, he had led away the mounted troops of Cao Shuang’s garrison, hewed open the gate Jinmen and gone out to Cao Shaung. When Cao Shuang was about to give up his seal and go out to meet Sima Yi, his jubu Yang Zong (楊綜) had stopped him, saying, “Your Excellency has the protection of the Sovereign and wields power. Do you want to end up at the Eastern Market (where public executions were held) by giving it up like this?” Cao Shuang had not accepted his admonition.

The officials in charge memorialized the Lu Zhi and Yang Zong be arrested and punished. The taifu Sima Yi said, “Each of them was serving his own master.” And pardoned them. Soon afterwards he appointed Lu Zhi yu-shi zhongcheng, and Yang Zong shangshulang.

[12] From Shi Yu

13. When he was about to go out to where Cao Shuang was, Lu Zhi had called the ts’a-chun {?} Xin Chang and invited him to go with him. [1] Xin Chang was Xin Pi’s son. [2] His elder sister Xin Xianying was the wife of the taichang Yang Dan (楊耽). Xin Chang took counsel with her, saying, [4] “The Son of Heaven is out and the taifu closes the city gates. People say it does not bode well for the state. Should things go like this?”

Xin Xianying said, “As far as I can make out, the taifu intends in this move nothing further than putting Cao Shuang to death.” [5] Xin Chang said, “In that case, will he succeed?” Xin Xian-Ying said, “Why should he not succeed? Cao Shuang is no match for the taifu as far as ability is concerned.” Xin Chang said, “If so, would it be well for me not to go out?” Xin Xianying said, “How can you not go out? To execute one’s duty is man’s greatest principle. When even a stranger is in distress, one must pity him. But to forsake one’s duty in the service of others is a most inauspicious thing. Furthermore, one who is trusted by another person must die for him; this is the duty delving from such a close relation. You only have to follow what others do.” And so Xin Chang went out. [8] After the matter was all brought to order, Xin Chang exclaimed, “Had I not consulted my elder sister, I would have missed doing right.”

[13] From Shi Yu, where it is preceded by the following, “Xin Chang, zi Taiyong, attained to the office of weiyu. Xin Pi's daughter, Xin Xianying, was married to the taichang Yang Dan of Taishan. Her grandson by her daughter Xiahou Zhan wrote a biography of her:

“Xianying was gifted with intelligence and talent. The future Wendi and Prince Si of Chen (Cao Zhi) were contending to become Crown Prince. Eventually Wendi so became, and embracing Xin Pi's neck he joyfully said, 'Master Xin, do you know how happy I am?' Xin PI told this to Xianying, who exclaimed, 'A Crown Prince is one who eventually will replace the Sovereign and inherit the Ancestral Temple and the Dynasty. Since he is going to replace the Sovereign (upon his death), he ought to be depressed; since he is going to rule over a state, he ought to be fearful. Though he ought to be depressed, he is now happy. How can it all last long? The Wei will not prosper.' Her brother, younger in age, Xin Chang was canjun to the da jiangjun Cao Shuang. Intending to kill Cao Xuang, Sima Xuanwang closed the city gates while Cao Shuang had gone out...”

Jin shu gives a similar story, apparently derived from Shi yu.

[13.1] Shi yu has: “The sima to the da jiangjun Lu Ji was about to lead away the troops of his superior's headquarters to breach the gates and passes and go out through the city gate to Cao Shuang; he came and summoned Xin Chang to go along with him.”

[13.2] Interpolated by Sima Guang. SGZ, Biography of Xin Pi states: “Xin Pi's son, Xin Chang, was his heir and, during the Xianxi period (264-265), became taishou of Henei.”

[13.4] Shi yu: “Xin Chang was afraid and asked Xin Xianying...” According to Shi yu, Xin Xianying died in the fifth year of Taishi (269 AD) at the age of seventy-nine. That is to say, she lived 191-269 AD; at this time she was fifty-nine years old.

[13.5] Shi yu: “'There are some things in this world which we cannot know, but as far as I can make out, the taifu perhaps cannot but act thus. When he was about to die, Ming Huangdi held the taifu's arm and charged him with the care of things after his death. His words still linger in the ears of the court dignitaries. Furthermore, Cao Shuang and the taifu were both charged with his trust, but the former has monopolized power and lived arrogantly and lavishly; he has been disloyal to the royal House and not upright in matters of human relations. The taifu intends in this move of his nothing further than putting Cao Shuang to death.'”

[13.8] After this, Shiyu has a sentence which ZZTJ omits: “True to her prediction, Sima Xuanwang put Cao Shuang to death.”

14. Sometime before this, Cao Shuang had given official appointments to Wang Shen and Yang Hu of Taishan; Wang Chen advised Yang Hu to accept the appointment. [1] Yang Hu said, “It is so difficult to serve other people!” Wang Chen eventually went to take his appointment. [2] When Cao Shuang met his disaster Wang Shen escaped it because he had been merely a subordinate. He then said to Yang Hu, “I have not forgotten what you told me.” Yang Hu said, “This is not what I had in mind at the time.”

[14] From Jin Shu, Biography of Yang Hu.

[14.1] Jin shu: “He, Yang Hu, and Wang Chen were both given official appointments by Cao Shuang. Wang Chen advised acceptance of the appointment.” Jin Shu: “Yang Hu, zi Shuzi, was a native of Nancheng in Taishan. He served his father's younger brother Yang Dan assiduously.” This Yang Dan was the husband of the sagacious lady in the preceding section.

[14.2] Interpolated by Sima Guang. Jin shu, Biography of Wang Chen states: “Wang Chen, zi Chudao, was a man of Jinyang in Taiyuan. The da jiangjun Cao Shuang appointed him his yuan; he was finally promoted to be zhongshu shilang and huangmen shilang. When Cao Shuang met his ruin, Wang Chen escaped it because he had been merely a subordinate.”

15. Xiahou Lingnu, the wife of Cao Shuang’s younger cousin Cao Wenshu had early become a widow and had no son. [1] Her father Xiahou Wenning (夏侯文寧) wanted to re-marry her; Xiahou Lingnu cut off both her ears to show her determination not to marry again. [2] She was a supporter of Cao Shuang. After Cao Shaung was put to death, her family sent up a letter to the throne repudiating any matrimonial relationship with the Cao, and compelled her to return intending to re-marry her. [4] Xiahou Llingnu retired secretly to her bedroom, drew out a knife and cut off her nose. [5] Her family was astonished and regretful.

“Our life in this world is like a particle of light dust on a blade of weak grass.” They said to her. “Why torment yourself to this extent? Besides, your husband’s family is completely exterminated. What purpose does it serve for you to persevere in your chastity?” Xiahou Lingnu said, “I have heard that a person of worth does not renounce his principles because of changes in fortune, nor a righteous person change his mind with a view to preservation or destruction. While the Cao flourished, I was bent on keeping my chastity. Now that they have declined and perished, can I bear to renounce them? Even animals do not act this way; how can I?” Hearing of this, Sima Yi commended her and gave her permission to adopt a son as heir to the Cao.

[15] From the Lie nu zhuan of Huangfu Mi.

[15.1] Lie nu zhuan: “The wife of Cao Shuang's younger cousin Cao Wenshu, daughter of Xiahou Wenning of Qiaojun, was named Xiahou Lingnnu; Cao Wenshu having died early, she wore mourning for him. Well aware that she was still young and had no son, she feared that her family might remarry her; she therefore cut her hair to show her determination.”

[15.2] Lie nu zhuan: “Afterwards, her family, as she anticipated, desired to re-marry her; hearing of this, Xiahou Lingnu again took up a knife and sliced off her two ears.”

[15.4] Lie nu zhuan: “When Cao Shuang was put to death and the Cao all perished, the younger brother of Xiahou Lingnu's father sent up a letter to the throne repudiating any matrimonial relationship with the Cao and compelled Xiahou Lingnu to return. At that time, Xiahou Wenning was serving as minister to the Prince of Liang; he regretted her perseverance in chastity in spite of her youth, and furthermore since there was no offspring of the Cao left, he hoped she might be dissuaded from her determination. He therefore sent a messenger to her advising her to remarry. Xiahou Lingnu sighed and wept, saying, 'I am of the same mind; it is right to consent.' Her family believed her and their watch over her was relaxed a bit.”

[15.5] Lie nu zhuan: “Thereupon Xiahou Lingnu retired secretly to her bedroom, cut off her nose and lay down with the bedcover over her face. When her mother called her there was no answer. When she raised the bedcover and looked, there was blood all over the bed and mat. The entire family was surprised and rushed to see her; there was no one who did not shed tears.”

16. While in power, men like He Yan considered themselves the great talents of the age, unequaled by anybody else. [1] He Yan once wrote an Evaluation of Famous Men, reading, “’Those operations searched out what was deep: – therefore they could penetrate to the views of all under heaven.' This refers to Xiahou Taichu (i.e. Xiahou Xuan). 'They made apparent the minutest springs of things:--therefore they could bring to completion all undertakings under heaven.' This refers to Sima Ziyuan (Sima Shi). 'Their action was spirit-like:--therefore they could make speed without haste, and reached their destination without traveling.' I have heard this saying, but I have not yet met the man."

The implication is that he took the spirit-like one to be himself.

[16] From Wei shi chunqiu, where the passage precedes that given above in the second paragraph of Note 11.4.

[16.1] Sima Guang's own sentence. Wei shi chunqiu: “To go back, Xiahou Xuan, He Yan, et al., in their time achieved renown, which Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) shared as well.”

17. The xuanbulang Liu Tao (劉陶) was a son of Liu Ye. While still young, he was already an eloquent speaker. [1] Deng Yang and others praised him as another Yi Yin or Lu Shang. Liu Tao once said to Fu Xuan, [3] “Confucius was not a sage. How do I know this? A wise man stands among the masses of the stupid people as if he were playing with a ball in his palm. [5] But Confucius was not able to become mater of the empire. How can he, then, be called a sage?” Fu Xuan did not refute him at all, but merely said to him, “The world is full of vicissitudes. I shall soon witness your distress.” After Cao Shuang met his disaster, Liu Tao retired to his country home and apologized for his extravagant words.

[17] From Fu zi.

[17.1] Fu zi: “Liu Tao, Zi Jiye, was renowned and eloquent in speech. In Cao Shuang's time he was xuanbulang.”

SGZ, Biography of Liu Ye: “Liu Ye's son Liu Yu became his heir. The second son Liu Tao also possessed great talent, but was frivolous in his conduct; he attained to the office of taishou of Pingyuan.”

[17.3] Fu zi: “He said to Fu Xuan...” Fu Xuan was the author of the Fu zi.

[17.5] Fu zi has: “A wise man's aim is dominion over the state; the masses of the stupid people of the world are a mere ball in his palm.”

18. Guan Lu’s maternal uncle asked Guan Lu, “How did you know before that He Yan and Deng Yang would come to destruction?” [1] Guan Lu said, “By meeting men of ill fortune, one comes to know the influences of the spirits; by approaching men of good luck, one comes to know how wonderfully the sages and the worthy sought refinement. Now when Deng Yang walked, his muscles did not bind his skeleton, nor did his pulse control his flesh; he stood aslant as if he had no hands and feet. This is known as the ghostly gait. As for He Yan’s physiognomy, his soul did not maintain its dwelling, nor his blood ornament his color; his spirit floated like smoke and he looked like a desiccated tree. This is known as ghostly obscurity. These two things are not signs of good fortune.

[18] From the Guan Lu bie zhuan. SGZ, Biography of Guan Lu reads: “On New Year's Day (January 31, 249) a northwesterly wind blew violenty and dust covered the sky, and this continued for over ten days. Hearing that He Yan and Deng Yang had all been put to death, his uncle then admired him.”

[18.1] Lu bie zhuan: “Guan Lu's maternal uncle, the dafu Xia, asked Guan Lu, 'Did you not say on the day when you saw He Yan and Deng Yang that they already showed presages of calamity?'”

19. He Yan was vain by nature; powder never left his hands, and he looked at his shadow when he walked. He was especially fond of the writings of Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi. [2] With men like Xiahou Xuan, Xun Can (荀粲), and Wang Bi (王弼) of Shangyang, he competed in metaphysical disquisition, and held nihilism in great esteem. [3] These men considered the Six Classics the mere dregs left by the sages. [4] As a result scholars throughout the empire rivaled each other in emulating them, and this became a trend which could not be suppressed anymore. Xun Can was a son of Xun Yu.

[19] From SGZ and Wei lue.

[19.2] SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang states: “He Yan was a grandson of He Jin. His mother named Yin became a furen (concubine) of Taizu (Cao Cao), and so He Yan grew up in the palace. Added to this, he married an Imperial princess (a daughter of his stepfather Cao Cao). While still young, he became renowned because of his talent. He was fond of the sayings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. He wrote Dao de lun and other items in prose and verse; his works numbered tens of items in all.”

[19.3] Sima Guang's own sentence. The biography of Xun Can written by He Shao, states: “Soon afterwards, Xun Can became friendly with Fu Jia; Xiahou Xuan was also intimate with him.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui states: “While still in their teens, Zhong Hui and Wang Bi of Shangyang both became renowned. Wang Bi was skilled in discussing Confucianism and Daoism; he was eloquent and keen. He wrote commentaries in the Changes and the Laozi. He became shangshulang and died in his twenties.”

Wang Bi's biography by He Shao states: “At this time He Yan, who was libu shangshu, greatly admired Wang Bi.”

Concerning the so-called romantic school of this time, in particular on qingtan, pessimism and nihilism, see Shi shuo xinyu.

[19.4] He Shao's biography of Xun Can: “Xun Can, zi Fengjiang. Xun Can's elder brothers all argued in favor of Confucian studies. Xun Can alone was fond of talking Daoism. He used to say that since Zigong reported, 'The Master's discourses about man's nature and the Way of Heaven cannot be heard,' the Six Records, though still extant, were the mere dregs left by the sages.” The reference to Zigong is from Lunyu (the Analects of Confucius).

20. On the day bing-wu (Feb. 17), a general amnesty was given.

[20] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

21. On the day dingwei (Feb. 18), the Emperor appointed the taifu Sima Yi chengxiang (Prime Minster) and conferred on him the Nine Gifts; Sima Yi earnestly declined and did not accept.

[21] SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “On the day dingwei, the Emperor appointed the taifu Sima Xuanwang chengxiang, but he earnestly declined, so the Emperor desisted.”

Han Wei chunqiu (by Gong Yan): “The Emperor had the taichang Wang Su write down an edict appointing the taifu to be chengxiang, increasing his appanage by ten thousand households, and commanding the officials not to mention his ming when they memorialized the throne, just as in the case of Huo Guang of Han times.

The taifu sent up a letter declining this honor: 'Having received the testamentary charge of the Late Emperor, I have been in great anxiety because of the heavy responsibility devolving upon me. Thanks to Your Majesty's celestial prowess, I have been able to crush the iniquitous; I congratulate myself in thus earning an acquittal from my remissness. As for merit, this is nothing to speak of. Furthermore, the offices of the Three Ducal Ministers were instituted by sage Kings and are made prominent in institutional writings. As for chengxiang, its beginning dates from Zheng of Qin (the First Emperor, i.e. Ying Zheng or Qin Shihuangdi), and the Han accepted the institution without changing it. A few favored officials would go against the ancient institution; they would modify the norm of the sages' insight and follow in the footsteps of Qin and Han. Even a subject who is not directly concerned ought to rectify this error; If I, whom directly concerned in the matter, do not contend against this, what will the critics of the four quarters say against me?'

He sent up a letter more than ten times. In the end, the Emperor acquiesced, but then conferred on him the Nine Gifts. The taifu again said, 'Taizu had earned a supreme achievement and distinguished himself as a man of a supreme virtue, hence the Han showed their appreciation by conferring the Nine Gifts on him. In all the past this is an extraordinary event, a usage that should not be followed by Sovereigns and subjects of later ages.'

Thus he again declined and did not accept them.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi differs in matters of dates and gives more details: “Second Month (March 1-30, 249). The Son of Heaven appointed Xuandi chengxiang, increased his fief with Fanchang, Yanling, Xinji and Fucheng, all in Yingchuan, which including his former fiefs made in all eight xian consisting of twenty-thousand households, and commanded that his ming should not be mentioned in memorials to the throne. He earnestly declined the appointment to chengxiang. Winter, twelfth month (January 20-February 18, 250). The Emperor conferred on him the Nine Gifts and gave him the privilege of not bowing at court; he earnestly declined to accept the Nine Gifts.”

Ambitious as he was, Sima Yi was practical enough to leave the job of usurping the throne to his son. Of course all these honors he is reported to have refused were shown him at his own instigation, but by refusing them he was merely making the path easier for his son.

22. Now, the you jiangjun Xiahou Ba had been on good terms with Cao Shuang. [1] Because his father Xiahou Yuan had been killed by the Shu, he was always gnashing his teeth, cherishing the aim of avenging him. [2] As tao-Shu hujun, he had been stationed in Longxi subordinate to the zhengxi jiangjun. The zhengxi jiangjun Xiahou Xuan was Xiahou Ba’s nephew and Cao Shuang’s cousin. After Cao Shuang was put to death, Sima Yi summoned Xiahou Xuan to the capital and replaced him with the cishi of Yongzhou, Guo Huai. Xiahou Ba did not get along with Guo Huai, and felt certain calamity would befall him; he was much afraid and fled to Han. The Sovereign of Han said to him, ‘Your father met his end through his own actions on the battlefield; it was not my father’s hand that killed him.” He treated him very liberally.

[22] Except first sentence, this section is from Weilue, which reads: “Xiahou Ba, zi Zhongquan. Because Xiahou Yuan had been killed by the Shu, Xiahou Ba was always gnashing his teeth and wanted to take revenge on the Shu. During the Huangchu period, he was pian jiangjun. At the battle of the Ziwu valley, Xiahou Ba was assigned the vanguard. He advanced to Xingshi (in 244 AD) and camped in the valley. The Shu recognized him to be Xiahou Ba and rushed to attack him. Xiahou Ba defended his position, fortified by spiked barricades (something like chevaux de frise). Thanks to timely arrival of reinforcements, the encirclement was broken. Later he was appointed yu jiangjun, in which capacity he was stationed at Longxi. He took good care of his troops and was friendly with the Rong barbarians, and was liked by both.

During the Zhengshi period, he replaced Xiahou Ru as zhengshu hujun and was subordinate to the zhengxi jiangjun. At that time, the zhengxi jiangjun was Xiahou Xuan, a nephew of Xiahou Ba and a cousin of Cao Shuang. Having put Cao Shuang to death, Sima Xuanwang recalled Xiahou Xuan, who came east. Hearing that Cao Shuang had been put to death and also that Xiahou Xuan had been recalled, Xiahou Ba thought that disaster would befall him next, and was fearful at heart. In addition, Xiahou Ba did not get along with the cishi of Yongzhou, Guo Huai, and Guo Huai now replaced Xiahou Xuan as zhengxi jiangjun. Xiahou Ba became all the more uneasy in his mind and finally fled to Shu.

He went south to Yinping, but lost his way and wandered into an out-of-the-way valley. His provisions being exhausted, he killed his horse and walked on foot, and his feet became cracked. Lying down below a rock, he sent a man to find a road, but he did not know which way to take. Hearing of this, the Shu sent a man to welcome him. Now in the fifth year of Jian'an (200 AD), a female cousin of Xiahou Ba, aged thirteen or fourteen, while living in her native prefecture went out to gather firewood; she was seized by Zhang Fei, who knew she was a girl from a respectable family and took her to wife. She gave birth to daughters who became Liu Shan's consorts. This is why after Xiahou Yuan's death, Zhang Fei's wife gave him his funeral. When Xiahou Ba entered Shu, Liu Shan met him and explained to him, 'Your father met his end through his own actions on the battlefield. It was not my father's hand that killed him.' He then pointed to his son and said, 'This is a nephew of the Xiahou family.' He conferred rank and favors on him liberally.”

[22.1] SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Yuan: “During the Zhengshi period, Xiahou Ba became taoshu hujun and you jiangjun and he was advanced in enfeoffment to be Lord of Bochang ting. He had been on good terms with Cao Shuang. Hearing that Cao Shuang had been put to death, he felt uneasy for himself and went to Shu. Because of the former merits of Xiahou Yuan, Xiahou Ba's sons were pardoned and banished to Lelangjun.”

[22.2] Xiahou Ba was the second of the five sons of Xiahou Yuan.

23. Jiang Wei asked Xiahou Ba, [1] “Now that Sima Yi holds the political power, does he not intend to begin military expeditions?” Xiahou Ba said, “He is occupied at present with setting up his House, and has no time for external affairs. There is a man called Zhong Shiji; young as he is, it will be a cause of anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu if he takes charge of the court’s administration.” [2] This Zhong Shiji was the shang-shu-lang Zhong Hui, a son of Zhong Yao. [3]

[23] From Han Jin chunqiu.

[23.1] Han Jin chunqiu, “After Xiahou Ba had submitted to Shu, Jiang Wei asked him...”

[23.2] Han Jin chunqiu: “'There is a man called Zhong Shiji, who, young as he is, will turn out to be a cause for anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu. However, only a man of extraordinary ability can make use of him.' Fifteen years later, Zhong Hui, true to this saying, destroyed Shu.”

The slight verbal difference in the ZZTJ sentence is derived from Shi yu, also quoted in SGZ. The commentator Pei Songzhi, who quotes from these two books, thinks that Xi Zuochi, author of Han Jin chunqiu, here did not draw from any independent source, but rather adopted and amplified the version given in the Shi yu, which reads: “When Xiahou Ba fled to Shu, the Shu court asked what his Excellency Sima was doing. Xiahou Ba said, 'He is building his own House. But there is in the capital a man of excellent parts, called Zhong Shiji; it would be a cause for anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu for him to take charge of the court's administration.”

This translation assumes that either one or the other of [insert certain Chinese characters] is redundant. Otherwise the sentence must be rendered: “But men of intelligence in the capital say, 'If Zhong Shiji takes charge of the court business, there will be cause for anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu.'” This does not fit the context as well. Note how Sima Guang produces a tertium quid.

[23.3] Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui: “Zhong Hui, zi Shixiu, was a man of Changshe in Yingchuan. He was the youngest son of the taifu Zhong Yao. While still young, he was precocious.” The man's zi must have been Shiji, for he was the youngest son. Shixiu is a misprint.

24. Third Month (Mar. 31 – Apr. 29). The Wu zuo da sima Zhu Ran died. Zhu Ran was less than seven chi in height, but all his features were distinct and clear, and he cultivated his inner self. He ornamented only his military weapons; all other things were simple and plain. All day long he was as solemn as if he were on the battlefield. In emergencies he was brave and calm, far surpassing others. Even in times of peace, he would have drums beaten vigorously every morning and night; the soldiers of his barracks all marched in formation. He maneuvered with the enemy in this fashion, so that they never knew what he was prepared to do, and for this reason his campaigns were always successful. [6]

Zhu Ran had been ill, and his condition became more and more serious. The Sovereign of Wu during the day cut down his meals, and at night stayed awake. Palace messengers carrying medicines and food crowded the road. Each time Zhu Ran sent an envoy to report on his condition, the Sovereign of Wu received him and made inquiries in person; when he entered, he gave him wine and food; when he went out, he gave him cloths and silken fabrics. [9] When Zhu Ran died, the Sovereign of Wu grieved over him bitterly. [10]

[24] Except first sentence, from SGZ, Biography of Zhu Ran. The first part is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

[24.6] After this, SGZ has a passage ZZTJ omits: “Zhuge Jin's son, Zhuge Rong, and Bu Zhi's son, Bu Xie, had inherited their fathers' offices, but Sun Quan especially charged Zhu Ran with the duty of General Superintendent (dadu) over them. Even Lu Xun, who happened to be the only meritorious official and renowned general still alive, fell short of Zhu Ran in receiving distinctions.”

[24.9] After this, SGZ has a passage ZZTJ omits: “Of the meritorious officials who had fallen sick, Sun Quan showed most anxiety for Lü Meng and Ling Tong, Zhu Ran coming next in order.”

[24.10] SGZ: “At the age of sixty-eight, in the twelfth year of Chiwu, he died. Sun Quan put on white clothes in mourning for him and grieved over him bitterly.” In other words, he lived 182-249 AD.

25. Summer, fourth month. On the day Yichou (May 8) the reign-title was altered (from the tenth year of Zhengshi to the first year of Jiaping).

[25] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

26. When Cao Shuang was south of the Yi River, Jiang Ji, later canonized as Lord Qing of Changling, sent him a letter saying that the tai-fu intended nothing further than removing him from office. [1] After Cao Shuang was put to death, Jiang Ji was raised in enfeoffment to be Lord of Duxiang. He sent up a memorial earnestly declining this promotion, but he was not permitted to do so. [3] Chagrined at his words to Cao Shuang not being fulfilled, he fell sick, and on the day bingzi (May 19) he died.

[26] From Shi yu.

[26.1] Shi yu: “Now Jiang Ji had been with Sima Xuanwang on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui; Jiang Ji sent a letter to Cao Shuang saying that Sima Xuanwang intended nothing further than removing him from office.”

With regard to this letter, the Jin Ji of Gan Bao, says: “Maintaining that Cao Zhen for his merits and achievements did not deserve to have his lineage cut off, Jiang Ji had Cao Xi succeed to it. Furthermore, Jiang Ji was chargrined at his word to Cao Shuang not being fulfilled, and he fell sick and died.”

The passage to which the foregoing serves as commentary reads: “During the Jiaping period, the family lines of meritorious officials were made to continue: Cao Zhen's grand nephew (i.e. a nephew of Cao Shuang, who was the eldest son of Cao Zhen), Cao Xi, was enfeoffed as Lord of Xinchang ting, with an appanage of three hundred households; thus he was made heir to Cao Zhen.”

For a third reference to the letter, see above Note 6.2.

SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji states: “After the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, Jiang Ji was transferred to be linjun jiangjun and raised in enfeoffment to be Lord of Changling Ting.” For his canonization as Jing, see Note 26.3 below.

[26.3] Sima Guang's own wording. SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji: “Because he had been with the taifu Sima Xuanwang on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui and thus helped to bring about the execution of Cao Shuang and the others, he was raised in enfeoffment to Lord of Duxiang, with an appanage of seven hundred households. Jiang Ji sent a memorial saying, 'I was invested with high office, yet Cao Shuang dared to harbor iniquitous intentions; this proves that I was incapable. The taifu exerted himself and took the matter in his hands for decision. Your Majesty has shown recognition of his loyal service. That criminals are put to death is a good fortune for the state. On the other hand, enfeoffment and rewards should be given to those who have earned merit. But as far as counsel is concerned, I was not aware beforehand; as far as battle is concerned, I am not one who led it.

If right measures are missed above, those below will suffer the evil consequences. I happen to be a State Minister, and in the eyes of all people, I am afraid a precedent of receiving rewards undeservedly might thus begin, and the excellent usage of modest declining fall into desuetude.' He earnestly declined, but was not permitted to refuse. He died in this year, and was canonized Lord Jing.”

27. Autumn. The Han wei jiangjun Jiang Wei invaded Yongzhou. [1] He built two walled fortresses on the Chu-shan and had the yan-men-jiang Gou An and Li Xin, etc., guard them. [2] He also incited Qiang barbarians such as Zhi Ren (質任) to invade neighboring prefectures. The zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai and the cishi of Yongzhou Chen Tai, were holding them off. Chen Tai said, the “Chucheng (one of the fortresses) is indeed strong, but it is too far from Shu and the road is steep; yet provisions have to be transported to it. The Qiang barbarians are suffering from the labors imposed on them by Jiang Wei; they are certain not to work loyally for him. If we besiege and capture it now, we can take it without bloodying our swords. Reinforcements may come, but the mountain paths are steep and are not suitable ground for troop marches.”

Thereupon Guo Huai let Chen Tai lead the tao-Shu hujun Xu Zhi and the taishou of Nan-an Deng Ai and advanced with the troops to besiege Chu-cheng. They cut off its supply route and the stream outside it. Gou An and the others tried to provoke them to a battle, but it was not permitted. The Han generals and troops were in distress; they divided their provisions and gathered snow, in order to gain time. Jiang Wei brought reinforcements, coming from the mountain Niutou-shan and confronting Chen Tai. Chen Tai said, “The Art of War places value on defeat of the enemy without fighting. [8] If we now cut off Niu-tou-shan and leave Jiang Wei no route of retreat, then he will be our captive.”

He then commanded the various troops to strengthen their fortifications and not to fight. He sent a messenger to Guo Huai telling him that while he himself was going to cross the Bo-shui to the south and then go east along the river, Guo Huai should hasten to Niutou-shan and intercept the route of retreat, so that together they could capture not only Gou An and his colleagues, but also Jiang Wei. Guo Huai followed this plan, and moved his troops forward to the Tao-shui. Jiang Wei fled in panic. Gou An and the others, thus isolated, surrendered.

[27] Except first sentence, this is from SGZ Biography of Chen Tai, where the passage is preceded by: “At the beginning of the Jiaping period, Chen Tai replaced Guo Huai as cishi of Yongzhou and was given the additional title of fenwei jiangjun.”

[27.1] SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, where it reads: “In autumn, the wei jiangjun Jiang Wei went out to attack Yongzhou. He returned without taking it, and the generals Gou An and Li Shao (李韶) surrendered to the Wei.”

[27.2] Sgz refers to Jiang Wei here as da jiangjun. The Wei historiographer, from whose records Chen Shou compiled the Wei section of SGZ, must have been misinformed, for Jiang Wei did not become da jiangjun till 256 AD. SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, states, “In the tenth year of Yanxi, Jiang Wei was promoted to wei jiangjun.”

Li Xin here must be identical with Li Shao; it is not certain which name is correct.

[27.8] Sun zi ji ju has: “Therefore a good general defeats the enemy troops, but not with a battle.”

28. Thereupon Guo Huai proceeded to the west to strike the various Qiang tribes. Deng Ai said, “The enemy has not gone far and may possibly return. We had better leave a part of the troops as a precaution.” Thereupon Deng Ai was left behind, north of the Bo-shui. Three days later Jiang Wei sent his general Liao Hua to move ahead from the Bai-shui toward Deng Ai’s camp. Deng Ai said to his generals, “Now Jiang Wei has come. Our troops being as few as they are, the thing for him to do would be to cross the river; but he is building no bridge. This shows that Jiang Wei is letting Liao Hua keep us occupied so we will not withdraw. It is certain that Jiang Wei himself is attacking to the east to take Taocheng.” This Taocheng was north of the river, sixty li from where Deng Ai was stationed. That same night Deng Ai secretly took his troops to the place. As was expected, Jiang Wei came and crossed the river, but since Deng Ai had forestalled him in occupying the city, no disaster ensued. The Han troops withdrew.

[28] From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai, continuing from the passage given in 241 AD. ZZTJ omits the following introductory passage: “He then received a provincial appointment as canjunshi to the zhengxi jiangjun, then was promoted to taishou of Nan'an. In the first year of Jiaping, together with the zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai, he repelled the bian jiangjun Jiang Wei of Shu (this again is an error of the Wei historiographer). Jiang Wei withdrew.”

29. The cishi (Inspector) of Yanzhou Linghu Yu, son of a sister of the sigong Wang Ling, had been stationed at Pingyi. Both the nephew and his uncle held important military positions [2] south of the Huai river. Wang Ling and Linghu Yu, regarding the emperor as unintelligent, weak, and controlled by a powerful minister (Sima Yi), and hearing that Cao Biao, Prince of Chu, was intelligent and courageous, plotted to enthrone the latter, with Xu Chang as capital. [3]

Ninth month (Oct. 24 – Nov. 21). Linghu Yu sent his subordinate general Zhang Shi to Baima to contact the Prince of Chu. Wang Ling also sent his subordinate official Lao Jing (勞精) to Luo Yang to tell his son Wang Guang (王廣). Wang Guang said, [6]“In embarking on a great venture, one must take as basis the sentiments of men. Cao Shuang lost his popularity with the people because of his arrogance and luxury; He Pingshu (He Yan) was vain and ungoverned. Ding Mi, Bi Gui, Huan Fan, and Deng Yang were all men of renown, but they made too much of themselves in the world. Besides, they time and again altered governmental institutions and changed the laws – all of which may have been from high aims, but had no connection with the sentiments of those below; the people were accustomed to the ancient usages, and did not follow them. Therefore, in spite of the fact that their power extended over the land within the four seas and their renown shook the empire; they were all put to death on the same day. With such famous men halved in number, the people found peace, and none pitied them. All this was because they lost popularity with the people. Now Sima Yi cannot be fathomed, but what he does never runs contrary to the situation. He gives his assignments to the worthy and capable, and liberally credits those who are better than he; he practices the laws of the former rulers and satisfies the people’s desire. Of whatever Cao Shuang did wrong, he has left nothing uncorrected. He does not relax his efforts day and night, his primary aim being to soothe the people. He and his sons all wield military power; it will not be easy to ruin them”

Wang Ling did not follow this advice.

[29] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling and Han Jin chunqiu.

[29.2] After this sentence, SGZ has a passage which does not fit the sequence of the narrative and is incorrect in its chronology, hence omitted in ZZTJ: “Wang Ling was promoted to be sigong (see 248 AD, section 4). Having put Cao Shuang to death, Sima Xuanwang had Wang Ling promoted to be taiyu, with the Tally.”

[29.3] Han Jin chunqiu, “Wang Ling and Linghu Yu, regarding the Emperor, who was still young and controlled by a powerful minister, as hence not worthy to be a Sovereign, and regarding Cao Biao, Prince of Chu, as mature and able, plotted to enthrone the latter, so that the House of the Cao might flourish.”

SGZ: “Wang Ling and Linghu Yu secretly deliberated that the Prince of Qi was not competent for the Celestial position, while the Prince of Chu was elderly and able; they wished to enthrone Cao Biao, with Xuchang as capital.”

The ZZTJ wording also borrows from the Weilue, which reads: “Linghu Yu heard that Cao Biao, the Prince of Chu, was intelligent and courageous.” This Prince of Chu was a son of Cao Cao.

[29.6] Wang Guang's words are taken from Han Jin chunqiu, with few changes. The SGZ commentator Pei Songzhi, who quotes them, suspects that they were forged by the book's compiler Xi Zuochi, since they are not countenanced by other historians and are not in proper style.

30. Winter, eleventh month (Dec. 22, 249 – Jan. 19, 250). Linghu Yu again sent Zhang Shi to the Prince of Chu; before he had returned, it happened that Linghu Yu died of illness.

[30] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling: “In the eleventh month of the same year, Linghu Yu sent Zhang Shi to Cao Biao; before he returned, it happened that Linghu Yu died of illness.”

31. Twelfth month. On the day xinmao(Jan. 28, 250), while still at his post at Shou Chun, Wang Ling was given the appointment of taiyu.

[31] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “Winter, twelfth month. On the day xinmao, the sigong Wang Ling was appointed taiyu.”

32. On the day gengzi (Feb. 6, 250), the sili jiaoyu Sun Li was appointed sigong.

[32] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

33. The guanglu dafu Xu Miao died. Xu Miao was renowned for his high principles. [1] Lu Qin once wrote an easy in praise of Xu Miao, saying, “His Excellency Xu Miao is lofty in aim and pure in deed, broad in talent and vehement in spirit. In his conduct he is lofty but not precipitous, pure but not uncompromising, broad but true to his words, vehement but able to be tolerant. Purity is what sages held to be difficult to attain, but it is any easy matter for His Excellency Xu Miao. Someone asked me how it was that during the time of Wu-Ti (Cao Cao), His Excellency Xu Miao was known as a man of free spirit, but since he had become cishi of Liangzhou and returned to the capital, he was thought to be uncompromising. I answered, ‘In earlier times, when Mao Xiaoxian and Cui Jigui were directing affairs, they prized men of purity and simplicity, so all their contemporaries changed their carriages and clothing to seek high repute. But His Excellency Xu Miao did not change from his usual manner, hence he was held to be a man of free spirit. In recent times, the whole empire has become luxurious and extravagant, one aping and emulating the other. But His Excellency Xu Miao remained constant and was not like the crowd. Hence he was said to be free in former days and uncompromised today. This only proves that the world is inconstant, while His Excellency Xu Miao is constant.’”

Lu Qin was a son of Lu Yu. [8]

[33] From SGZ, Biography of Xu Miao, continuing from the passage given in year AD 248, section 2.

[33.1] Rewritten from the following: “In the first year of Jiaping, at the age of seventy-eight, and as guanglu dafu, he died at his home (thus he lived 172-249 AD). He was given a state funeral and was canonized Lord Mu. His son Xu Wu succeeded him as his heir. In the sixth year (254 AD), the Court honored men of high principle, the Imperial edict reading: 'To honor the able and show distinction to the virtuous was a thing the sage Kings prized highly. To make the good prominent and thus to instruct the world was a thing Confucius commended.

The late sigong Xu Miao (actually he declined to become sigong—See 248 AD, Section 2), the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Zhi and the weiyu Tian Yu all served under their former rulers, continuing their service through four generations (Cao Cao, Cao Pi, Cao Rui and Cao Fang, the present Emperor). Outside the Court they commanded troops; within it, they assisted in government. They were loyal and high-minded in their service of the State, and in their concern for it were forgetful of their private interests. They did not devote their attention to the betterment of their fortunes; after their death, there was no excess wealth left in their families. I commend them exceedingly. I herewith confer on the families of Xu Miao and the others two thousand bushels of grain and three hundred thousand cash in money. This shall be published throughout the Empire.'

Han Guan, zi Manyu, from the same district as Xu Miao, was a man of penetrating intelligence and great ability, as renowned as Xu Miao. He preceded Sun Li and Lu Yu as cishi of Yuzhou. His administration was very successful, and he died in office.”

[33.8] Interpolated by Sima Guang. SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu, states: “Lu Yu had two sons, Lu Qin and Lu Ting. During the Xianxi period (264-266 AD), Lu Qin became shangshu and Lu Ting taishou (prefect) of Taishan.”

End of AD 249.


Useful Resources

Article about Xuanxue Daoism, which became prevalent in this time

Article about Wang Bi and his contributions to Chinese philosophy.

Article about Zhong Hui and his contributions to Chinese philosophy.

Article about Zhong Hui's philosophy (requires JSTOR account; free)
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 7:52 am

Second Year of Jiaping (250 A.D.)
Shu: Thirteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Thirteenth Year of Chiwu

1. Summer, fifth month (June 17 – July 15). The zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai was appointed juji jiangjun.

[1] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

2. The Palace Lady Pan from Kuaiji [1] had been favored by the Sovereign of Wu and had borne his younger son, Sun Liang, whom the Sovereign of Wu loved. Princess Quan already had a grudge against the Crown Prince Sun He. Wishing to consolidate her position against future eventuality, she had repeatedly praised Sun Liang to the Sovereign and had given him in marriage the daughter of Quan Shang (全尚), son of the elder brother of her husband Quan Zong. [3] Because the Prince of Lu, Sun Ba, had formed his friends into a faction [4] to the detriment of his elder brother the Crown Prince, the Sovereign of Wu at heart despised him. He had said to the shizhong Sun Jun, “My sons are not friendly toward each other and my subjects are divided into two camps; there is going to be a bad end like that of the Yuan, and we will become the laughing stock of the whole empire. If I let one of them succeed to the throne, how can there not be trouble?” So he had the idea of deposing Sun He and making Sun Liang Crown Prince, and had gone on thinking it over through the years. [9] Sun Jun was a great grandson of Sun Jing.

Autumn. The Sovereign of Wu placed the Crown Prince Sun He in confinement. [11] The biaoji jiangjun Zhu Ju admonished the throne: “I have heard it said that the Crown Prince is the root and foundation of a state. Besides, the present one is humane and filial; the whole empire adheres to him. Now he is suddenly reprimanded. There is going to be trouble from this one of these days. Anciently Duke Xian of Qin used the counsels of Li-chi and the heir apparent Shen-sheng was not preserved; Han Wudi trusted Jiang Chong and the Crown Prince Li died innocently. I fear that the Crown Prince will not outlive his sorrow, and then even if you build a ‘Palace for Remembering the Son’ [17] it will not succeed in bringing him back.”

The Sovereign of Wu did not heed him.

[2] From various Sgz biographies of the Wu Princes, and commentaries thereto.

[2.1] According to her biography in SGZ, Lady Pan was a native of Guzhang in Kuaiji.

[2.3] SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, Wu: “Sun Liang zi Ziming, was one of the younger sons of Sun Quan. Sun Quan being quite old and Sun Liang the youngest of his sons, he was particularly attentive to him. Sun Liang's elder sister Princess Quan had once slandered the Crown Prince Sun He and his mother, and was uneasy in mind. Taking advantage of Sun Quan's intention, and wishing to consolidate her position against further eventualities, she repeatedly praised Quan Shang's daughter and advised marrying her to Sun Liang. In the thirteenth year of Chiwu, Sun He was dismissed; eventually Sun Quan made Sun Liang Crown Prince and Lady Quan his Consort.”

[2.4] According to the Yin Ji tong yu, Bu Zhi, Lü Tai, Quan Cong, Lü Zhu and Sun Hong were in league with the Prince of Lu, while Lu Xun, Zhuge Ke, Gu Tan, Zhu Ju, Teng Yin, Shi JI and Ding Mi were for the Crown Prince.

[2.9] SGZ Biography of Sun He reads: Lu Xun, Wu Can, Gu Tan, etc., set forth several times the different status of an heir apparent (a son born of the regular wife) and a younger son (a son born of a concubine) and how Sun He could not, if justice was to be maintained, be deprived of his position as Crown Prince. Quan Ji and Yang Ju were partisans of the Prince of Lu, Sun Ba. Slander mounted daily. In the end, Wu Can was imprisoned and put to death, and Gu Tan was banished to Jiaozhou. Sun Quan went on thinking over the matter through the years.”

[2.10] SGZ, Biography of Sun Jun: “Sun Jun, zi Ziyuan, was a great-grandson of Sun Jian's younger brother Jing.”

[2.11] From SGZ, Biography of Sun He: “Later, Sun Quan finally put Sun He in confinement.”

Sima Guang seems justified in inserting the date “Autumn.” SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “Autumn...Sun Quan deposed the Crown Prince, Sun He, and made him live in Guzhang. He also ordered the Prince of Lu, Sun Ba, to commit suicide.”

The corresponding passage in the biography of Sun He, in SGZ, reads: “In the end, Sun Quan banished Sun He to Guzhang.” From the sequence of events in this latter biography, the banishment seems to have occurred almost immediately after the confinement.

[2.17] Han Wudi built such a palace as a place in which to recall the memory of his son, the Crown Prince Li.

3. Thereupon Zhu Ju and the shang-shu puyi Qu Huang (屈晃), at the head of the various generals and officials, came to the palace several days in a row with their heads smeared with mud and their arms bound, interceding for Sun He. The Sovereign of Wu, mounting the Boque-Terrace, was extremely annoyed at seeing them and ordered Zhu Ju, Qu Huang, and the others not to concern themselves with such things precipitately. Sun Quan intended to depose Sun He and invest Sun Liang.

Chen Zheng (陳正), commandant of the Wu-nan Army, and Chen Xiang (陳象), commandant of the Wu-ying Army, each sent up a memorial remonstrating earnestly. Zhu Ju and Qu Huang also resolutely protested without end. The Sovereign of Wu became very angry and put Chen Zheng and Chen Xiang to death with their families. He had Zhu Ju and Qu Huang dragged into the audience hall; Zhu Ju and Qu Huang continued to remonstrate orally, knocking their heads on the floor and ripping blood, their language and spirit indomitable. [6] The Sovereign of Wu had them flogged a hundred blows each. He demoted Zhu Ju to be juncheng of Xindu, and Qu Huang was dismissed to return to his native district. The various officials put to death or banished for involvement in this protest were counted by tens.

[3] Largely from SGZ, Biography of Sun He, which begins: “Later, Sun Quan finally put Sun He into confinement. Thereupon Zhu Ju...”

[3.6] From Wu li, which reads: “Qu Huang entered the audience hall and remonstrated orally, saying, 'The Crown Prince's humanity and intelligence are known within the four seas. Now the three quarters hold up against each other like the three legs of a tripod. This certainly is not the time to shake the Crown Prince, and thus cause the people to pause and think. I would wish Your Majesty to give your august thought to this. Even though your aged subject may die now, it is still the year of my rebirth.' He knocked his head on the floor, dripping blood, his language and spirit indomitable.” Here only Qu Huang is reported to have persisted in his admonitions.

4. In the end the Sovereign of Wu deposed the Crown Prince Sun He, made him a commoner, and banished him to Guzhang, and ordered the Prince of Lu, Sun Ba, to commit suicide. He put Yang Zhu to death, letting his corpse float down the Jiang and also executed Quan Ji, Wu An, and Sun Qi, because they had all been partisans of Sun Ba and derogated Sun He. [2]

[4] From biographies of Sun Quan and Sun Ba.

[4.2] SGZ, Biography of Sun Ba: “At this time, Quan Ji, Wu An, Sun Qi, Yang Zhu, et al., were in league with Sun Ba, and plotted to bring harm to the Crown Prince. Their slanders taking effect, the Crown Prince met his calamity; Sun Ba, however, was ordered to commit suicide. Sun Quan let Yang Zhu's corpse float down the Jiang...(for intervening passage see Note 5.2)...After Sun Ba was ordered to commit suicide, Sun Quan also put to death Quan Ji, Wu An, Sun Qi, et al. It was because they had all been partisans of Sun Ba and plotted against Sun He.

5. In his youth Yang Zhu had already been renowned, yet Lu Xun had said he would eventually come to disaster, and advised his elder brother Yang Mu (楊穆) to set up a family separate from him. [1] When Yang Chu did come to disaster Yang Mu was spared from death because he had frequently admonished and warned Yang Zhu. [2]

[5] From biographies of Lu Xun and Sun Ba.

[5.1] SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun: “Then again, in his youth Yang Zhu of Guangling had already been renowned; yet Lu Xun had said he would eventually come to disaster, and advised his elder brother Yang Mu to set up a family separate from him. Such was his foresight.”

[5.2] SGZ, Biography of Sun Ba: “Yang Ju's elder brother Yang Mu was spared from capital punishment because he had frequently admonished and warned Yang Ju.”

6. Zhu Ju had not yet reached his post when the zhongshu ling Sun Hong through an edict exacted his suicide.

[6] From SGZ, Biography of Zhu Ju, continuing from the passage given above in Note 3.8: “He had not yet arrived when Sun Hong, the zhongshuling, slandered Zhu Ju; taking advantage of Sun Quan's illness, Sun Hong wrote an edict ordering him to commit suicide. At that time he was fifty-seven years old.” He thus lived 174-250 AD.

7.Winter, tenth month (Nov. 12 – Dec. 10). Wen Qin, taishou of Lu Jiang, feigned revolt in order to dupe the Wu bian jiangjun Zhu Yi, and wanted Zhu Yi himself to bring troops and come to receive him. Zhu Yi was aware of the ruse and communicated to the throne that Wen Qin should not be welcomed. The Sovereign of Wu said, “At the present the northern land is not unified. Since Wen Qin says he wishes to join us, we should at least go and welcome him. If you suspect him of deceit you have only to spread your net to catch him, or deploy strong forces to ward him off.” And he sent the p’ien chiang-chun Lu Chu, at the head of twenty thousand men, to unite his strength with Zhu Yi’s. Lu Ju eventually reached the northern frontier of Wu. It turned out that Wen Qin did not surrender. Zhu Yi was a son of Zhu Huan, Lu Ju was a son of Lu Fan.

[7] With the exception of the first and the last sentences, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Zhu Yi, which begins: “In the thirteenth year of Chiwu, Wen Qin feigned surrender (to the Wu); he sent a secret letter to Zhu Yi, wishing to have him come and receive him. Zhu Yi communicated to the throne and forwarded Wen Qin's letter, at the same time setting forth that it was a ruse and maintaining that they should not precipitously go and welcome him. Sun Quan commanded, 'At present...'”

8. Eleventh Month (Dec. 11, 250 – Jan 9, 251). Sun Li, the “Illustrious” Lord of Da-li, died.

[8] SGZ: Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “In the eleventh month, the sigong Sun Li died.” His biography in SGZ, tells us that after a series of offices Sun Li was appointed sigong, was enfeoffed as Lord of Dali Ting and was canonized Jinghou after his death.

9. The Sovereign of Wu made his son Sun Liang Crown Prince.

[9] SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “In the eleventh month, Sun Quan made his son Sun Liang Crown Prince.”

10. The Sovereign of Wu sent a hundred thousand troops to build an embankment on the Tu River in Tangyi, in order to obstruct the route of the Wei army in the north.

[10] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

11. Twelfth Month. On the day jiachen (Feb. 5, 251), Cao Lin (曹霖), the “Firm” Prince of Donghai, died.

[11] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which however does not include the epithet 'Firm' (apparently his canonization) and uses a different character for the death of the prince instead of the character Sima Guang uses. Cao Lin's biography says that he died in the first year of Jiaping. This may be an error.

12. The zhengnan jiangjun Wang Chang proffered his words to the throne: [1] “Sun Quan has banished his able ministers and the heir and the bastard have been contending for the succession. We may well take advantage of this dissension to strike Wu. The region in Shu between Baidi and Yiling, as well as Wu, Zigui, and Fang-ling (three districts in Qian), are all north of the Jiang; the Chinese people and barbarians of these places live as neighbors of our Xincheng jun. We must make a surprise attack and take them.”

The Court accepted this advice, sending Zhou Tai of Nan-yang, taishou of Xinchengjun, to carry out a surprise attack on Wu, Zigui, (and Fang-ling); and Wang Ji, cishi of Jingzhou, to move towards Yiling. [6] Wang Chang himself moved toward Jiang Ling. He stretched bamboo ropes between the two banks to make a bridge, and crossing over it, struck at the enemy. The rebels rushed to the south bank, penetrating by seven routes to come forward simultaneously to the attack. Then Wang Chang had all the crossbows shoot in one volley. The Wu [9] dajiang Shi Ji (施績) fled during the night into the walled city of Jiang Ling; Wang Chang pursued him and killed several hundred of his men. Wang Chang wanted to draw the Wu on to level terrain and engage them in battle, so he first sent five detachments to withdraw along the highway, so as to make the Wu rejoice at seeing the pretended retreat. He also had the mailed horses he had captured, bearing weapons and severed heads, circle the walls to arouse their anger, and laid his men in ambush to wait for them. Shi Ji actually did come out in pursuit; Wang Chang joined battle with these troops and crushed them. Shi Ji took to flight; Wang Chang killed his generals Zhongli Mao (鍾離茂) and Xu Min (許旻). He took their heads, banners and drums, valuables, armor and weapons, and thus returned, with his troops in martial splendor. [17]

[12] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Chang. Sima Guang evidently puts the event of this section under the twelfth month (January 10-February 7, 251. SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan reads: “In the twelfth month, Wang Chang, a Wei da jiangjun besieged Nanjun (i.e. Jiangling), and Wang Ji, cishi of Jingzhou attacked Xiling. Sun Quan sent the generals Dai Lie (戴烈) and Lu Kai (陸凱) to go offer resistance. Both returned.”

[12.1] SGZ: “In the second year of Jiaping, Wang Chang memorialized...”

He had been appointed zhengnan jiangjun during the Zhengshi period. SGZ, Wu is not correct in referring to him as a da jiangjun; he was promoted to zhengnan da jiangjun after the Jiangling campaign in this section.

[12.6] With regard to Wang Ji's exploits, his biography states: “At that time, Cao Shuang was monopolizing power and discipline went to pieces. Wang Ji wrote a Disquisition on the Needs of the Time, in which he probed into contemporary affairs. Because of illness, he resigned. He was then appointed yin of Henan; before he accepted this appointment, Cao Shuang was put to death. Wang Ji had once been a subordinate of Cao Shuang; in accordance with precedent, he was dismissed from his office. In that same year, he became a shangshu, and then was sent out as cishi of Jingzhou, with the additional title of Yanglie jiangjun.

Under the zhengnan jiangjun, Wang Chang attacked the Wu. Wang Ji, leading a detachment, struck at Bu Xie at Yiling. Bu Xie closed the gates and thus defended the city. Wang Ji simulated an attack, but he sent a detachment to seize the rice stored at Xiongfu, more than three hundred thousand hu. He also captured the rebel anbo jiangjun Tan Zheng (譚正) and made several thousand men surrender. He then had these surrendered people settle at Yilingxian. He was given the rank of Guannei Lord (a titular rank without appanage).”

[12.9] Shi Ji was Zhu Ran's son. The father's original surname was Shi but it was altered to Zhu when Zhu Zhi adopted him. The Wei insisted on calling the son by his original surname.

[12.17] With regard to this battle, the SGZ biography of Zhu Ji gives a slightly different account: “In the following year (i.e. in the thirteenth year of Chiwu), the Wei zhengnan jiangjun Wang Chang led a host to attack the walled city of Jiangling. Not being able to take it, he withdrew. Zhu Ji wrote a letter to the fenwei jiangjun Zhuge Rong saying, “Wang Chang has come from far away, and so is worn out, and his horses have no fodder. Unequal to our strength, he is fleeing; this is a heaven-sent aid. Now I am pursuing him, but my strength is too weak; lead your troops and follow me. I intend to destroy his force from the front, while you take your advantage in the rear; this way, how can only one man earn the merit? It will be like cutting through iron.”

The reference is to the passage in the Yi Jing: “But when two men are one in heart, not iron bolts keep them apart.”A more exact version would be, “When two men are one in heart, its sharpness cuts iron apart.”

The SGZ continues, “Zhuge Rong agreed to this. Zhu Ji therefore led his troops in pursuit of Wang Chang to Jinan, thirty li from the walled city of Jiangling. First Zhu Ji fought and won, but Zhuge Rong did not come forward. Later, he was defeated.”

SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi gives a more exact date for the battle: “Twelfth month...On the day yiwei (January 27, 251), Wang Chang, the zhengnan jiangjun, crossed the Jiang, overwhelmed the Wu with an attack, and crushed them.”

13. Jiang Wei of Han again invaded Xi Ping, without success.

[13] SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign: “In the thirteenth year of Yanxi, Jiang Wei again went out to Xiping. Having achieved no success, he returned.” His biography in SGZ Shu has: “In the twelfth year (must be an error for thirteenth), the Second Sovereign made Jiang Wei a Plenipotentiary in Military Affairs (jiajie) and had him go out to Xiping. Having achieved no success, he returned.”
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 1:31 pm

Third Year of Jiaping (251 A.D.)
Shu: Fourteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: First Year of Taiyuan

1. Spring, first month (Feb 8 – Mar 9.). Wang Ji and Zhou Tai attacked Wu forces and in both cases crushed them. [1] Several thousand men surrendered.

[1] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

[1.1] SGZ: “Spring, first month. The cishi of Jingzhou Wang Ji and the taishou of Xincheng, Chen Tai, attacked the Wu and crushed them.” Chen Tai is an error and should be Zhou Tai as in ZZTJ. As Lu Mingkai writes, the Shiyu says Sima Xuanwang had promoted Zhou Tai taishou of Xincheng. At any rate, it is impossible that Chen Tai should have been taishou of Xincheng.

2. Second month (Mar. 10 – Apr. 7). The shang-shu-ling Sima Fu was appointed sigong.

[2] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

3. Summer, fourth month. On the day jiashen (May 16), the zhengnan jiangjun Wang Chang was appointed zhengnan da jiangjun.

[3] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

4. On the day renchen (May 24) a general amnesty was given.

[4] From ibid.

5. The taiyu Wang Ling, learning that the Wu were obstructing the water of the Tu, wanted to take this opportunity to put troops into action (for his own purposes). [1] He effected a large-scale mobilization of the various forces and memorialized requesting a campaign against the rebels. Bu the Emperor made no response. Wang Ling, growing bolder in his conspiracy, sent his general Yang Hong (陽弘) to acquaint the cishi of Yanzhou Huang Hua with this plan for deposing the Emperor and enthroning the Prince of Chu. Huang Hua and Yang Hong signed their names together and reported the matter to Sima Yi. Sima Yi took the Central Army down the river for punitive action against Wang Ling. First he proclaimed a pardon absolving Wang Ling of his crime, and then sent a letter remonstrating with him; then suddenly the main forces arrived at Baichi. Knowing he was at the end of his resources, Wang Ling took a boat and came out alone to welcome Sima Yi. He sent ahead his yuan Wang Yu (王彧) to plead guilty for him, and returned his seal as well as his Tally and Ax. When Sima Yi’s army reached Qiutou, Wang Ling came to the bank of the Ying-shui and there had himself bound. Sima Yi, in accordance with an imperial command, sent his jubu to free him from his bonds. [9]

[5] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling. In order to understand the sequence of the narrative, one must revert to the story given in 249 AD.

[5.1] “In the spring of the third year of Jiaping, the Wu rebels dammed the waters of the Tu; Wang Ling wished to take this opportunity to go into action (i.e. with his plot).” Wang Ling's court title was taiyu, to which he had been appointed in 250, but his provincial duty was that of zhengnan da jiangjun. According to Hu Sanxing, Tu refers to the embankment constructed on the Tu river in Tangyi.

[5.9] SGZ: “Sima Xuanwang, in accordance with an imperial command, sent his jubu to free him from his bonds and to tender repeated condolences to Wang Ling. He returned him his Tally and Ax, and sent six hundred foot and horse to escort him to the capital. When he came to Xiang, Wang Ling drank poison and died.” Part of this passage is incorporated in Sections 6-7.

6. Having received his pardon, and in addition relying on his old friendship with Sima YI, Wang Ling was no longer dubious, and forthwith got into a small boat intending to go to Sima Yi. Sima Yi sent a man to stop him. He halted his boat on the Huai a hundred odd feet away from Sima Yi. Perceiving that the latter was not friendly toward him, Wang Ling addressed Sima Yi from this distance, “If you had summoned me by a wooden slip, could I have dared not to come? Why do you have to come with the army?” Sima Yi said, “Because you are not one to obey the call of a wooden slip.” Wang Ling said, “You have failed me!” Sima Yi said, “I would rather fail you than fail the State.” In the end, he sent six hundred foot and horse to escort him west to the capital. As a feeler, Wang Ling asked for nails for his coffin, in order to see what Sima Yi’s intentions were; Sima Yi had them given to him. [5]

[6] From Weilue, where the following passage precedes: “Wang Ling's letter to the taifu Sima Yi read: 'I have unexpectedly heard that your spirit-like army has started secretly and already reached Bozhi. Knowing that my fate is in the balance and that I have too long delayed meeting you, I now have no regret even if I am to be decapitated. In the past I sent several envoys with my letters to you, but so far have received no answer; kicking my heels, I look toward the west and wait your answer most keenly. Yesterday, having sent you a letter, I took a boat and came here to welcome you. I passed the night at Qiutou and this morning I sailed forth.

Coming to Pukou, I received your proclamation pardoning me, and also your letter of admonition dated the twenty-third day. Reading your instructions, I was taken by surprise; I am completely upset and am at a loss as to where I stand. I have long been receiving imperial favors and have proved myself unworthy after a series of official duties; in commanding troops and governing East China, I have neglected matters and in my heart I infringed upon righteousness. My crime is clearly shown in the Three Hundred Codes; my wife and children also cannot escape the consequence. Indeed, I have none to whom I can pray (from Lunyu: “He who offends against Heaven has none to whom he can pray”).

But the Imperial grace covers like Heaven and supports like Earth; though undeserving, I am given pardon, and so can look at the sun and the moon again. My late nephew, Linghu Yu (see 249 AD, Section 29), was misled by the words of petty people; at that time I reprimanded him and stopped him from speaking out his mind to the end. This was witnessed by men and is known to the spirits. Things of this world may be concealed, but in the end they will be exposed. I know well that mine is a crime deserving capital punishment. My parents gave me birth, but it is you who have preserved my life.'

He further said, 'Though I am guilty and deserve to be punished, I have received your pardon. I herewith send my yuan to carry my seal. When I come, in accordance with the Imperial command, I will bind and surrender myself. You may perhaps show me partiality, but the law of the land is imperative.'

When he came, he acted as he said in his letter. The taifu sent a man to free him from his bonds.”

[6.5] Weilue: “Knowing well his was a serious crime, as a feeler Wang Ling asked for nails for his coffin in order to see what the taifu's intention was; the taifu had them given to him. Having reached Xiang on the way, in the middle of the night, Wang Ling summoned his subordinates and said to them, 'At the age of eighty, shall I have both my person and my name ruined?' He then committed suicide.”

7. Fifth month. On the day jiayin (June 15), Wang Ling, having reached Xiang on the way, drank poison and died.

[7] For the phrasing see Notes 5.9 and 6.8. The date is from SGZ, Wei. “Fourth month. On the day bingwu, learning that the taiyu Wang Ling was plotting to depose the Emperor and enthrone the Prince of Chu, Cao Biao, the taifu Sima Xuanwang undertook punitive action to the East against Wang Ling. Fifth month: On the day jiayin (June 15), Wang Ling committed suicide.”

There could have been no bingwu in the fourth month; bingwu was either the first day of the third month (April 18), or the second day of the fifth month (June 7).

8. Sima Yi moved on to Shou Chun. Zhang Shi (張式) and other all confessed their crime. Sima Yi investigated the case to the bottom. All incriminated in the case, and their relatives to the third degree, were exterminated.

[8] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling, continuing from the passage translated above as Note 5.9.

9. The tombs of Wang Ling and Linghu Yu were opened, their coffins chopped apart, and their corpses exposed in the nearest market place for three days. Their seals and Court garments were burned and their corpses buried in bare ground. [2]

[9] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling, continuing from the passage translated in Section 8. ZZTJ omits a passage which precedes the first sentence: “The Court Officials all maintained that according to the usages of Chunqiu times, Cui Shu of Qi and Gui Sheng of Zheng were punished after their death by having their corpses exposed and their coffins chopped open, as is mentioned in the Annals, and that the crimes of Wang Ling and Linghu Yu ought to be treated in accordance with the ancient records. So...” For Linghu Yu's part in the conspiracy, see 249 AD, Section 29.

[9.2] After this, SGZ ends the biography as follows: “Yang Hong and Huang Hua (see Section 5) were promoted to be county Lords (xianghou). Wang Guang (see 249 AD) cherished high aims and was a man of learning and good conduct. When he died (rather, he was put to death because of his father, Wang Ling), he was over forty.”

10. Before all this, while yet a common man, Linghu Yu, had held high ambitions, and people all thought Linghu Yu was certain to glorify the Linghu clan. His uncle Linghu Shao (令弧邵), Prefect of Hong Nong, alone expressed the opinion, “Yu is of unruly nature; he does not cultivate his virtue, and yet wants to be great. He is sure to bring our clan to extermination.” Linghu Yu heard about this and was very much upset. When Linghu Shao became huben zhonglangjiang, Linghu Yu had already gone through a series of official promotions, and in his various posts had earned fame. Linghu Yu casually said to Linghu Shao, “In earlier days, sir, you said I would have no future. What do you say now?” Linghu Shao looked at him intently without saying a word. Privately he said to his wife and children, “Gongzhi has not improved in character. As far as I can see, he will come to ruin and extermination. I do not know whether I will live long enough to be involved with him not; it is you who will suffer the calamity.”

Ten-odd years after Linghu Shao’s death, Linghu Yu and his family were exterminated. [10] {Technically this is not true since Linghu Yu was not exterminated, but rather died of illness}

[10] From Wei lue, where the following passage precedes: “Linghu Shao, zi Gongshu. His father served under the Han as Wuwan jiaoyu. At the beginning of the Jian'an period (196-220 AD), the Yuan were in Jizhou. Linghu Shao left his native prefecture and settled down in Ye. In the ninth year (204), he moved to Maocheng in Wu'an. Taizu (Cao Cao) captured Ye and eventually besieged Maocheng.

When Maocheng was taken, about a dozen men including Linghu Shao were seized and were all to be put to death. Looking at him, Taizu suspected he might be of a good family and asked him about his grandfather and father; he knew his father. He forthwith released him and appointed him hi junmouyuan. He then passed through a career of magistrate and prefect, afterwards was transferred to be a jubu to the chengxiang (Cao Cao himself), finally being sent out to serve as taishou (Prefect) of Hongnong. In this last post he performed his duty without blemish, as white as ice and snow. His wife and children seldom came to his office. He selected good men and instructed them. He treated others with tolerance. He was not fond of lawsuits and he stood on free terms with his subordinates.

At this time, Hongnongjun lacked men who knew the Classics. He minutely inquired after those among his subordinates who were willing to travel afar for study. He gave them leave and had them go to Hedong to study the Classics under Yuexiang, and when they had made sufficient progress he had them return and appointed them wenxue. In this way, learning flourished in Hongnong. At the beginning of the Huangchu (220-226) period, he was appointed yulinlang, then was promoted to huben zhonglangjiang. Three years later he died of illness.”

[10.10] Weilue: “Ten odd years after Linghu Shao's death, Linghu Yu became cishi of Yanzhou. As predicted, he and his family, because he and Wang Ling had formed a conspiracy to depose the Emperor and enthrone the Prince of Chu, were put to death and thus exterminated. Linghu Shao's son, Linghu Hua, who was then juncheng of Hongnong, was not involved in the case because he was only distantly related to him.”

11. While he was in Yanzhou, Linghu Yu had appointed Shan Gu (單固) of Shan-yang as his biejia. [1] He and the zhizhong Yang Kang both became Linghu Yu’s trusted men. [2] After Linghu Yu’s death, Yang Kang (楊康) was given an appointment by the situ and came to Luo Yang, where he divulged the conspiracy of Linghu Yu. It was through this that Linghu Yu was undone. When he came to Shou Chun Sima Yi saw Shan Gu and asked him, “Did Linghu Yu plot a rebellion?” Shan Gu said he did not. However, Yang Kang had reported that Shan Gu was involved in the conspiracy, so Shan Gu and his family were all arrested and given in charge of the ting-yu. Tortured and questioned dozens of times, Shan Gu remained firm in his denial. Sima Yi called in Yang Kang and checked Shan Gu’s statement with his. No longer able to parry, Shan Gu abused Yang Kang, “You old slave, you have first betrayed the Prefect and then would exterminate my family. Do you think you will be kept alive?” [10] At first Yang Kang hoped to be enfeoffed. As it turned out, because of his inconsistent statements he also was sentenced to death. Going to be executed, they both came out of the prison together. Shan Gu again abused Yang Kang, “You old slave, your death is only just. If the dead are conscious, how will you have the face to go to the underworld?”

[11] From Weilue.

[11.1] Rewritten from the following passage: “Shan Gu of Shanyang, zi Gongxia (恭夏), was a man of solid character. During the Zhengshi period, the cishi of Yanzhou, Linghu Yu, was on intimate terms with Shan Gu's father, Shan Bolong (this must be his zi). He appointed Shan Gu as his biejia. Shan Gu did not care to be a provincial underling and declined to accept the appointment on the grounds of ill health. Linghu Yu showed him all the more attention, but Shan Gu was not inclined to accept the appointment. Shan Gu's mother, nee Xiahou, said to Shan Gu, 'It is because of his long-standing friendship with your father that the Governor persists in offering you an appointment. And you must indeed take an official career. You had better go and accept the appointment.' Thus he was compelled to go.”

[11.2] Weilue has: “He and the congshi Yang Kang, who was concurrently a zhizhong...” There follows a sentence ZZTJ omits: “When afterwards Linghu Yu and Wang Ling formed a conspiracy, Yang Kang and Shan Gu both knew of the plot.”

[11.10] After this Weilue continues: “The examination completed, the case was transferred to the tingyu. In the meanwhile he was permitted, in accordance with usage, to meet his mother, wife and children. When he saw his mother, Shan Gu would not raise his face to her. Knowing that he was ashamed, his mother said to him, 'Gongxia, you originally did not wish to be a provincial under-official. It was I who compelled you to it. As a subordinate official, you have acted as you ought. That our family is going to be diminished does not make me regretful. Speak out your mind to me.' To the end Shan Gu did not look up at her, nor did he speak a word. And thus he went to his death.”

12. The Emperor appointed the cishi of Yangzhou Zhuge Dan to be zhendong jiangjun and dudu (Commander in Chief) of all the forces in Yangzhou.

[12] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan, where it reads: “It so happened that the Emperor Mingdi died, and at the beginning of the Zhengshi period Xiahou Xuan and the others all returned to their offices. Zhuge Dan was reinstated as yushi zhongcheng and shangshu, then was given a provincial appointment as cishi of Yangzhou, with the additional title of zhaowu jiangjun. At the time of Wang Ling's conspiracy, the taifu Sima Xuanwang advanced secretly with his army on his expedition to the east. Zhuge Dan was apointed zhendong jiangjun, with Tally, and Commander-in-chief of all the forces in Yangzhou, and was enfeoffed Lord of Shanyang ting.”

13. The Sovereign of Wu made the Palace Lady (furen) Pan his “Empress,” granting a general amnesty and changing the reign-title to Tai-yuan.

[13] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “Summer, fifth month (June 6-July 5). Pan furen was named Empress; a general amnesty was given and the reign title was changed.”

14. Sixth month (July 6 – Aug 3). The Prince of Chu, Cao Biao was commanded to commit suicide. [1] All the imperial Princes and Dukes were brought to Ye, and officials were made to watch over them and see that they did not have relations with the world.

[14] From SGZ and Jin shu.

[14.1] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which omits “Prince of Chu.” SGZ, Biography of Zhu Jianping, Wei, states: “After Cao Biao had been enfeoffed Prince of Chu, at the age of fifty-seven, he was commanded to commit suicide because he had joined in Wang Ling's conspiracy.” In other words he lived 194-251 AD.

15. Autumn, seventh month. On the day renxu (Aug. 22), the Empress Zhen died.

[15] SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

16. On the day xinwei (Aug. 31) the sigong Sima Fu was appointed taiyu.

[16] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

17. Eighth month. On the day wu-yin (Sept. 7), Sima Yi, the Lord Xuan-Wen of Wu-Yang, died. [1] The Emperor appointed his son, the wei jiangjun Sima Shi to be fujun da jiangjun and lu shang-shu shi.

[17] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

[17.1] SGZ: “On the day wuyin, the taifu Sima Xuanwang died.” “Eighth month” should have been inserted before the day, as in ZZTJ; wuyin was the seventh day of the eighth month. Jin Shu, I, Chronicle of Xuandi reads: “Autumn, eighth month. On the day wuyin, he expired in the capital at the age of seventy-three. He thus lived from 179-251 AD. He was canonized Wenzheng, and later canonized Wenxuan. {Wenhuan?}.” In SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, under first year of Xianxi, Sima Yi is mentioned as “Lord Xuanwen of Wuyang,” which in ZZTJ, 254 AD, Section 31 is inverted as Lord Wenxuan of Wuyang.”

18. The Southern Xiong Nu chieftains had adopted the surname Liu on the grounds that they were nephews, on their maternal side, of the House of Han. [1] Taizu (Cao Cao) had detained the shan-yu Hu Chuquan at Ye and divided his horde into five groups, which were settled in Bingzhou. At this time the zuo xianwang Liu Bao, son of the shan-yu Yu Fuluo, was the chieftain of the Left Group, which was the strongest.

The taishou of Cheng-yang Dent Ai sent up his opinion: [3] “The Rong and Di barbarians have the hearts of beasts. They have no conception of loyalty and friendship. When they are strong they invade, when they are weak they submit. Therefore, in the time of King Xuan of Zhou there was the incursion of the Xianyun; and the Han Emperor Gaozu suffered adversity under them at Pingcheng. Whenever the Xiongnu have become powerful, they have been a heavy worry to past dynasties. Since the shan-yu came to the interior of China, the barbarians have lost their leader, and lack a ruler to control their unity or disunity. [4] At present the dignity of the shan-yu daily declines, while the power of the outer territory daily increases. We must take deep-seated precautions against the barbarians. I hear there are dissenters among Liu Bao’s horde. We may well utilize this dissension and divide his country in two, so that his power will be reduced. Chubei distinguished himself under the previous dynasty [6], but his son has not succeeded him in his work. We should distinguish this son by a prominent title and have him live in Yan-men. Cleave their territory and weaken their force, give them posthumous honors – this is the best plan for defense of the frontiers.” He further set forth how those of the barbarians who were living together with the Chinese people should be gradually segregated and made to live outside the Chinese people, so they would respect the teachings of modesty and shame, and to obstruct the way to wantonness and villainy. Sima Shi followed all these proposals.

[18] The first paragraph is Sima Guang's own. The rest is from SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai.

[18.1] Concerning the Southern Xiongnu, Jin Shu states: “Liu Yuanhai (founder of the House of Qian Yan) was a Xiongnu of Xinxing, and a descendent of Modu. His ming being identical with that of Gaozu (of the Tang; in other words, his ming was Yuan), we designate him by his zi. Han Gaozu gave Modu to wife a girl of his clan, whom he first raised to the status of an Imperial princess, and swore brotherhood with him. Therefore his descendents came to adopt the surname Liu. At the beginning of the Jianwu period (25-56 AD), Youaojianjizhuwangbi (右奧鞬日逐王比), son of the shanyu Wuzhuliuredi, proclaimed himself Southern shanyu and came into China to live at Meiji in Xihe; the present city of Zuoguo in Lishi was the place to which the shanyu migrated.

During the Zhongping period (184-188 AD), the shanyu Chuquan had his son Yufuluo lead troops to help the Han in quelling the Yellow Turbans. Qiangqu having been murdered by a man of his horde, Yufuluo and his horde stayed behind in China, where he proclaimed himself shanyu. Taking the opportunity of the disturbance caused by Dong Zhuo, he plundered Taiyuan and Hedong, finally halting at Henei. After Yufuluo's death, his younger brother Huchuquan succeeded him. Yufuluo's son Liu Bao became zuoxianwang; he was the father of Liu Yuanhai. Weiwudi (i.e. Cao Cao) had divided the horde into five groups, of which Liu Bao became the chieftain of the left group; the remaining groups are also all under the chieftainship of the Liu clan.”

[18.3] SGZ, continuing from the passage given in 249 AD states: “Deng Ai was given the rank of a Guannei hou and the additional title of taokou jiangjun; afterwards he was promoted to be taishou of Zhengyang. At this time, the youxianwang Liu Bao in Pingzhou united his horde. Deng Ai sent up his opinion...” Youxianwang may be a misprint here for zuoxianwang.

[18.4] SGZ: “While the shanyu was living outside of China, there was no controlling him. Zhangbei (長卑) [probably identicaly with Qubei, see Note 18.6] was induced to come, and was brought to attend at Court. With this the barbarians lost their leader, and lacked a ruler to control their unity or disorder; with the shanyu in China, the myriad li (of their territory) became obedient.”

[18.6] Qubei was one of those who escorted Emperor Xian to the east in the first year of Jian'an (196 AD).

19. In Wu, the lijie zhonglangjiang Lu Kang, who had been stationed at Chai Sang, came to Jian Ye to have his ailments treated. [1] His ailments having improved, he was about to return to his post. The Sovereign of Wu shed tears when he took leave of him and said to him, “I formerly gave ear to slander and became estranged from your father. I am very ashamed toward you for this. All the questions I put to you, you must burn, and do not let anyone else see them.”

[19] From SGZ, Biography of Lu Kang of Wu.

[19.1] SGZ here has: “In the first year of Taiyuan, he came to the capital to have his ailments treated.” Earlier, it states: “In the ninth year of Chiwu (246 AD), Lu Kang was promoted to be lijie zhonglangjiang; he exchanged his post at Wuchang for that of Zhuge Ke at Chaisang.”

20. At this time, the Sovereign of Wu quite understood that the former Crown Prince Sun He was innocent.

[20] From the Wu shu.

21. Winter, eleventh month (Dec. 1 – 29). The Sovereign of Wu sacrificed at the Southern Suburb; on returning, he fell sick of epilepsy.

[21] SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “That winter, in the eleventh month, a general amnesty was given. Sun Quan sacrificed at the Southern Suburb; on returning, he fell sick.” Wu lu, quoted in the commentary to this passage, says he had epilepsy.

22. He wanted to recall Sun He. Princess Quan, the shizhong Sun Jun, and the zhongshuling Sun Hong strongly opposed it, so he desisted.

[22] From the Wu shu.

23. Considering the youth of the Crown Prince Sun Liang, the Sovereign of Wu asked advice on selecting a guardian for him [1]. Sun Jun recommended the da jiangjun Zhuge Ke as one worthy of being entrusted with the important task. [2] The Sovereign of Wu found fault with Zhuge Ke for his too strong character and monopolization of power. Sun Jun said, “Among the court officials today there is none whose ability comes up to Zhuge Ke's.” Thereupon Zhuge Ke was summoned from Wuchang.

[23] From Wu shu.

[23.1] Wu shu: “Having fallen sick, Sun Quan asked advice...” For the first part of the ZZTJ sentence, see Note 25.2. Sun Liang became Crown Prince in the previous year (see 250 AD).

[23.2] Wu shu: “At that time, all the Court Officials were turning their eyes to Zhuge Ke, and Sun Jun said that Zhuge Ke was qualified to be guardian and worthy of being entrusted with the important task.” Zhuge Ke had been appointed da jiangjun some years ago (see 246 AD, Section 3).

24. When Zhuge Ke was about to set out, the shang da jiangjun Lu Tai cautioned him [1], “The time is a difficult one. You must think ten times on each matter.” Zhuge Ke said, “Of old, Ji Wenzi thought thrice and then acted; Confucius said, ‘Twice will do.’ [3] Now you bid me think ten times, showing clearly my inferiority!” Lu Tai had no reply. Men of the time all said he had made a slip of the tongue. [4]

Yu His comments: “Now to be entrusted with the empire is extremely serious; for a subject to act as proxy for the Sovereign is extremely difficult. Put these two extremes together, and those who can successfully manage the myriad subtleties of imperial rule are few indeed.

Without adopting the various counsels of others, consulting even fuel-gatherers, receiving the opinions of others with humility and never with impatience, there is no achieving merit and fame, nor great service to the state.

Lord Lu, as a senior statesman whose aims were broad and far-reaching, instructed him with ‘Think ten times,’ yet was rebuffed as having imputed inferiority. This was where Yuanxun (Zhuge Ke) was not only rude but lacking in full intelligence. Had he followed the admonition to ‘think ten times,’ and extensively consulted others on the matters of the day, had he been quicker than thunder in receiving good advice and faster than wind in accepting admonitions, would he have reached death by the sword of an assassin? People at the time admired his quick wit, which was indeed admirable at the moment, and laughed at lord Lu’s being hard pressed for a reply; they did not think of disaster, which ought to be the dominant preoccupation of the mind. This is like taking pleasure in the luxuriant beauty of spring blossoms and forgetting the delectable taste of autumn fruits.

Long ago the Wei attacked Shu and the Shu repelled them. When the picked forces were about to march out, Fei Yi was occupied in playing chess with Lai Min, without showing any fatigue. [10] Lai Min predicted he was certain to manage the enemy; he meant that his clear strategy had been already formed within his mind and no sign of worry appeared on his face. Furthermore, Zhangning said he was like the superior man ‘who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans, and then carries them into execution.’ Moreover Shu was a small state confronted by a strong enemy; everything it devised or planned was for defense and battle. How could he boast to himself that he more than equaled the task; how could he have abstained from worry?

This only proves that Fei Yi was by nature large and broad and was not cautious in petty matters. Eventually he was murdered by Guo Xun, a man who surrendered to Shu. Did not the omen for his calamity appear already at the time when he played chess? I first heard Zhangning’s appraisal of Wenwei (style name of Fei Yi), and then came to witness Yuanxun’s reproof to Lord Lu. The two matters are essentially identical; both can serve as a warning to the world.”

[24] From the zhi lin of Yu Xi.

[24.1] Zhi lin: “When Sun Quan was seriously ill, he summoned Zhuge Ke to serve as guardian for his successor. As he was about to leave, the da sima Lü Tai cautioned him...” Lü Tai was not da sima but, as ZZTJ has it, shang da jiangjun.

[24.3] From Lunyu: “Ji Wen thought thrice, and then acted. When the Master was informed of this, he said, 'Twice may do.'”

[24.10] Zhi lin: “The picked forces were about to march out; the Six Armies surging like clouds, men and horses were being girded with armor, and urgent dispatches flying in. At the time Fei Yi, as commander-in-chief, was burdened with heavy responsibilty for the state. Yet he played chess with Lai Min, without showing any fatigue.” For this anecdote, see 244 AD, Section 5.

25. On arriving at Jian Ye, Zhuge Ke went to see the Sovereign of Wu in his bedroom, and he received his command at the foot of his couch. As da jiangjun he was appointed to act as taifu (Grand Preceptor) to the Crown Prince, with Sun Hong to act as shao-fu (Junior Preceptor). [2] The Sovereign of Wu commanded his officials to follow the directions of Zhuge Ke in all things; only grave matters of death sentence or granting life was he to take to the throne. For him the Sovereign prescribed ceremonies of respects to be paid by officials of the realm, each according to his rank. He also appointed the Prefect of Kuaiji, Teng Yin of Bo-hai, as Master of Ceremonies; Teng Yin was a son-in-law of the Sovereign of Wu. [5]

[25] From Wu shu, Biography of Sun Quan: “In the twelfth month (December 31-January 28, 252), Sun Quan summoned the da jiangjun Zhuge Ke by couriers and appointed him taifu to the Crown Prince.”

[25.2] Interpolated from SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke: “After some time, Sun Quan fell sick, while the Crown Prince was young. He therefore summoned Zhuge Ke and commissioned him, as da jiangjun, to act as taifu to the Crown Prince, and the zhongshuling Sun Hong to act as shaofu.”

Wushu instead has: “Sun Quan commanded, 'My illness is grave, and I fear I shall not be able to see you any more. I entrust you with the care of all matters.' Zhuge Ke sobbed and shed tears; he said, 'We have all received your magnanimous bounty; we shall obey your command until we die. I hope Your Majesty will ease your mind and relieve yourself of care and anxiety; do not feel any worry about the things outside.'

[25.5] This is not from the Wushu, but from SGZ, Biography of Teng Yin, where it says: “Teng Yin, zi Chengsi, was a man of Ji in Bohai. His father's elder brother Teng Dan and his father Teng Zhou had made a family alliance with Liu Yu {Liu Yao?}. Because the times were disturbed, they crossed the Jiang and took refuge under Liu Yao. Becoming juji jiangjun, Sun Quan appointed Teng Dan to be his you sima; he was renowned for his great-heartedness. He died early without heir. Teng Zhou was an accomplished writer. Sun Quan treated him as his guest; he had him look through and revise official papers dealing with the Army and the State. He too had the misfortune to die prematurely.

As King of Wu, Sun Quan showed posthumous honors to his former friend and enfeoffed Teng Yin as Lord of Duting. As a boy, Teng Yin cultivated his character, and he had a fine physical appearance. IN his teens he married a princess (see 257 AD). Reaching his thirtieth year, he received an appointment as taishou of Danyang, then transferred to be taishou of Wujun and Kuaiji. In the first year of Taiyuan when Sun Quan was ill, he went to the capital and stayed there, being appointed taichang. Together with Zhuge Ke and others, he received the testament appointing them all to act as guardians to the Crown Prince.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, continuing from the passage given in 250 AD states: “In the summer of the first year of Taiyuan, Sun Liang's mother named Pan was made 'Empress.' That winter, Sun Quan fell ill, and summoned and appointed as taifu to the Crown Prince the da jiangjun Zhuge Ke, and as taichang the taishou of Kuaiji Teng Yin. Both received his testamentary command to serve as guardians to the Crown prince.” Sima Guang is too hasty in calling Teng Yin a son in law of Sun Quan.

26. Twelfth month (Dec. 31 – Jan. 28, 252). The guanglu xun Zheng Chong (鄭沖) of Ying-yang was appointed sigong.

[26] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi. But the man's provenience is interpolated from the Jin Shu, Biography of Zheng Zhong: “Zheng Zhong, zi Wenhe, was a man of Kaifeng in Yingyang.”

27. In Han, Fei Yi had returned to Cheng Du. An astrologer told him the capital site was unfavorable for a Prime Minister, and he returned to the north to take his post at Han-shou. [2]

[27] From SGZ, Biography of Fei Yi.

[27.2] Sgz: “An astrologer in Chengdu told him the capital site was not favorable for a Prime Minister; for this reason, that winter, he returned to the North to take his post at Hanshou.”

A similar account is given in SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign: “In the summer of the fourteenth year of Yanxi, the da jiangjun Fei Yi returned to Chengdu; that winter, he returned to the north to be stationed at Hanshou.”

28. In this year the Han shang-shu-ling Lu Yi died, and the shizhong Chen Zhi was given charge of the shang-shu-ling’s duties.

[28] Sima Guang's own sentence.

SGZ, Biography of Lu Yi: “He was recalled to the capital and was appointed shangshu. He succeeded Dong Yun as shangshuling....In the fourteenth year of Yanxi, he died.”

Sgz, Biography of Dong Yun: “In the ninth year of Yanxi, Dong Yun died, and Chen Zhi succeeded him as shizhong...When Lu Yi died, Chen Zhi as shizhong was further given charge of the duty of shangshuling and received the title of chenjun jiangjun.”
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 2:42 pm

Fourth Year of Jiaping (252 A.D.)
Shu: Fifteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Taiyuan
First Year of Shenfeng
First Year of Jianxing

1. First month (Jan. 29 – Feb. 26). On the day guimao (Jan. 30) the fujun da jiangjun Sima Shi was appointed da jiangjun.

[1] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which reads Sima Jingwang instead of Sima Shi.

2. The Sovereign of Wu invested his former Crown Prince Sun He as Prince of Nan-yang, having him reside at Chang Sha; Sun Fen, his son by Zhongji, as Prince of Ji to reside at Wu-chang; and Sun Xiu, his son by Wang fu-ren, as Prince of Lang-ye to reside at Hu-lin. [3]

[2] From sGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, under second year of Taiyuan.

[2.3] The identity of Sun Xiu's mother is from SGZ, Biography of Wang furen: “Wang furen, a consort of Sun Quan, Sovereign of Wu, was a woman of Nanyang (this Wang furen is not the same person as the one whose biography is cited in 245 AD, Note 7.2). She was selected to enter the palace. During the Jiahe period (232-238), she was favored and gave birth to Sun Xiu. When Sun He became Crown Prince, his mother was shown great honor; all the other concubines who had been in favor had to leave the palace and live outside. Wang furen went out to Gong'an, where she died and was buried. After he came to the throne, Sun Xiu sent an envoy to her grave to give her the posthumous title of Empress Jinghuai, and had her reburied at the mausoleum Jingling. Her family, the Wang, lacked a male descendent, hence Wen Yong, her half-brother younger than she, was enfeoffed as a Village Lord.” Her mother must have remarried into a family named Wen.

3. Second month (Feb. 27 – Mar. 27), Lady Zhang was made Empress, a general amnesty was given. The Empress was a granddaughter of the late cishi (Governor) of Liangzhou Zhang Ji, and a daughter of the tai-shou (Prefect) of Dongguan Zhang Ji. [2] The Emperor summoned Zhang Ji and appointed him guanglu dafu.

[3] Partly from Sgz, partly by Sima Guang.

[3.2] Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Zhang Ji, Wei: “After acceding to the throne, Mingdi canonized Zhang Ji as Lord Su. His son Zhang Qi became his heir. Zhang Qi started his career as zhongshulang and eventually was promoted to be taishou of Dongguan. During the Jiaping period, his daughter became Empress; he was summoned and appointed guanglu dafu with the rank of tejin, and his wife named Xiang was enfeoffed as Lady of Ancheng.”

4. The Wu changed the reign title to Shen-feng and had a general amnesty.

[4] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, where it reads: “Second month: General amnesty, reign title changed to Shenfeng.”

5. The Wu “Empress” nee Pan was by nature obstinate and evil-tempered. While the Sovereign of Wu was ill, the Empress sent a messenger to Sun Hong asking how the Han Empress nee Lu had ruled as a regent. Unable to bear her cruelty, her attendants took advantage of a deep sleep to strangle her, and explained that she had died of a sudden ailment. The thing leaked out, and six or seven persons were charged with the murder and put to death. [4]

[5] From SGZ, Biography of Pan furen, where the following passage precedes: “Pan furen, consort of Sun Quan, Sovereign of Wu, was a woman of Gouzhang in Kuaiji. Her father, an under-official, violated the law and was put to death. Pan furen and her elder sister were both put to work in the Palace Weaving Room. Sun Quan saw and admired her, and made her an inmate of his harem. She received his attention and became pregnant; in her dream some one gave her the head of a dragon, which she on her bare knees received.

Eventually she gave birth to Sun Liang. IN the thirteenth year of Chiwu (see 250 AD), Sun Liang became Crown Prince. She begged Sun Quan to send her elder sister to be married. Sun Quan gave permission. In the following year, Pan furen was enthroned as Empress.”

ZZTJ puts this section here because she died in the second month, as is to be seen from SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, continuing from the passage translated in Note 4.

[5.4] After this SGZ continues, “Sun Quan died soon afterward, and she was buried with him at the mausoleum Jiangling. Having acceded to the throne, Sun Liang appointed Tan Shao (譚紹), the husband of Pan furen's elder sister, to be jiduyu and commissioned him with the command of troops. After Sun Liang was dethroned, Tan Shao and his family were sent back to their native prefecture Luling.”

6. His illness becoming grave, the Sovereign of Wu summoned Zhuge Ke, Sun Hung, and Teeng Yin, together with the jiangjun Lu Ju and the shizhong Sun Jun into his chamber, and entrusted to them the care of affairs after his death.

[6] SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage translated in 251 AD: “His illness becoming grave, Sun Quan summoned Zhuge Ke and Sun Hong, together with the taichang Teng Yin, the jiangjun Lu Ju and the shizhong Sun Jun, and entrusted them with the care of affairs after his death. On the following day, Sun Quan died.”

7. Summer, fourth month (Apr. 26 – May 25). The Sovereign of Wu died.

[7] SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “That summer, in the fourth month, Sun Quan died. At that time he was seventy-one years old (that is, he lived 182-252 AD). He was canonized Da Huangdi (Great Emperor). In the autumn, seventh month (August 22-September 20), he was buried at the mausoleum Jiangling.”

For a more exact date of Sun Quan's death, see note 9.1.

8. Sun Hung had been on unfriendly terms with Zhuge Ke, and now feared that he might be put to task by Zhuge Ke. He therefore maintained secrecy and would not proclaim mourning, intending to put Zhuge Ke to death by a forged edict. Sun Jun reported this to Zhuge Ke. Zhuge Ke summoned Sun Hung to discuss public business, and during the interview killed him. Thereupon he proclaimed mourning and canonized the Sovereign of Wu as Ta Huang-Ti (Great Emperor).

[8] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage given in Note 6.

9. The Crown Prince Sun Liang succeeded to the throne, issued a general amnesty, and changed the reign title to Jianxing. [1]

Intercalary month (May 26 – June 23). Zhuge Ke was appointed taifu (Grand Preceptor, to the Wu throne), Teng Yin wei jiangjun, and Lu Tai da sima. [2]

[9] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang.

[9.1] SGZ: “In the summer of the following year (252 AD), Sun Quan died. The Crown Prince succeeded to the Imperial title, issued a general amnesty, and changed the reign title.”

It is rather extraordinary that SGZ does not here mention the new reign title. Li Longguan suggests that “first year of Jianxing” was meant to be prefixed to the date which immediately follows (see Note 9.2).

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage given in Note 5.4 states: “Zhuge Ke sent a letter to his younger brother Zhuge Rong, the du (garrison commander) of Gong'an, saying 'On the sixteenth of this month, the day yiwei, the Late Emperor left behind the myriad states; all his subjects, high and low, are lamenting and mourning. As for our father and us, we have all received especial favors from him, not of the same class as the run of the people; therefore our grief is such as to burst the liver and heart. The Crown Prince succeeded to the throne on the day dingyu. This being an occasion for both sorrow and joy, I do not know what to do...'”

Sun Quan died on May 21, and his son ascended the throne on May 23; hence “sixteenth day” must be a misprint for “twenty-sixth day,” or rather er (two) is omitted before shi (ten), thus turning what should be twenty-sixth into sixteenth.

[9.2] SGZ: “Intercalary fourth month: Zhuge Ke was appointed taifu to the ruler, Teng Yin wei jiangjun and ling shangshu shi and the shang da jiangjun Lü Tai da sima. Civil and military officials actually in office had their enfeoffments advanced and were given rewards; officials without actual duties had their rank raised.”

The intercalary month falls between the fourth and fifth months in the calendar used by the Wu, between the fifth and sixth in the Wei calendar; the intercalary fourth month of the former is identical with the fifth month of the latter.

10. Thereupon, Zhuge Ke ordered removal of the shi ting (Administrative Observers), dismissed the Auditing Officials, cancelled taxes in arrears, and abolished custom duties, giving prominence to liberality. Among the masses there was none but rejoiced. Whenever Zhuge Ke was going in or coming out, the people craned their necks to get a glimpse of him.

[10] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

11. Zhuge Ke did not wish to have the various imperial princes live at places along the Jiang, which were important for military purposes. Accordingly he tried to move the Prince of Ji Sun Fen to Yuzhang, and the Prince of Lang-ye Sun Xiu to Dan-yang. [2] Sun Fen was unwilling to move; also he had repeatedly overstepped the laws. Zhuge Ke wrote a letter and sent it to Sun Fen, saying, “The exalted position of an Emperor or a King is identical with that of Heaven and Earth; therefore he takes the empire as his family and his father and elder brothers as his subjects. Within the four seas, all are his subjects, male or female. He must show honor to his enemies if they have a point to their credit, and put to death his own relatives if they have committed some wicked deed. In this way he regulates things in accordance with the commands of Heaven, and makes the interest of the State precede his private feelings. This is an institution promulgated by sages, a usage immutable through hundreds of generations.

Of old, when the Han first rose, the sons and younger brothers of the Emperors were enfeoffed as feudal princes in large numbers. They eventually became very powerful, and in the end overstepped their bounds; on the one hand they endangered the dynasty itself and on the other they stood against their own blood relations. Afterwards their case became a warning example, greatly to be shunned. From the time of the emperor Guang-Wu it as regulated that the feudal princes might amuse themselves within the palace, but should not interfere with the governing of the people; contacts of any kind were strictly prohibited. Thus they lived in safety, each enjoying his fortune. This is an illustration of profitable and unprofitable measures from the past.

In recent times Yuan Shao and Liu Biao both ruled as overlords of their land; their territories were not narrow, nor were their men weak. But because of the lack of distinction between their lawful heirs and their younger sons, their lineages were exterminated. This is lamented by both the wise and the stupid of the world. The late Emperor reflected on such warnings from the past and applied their lessons to the present he nipped danger in the bud, taking thought for the thousand years to come. Therefore, on the day he fell ill, he sent the imperial princes to hasten to their respective domain as early as possible; the words of his command were earnest, his interdictions strict. In his precaution he left nothing unconsidered. He indeed wished to put the spirits of the Ancestral Temple at ease and to indeed wished to put the spirits of the Ancestral Temple at ease and to make the princes enjoy their lot, so that their lineages might continue through hundreds of generations, without ever coming to grief by ruining the State and the family.

Your highness should think on how in remote antiquity Taibo of Wu complied with the wishes of his father; should consider the respectfulness and obedience, in the more recent past, of Prince Xian of Hejian and the Prince of Donghai, Liu Qiang; and should take warning from the arrogant and wanton princes of former generations. But I hear that since your arrival at Wu-chang you have been acting generally against the commands of the late Emperor, your father and disobedient to the laws of the land; that on your own authority you mobilized generals and troops to build and guard your palace. Furthermore, when your attendants commit any crime, you should report the matter to the State officials in charge; yet you killed them on your own authority without giving them a fair trial.

The da sima Lu Tai received in person from the late emperor the charge to act as a guardian for the Emperor, but Your Highness did not listen to his advice and thus caused him worry and apprehension. Hua Qi (華錡) was an intimate official of the late Emperor and he is loyal and good, correct and upright; what he sets forth, you ought to accept. But I hear that you are angry with him and have arrested and imprisoned him. The zhongshu Yang Rong (楊融) personally received the imperial command; you therefore ought to show him respect. But you said, ‘I will not listen to his interdiction. What can he do to me?’ Hearing of this, both high and low were surprised; there was none whose heart did not sink within him. The common saying is, ‘A bright mirror reflects images, and past events make one wiser for the present.’ Now, Your Highness ought to take a profound lesson from the case of the Prince of Lu, and alter your conduct; reverent and fearful, you ought to show complete respect to the Court. Act thus and you will obtain whatever you seek. Should you, on the contrary, forget the commands of the late Emperor and harbor in your heart contempt and disrespect, His Majesty’s officials would rather fail you than to fail the late Emperor’s testament. They would rather incur Your Highness’ resentment than forget the majesty of their Sovereign; would they let the commands of the Emperor remain disobeyed by one of the feudal princes?

This has been a constant rule from past to present, and is a thing which Your Highness knows well. Blessings come not without cause, and disasters come gradually; if one does not worry as they come gradually, it will do no good to regret later. Had the Prince of Lu in his time accepted loyal and good advice opportunely and cherished the thought of fear, then he might have enjoyed eternal blessings; how could he have ended in destruction? Now, good medicine is bitter to the mouth, only a sick man is able to relish it; good advice displeases the ear, only a man of enlightenment is able to accept it. Now, I and my associates are unremittingly diligent in our wish on behalf of Your highness to nip danger in the bud and widen the foundation of your fortune and felicity. Because of this I have been unaware how far I was going in my words. I wish you to think thrice.”

Upon receiving this letter, the Prince was alarmed; eventually he moved to Nan-chang (the residence city of Yuzhangjun).

[11] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Fen, continuing from the translation in Note 2.

[11.2] Sgz has merely, “He tried to move Sun Fen to Yuzhang.” The rest is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu: “Sun Xiu, zi Zilie, was the sixth son of Sun Quan. At the age of thirteen, he studied under the zhongshulang She Tz'u {?} and the langzhong Sheng Chong (盛沖). In the second year of Taiyuan, first month, he was enfeoffed as Prince of Langye and was stationed at Hulin. In the fourth month, Sun Quan died and Sun Xiu's younger brother Sun Liang succeeded him to the throne. Taking the government in his hands, Zhuge Ke did not wish to have the various Imperial princes live at palaces along the Jiang, which were important for military purposes, and moved Sun Xiu to Danyang. The taishou of Danyangjun Li Heng (李衡) often oppressed Sun Xiu, who sent up a letter to the throne begging to be transferred to another prefecture. The Emperor transferred him to Kuaiji.”

12. Wu Dadi (Sun Quan) had built a dam at Dongxing to obstruct Lake Chao. [1] When he afterwards invaded Huai-nan, he was defeated by ship on the lake, so he left the dam uncared for. [2] Winter, tenth month (Nov. 19 – Dec. 17). The tai-fu Zhuge Ke assembled troops at Dongxing and again built a large dam. Upon the hills impinging to the left and right he built two fortresses in each of which he left a thousand men, having the jiangjun Quan Duan guard the western fortress and the duyu Liu Lueh the eastern. [5] He then returned with the troops.

[12] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage given in Section 10.

[12.1] SGZ: “Earlier, in the first year of Huanglong (see 229 AD), Sun Quan moved his capital to Jianye. In the second year (230), he built a dam at Dongxing to obstruct the water of the lake.” For the name of the lake, see notes 12.5 and 13. “Dadi” is an abbreviation of “Dahuangdi” (see note 7).

[12.2] As Hu Sanxing notes, this is a reference to the Battle of Shaopo in 241 AD.

[12.5] SGZ here: “...having Quan Duan and Liu Lüe guard them.” ZZTJ amplification is rather from SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang: “That winter, in the tenth month, the taifu Zhuge Ke led troops to obstruct Chaohu and build fortifications at Dongxing, having the jiangjun Quan Duan guard the western fortress and the duyu Liu Lüeh the eastern fortress.”

13. The zhendong jiangjun Zhuge Dan said to the da jiangjun Sima Shi, [1] “This is exactly what is referred to as making the enemy come to you and not being made to go to him. [2] Let us now make the Wu invasion our opportunity to let Wenshu (Wang Chang) press on to Jiang Ling and Zhonggong (Guanqiu Jian) proceed towards Wuchang, thus taking control of the upper course of the Chiang which flows through the territory of Wu; then let us take our best troops to attack the two fortifications. By the time their reinforcements arrive we shall have made a great catch.

[13] From the Han Jin chunqiu, where the following passage precedes: “Sun Quan had built a dam at Dongxing to obstruct the Chaohu. When he afterwards attacked Huainan the dam was wrecked, and it was not repaired any more. In this year, Zhuge Ke, directing his troops, on the hills impinging upon the dam to the left and right constructed two fortifications. He had Quan Duan and Liu Lüeh guard them. He then returned with the troops.”

[13.1] Han Jin chunqiu: “Zhuge Dan said to Sima Xuanwang....” The two titles are added by Sima Guang. For the former, see 251 AD, Section 12, for the latter Section 1 of this year.

[13.2] Sun Zi ji ju has: “A good general makes the enemy come to him, and is not made to go to them.”

14. At this time the zhengnan da jiangjun Wang Chang, the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Zun, and the zhengnan jiangjun Guanqiu Jian each offered a plan for attacking Wu. [1] Because the plans of these three generals having in their titles the word zheng differed from each other, the Emperor consulted the shang-shu Fu Jia. [2] Fu Chia replied: “In ancient times, Fuchai defeated Qi and trampled down Jin, extending his sway through China; but he was unable to avoid his disaster at Gusu. King Min of Qi increases his territory and annexed other states, opening up an area of a thousand li; but this did not suffice for him to avert the misfortune of his overthrow. This is a clear illustration from antiquity that a good start does not necessarily end well. Having defeated Shu and annexed Jingzhou, Sun Quan became contented and satisfied. He then killed the loyal and good, putting to death his own heir; he committed the most atrocious iniquities. The Prime Minister, Lord Xuanwen (Sima Yi), possessed the foresight to take advantage of his unruliness and impending ruin, and profoundly designed a great plan and grand action. Now Sun Quan is dead, but he entrusted his orphan to Zhuge Ke. If he rectifies Sun Quan’s harsh measures and abolishes his extortions – so that the people are saved from cruelty and find themselves at peace under newly bestowed benevolence, thus becoming of one mind and sharing the same fears as if they were all in the same boat -–then, although they may not thereby preserve themselves in the end, yet they may prolong their existence on the other side of the deep Jiang.

“Some of the deliberators want to take ships and sail straight along the Jiang ravaging the other side of it. Some want to advance along the four routes simultaneously and attack walls and fortifications. Some want to undertake extensive agricultural colonies and take action as opportunities arise. These are indeed orthodox plans for conquering the enemy. But since placing these troops in the field we have campaigned back and forth for three years; this is no army to take the enemy by storm. The rebels have been in arms against us for almost sixty years; the Sovereign and his officials have worked together and shared their trials. Furthermore, they have recently lost their leader and both high and low are as one in their apprehension and caution. If they deploy their ships in fords and harbors, if they strengthen their walls and occupy defiles, then our plans for ravaging their land will be difficult to carry out successfully.

Now, our garrisons on the frontiers are situated far from the rebels’ positions. The rebels have set up beacons and watch towers; in this they are especially prudent, so that our spies cannot operate and our ears and eyes go uninformed. When the army lacks ears and eyes and is without detailed information, to proceed against a great danger with masses of troops would be merely trusting to luck for success. To try to win after the battle is joined is not the best of plans for preserving the army. To move the army forward and undertake extensive agricultural colonies is the only sage and reliable measure. Wang Chang, Hu Zun, and others might be ordered to occupy key positions and to act cautiously when they take any measure; then they should be ordered to proceed from their three different directions to seize the enemy’s fertile lands and make him return to his leaner lands. This is the first point. Second, with our army in front of the people, the enemy will not be able to plunder them. Third, along the nearest route we will bring such pressure to bear that surrenders will increase daily. Fourth, with the beacons and watch-towers being set up far away, their spies will not come to us. Fifth, as the rebels retreat, their system of beacons and watch-towers will be relaxed, so it will be easy for us to make progress with our agricultural colonies. Sixth, living in these places off public stores, our troops need not be bothered with transportation. Seventh, whenever opportunity is offered, we must launch our attack speedily. These seven points are the most urgent military considerations. If we do not take them in hand, the rebels will seize the advantage; if we do take them in hand, the advantage will be to the State. We cannot but take note of this.

Now with the camps and fortifications so close to each other, the respective strength of each side will be communicated to the other. Intelligence and courage will be displayed, skill or stupidity will be applied. By the action will be known the effectiveness or failure of the plans; by the contest will be known whether they were more than ample or inadequate. How is the reality of the enemy’s situation to be concealed from us? By contending with an enemy of superior strength, one belabors and exhausts his own strength; by contending with a rich enemy, one drains his own wealth. Hence they say that if the enemy is at ease, one must be able to harass him; if he is well fed, one must be able to reduce him to hunger. This is a description of the situation.

Only after that should we rock the Wu with a full-scale and powerful army, allure them by tripling our benevolence and doubling our rewards, raise their doubts by playing on appearances in various ways, and enter into their unpreparedness by unexpected means. In three years the enemy will join hands and vanish like ice, fall away like tiles; we, at our ease, will benefit from their misfortune, and achieve our aim without exertion. Of old, the Han for generations suffered from the Xiongnu. Court officials and advisers hastened to Court early and left late. Generals in war dress outlined campaigns of subjugation, people in gowns joined in talk of negotiating peace, men of daring and vigor in their minds flexed their muscles to strike. Thus it was that Fan Kuai wanted to take a hundred thousand men to ravage the Xiongnu, and Jibu discounted him to his face; Li Xin in earlier times had asked for two hundred thousand to conquer Chu, and in the end disgraced the Qin army. The generals of today who propose to cross the Jiang and the passes to conquer the enemy’s land are of the same class as they. With Your Majesty’s sage virtue, with the support of loyal and able ministers, with your laws enlightened and your officials trained, rather you may plan a complete victory and ward off the enemy through far-sighted measures; the collapse of the enemy will be unavoidable. Hence the Art of War says, ‘Subdue the enemy’s army, but not through battle; capture the enemy’s cities, but not through attack.’ I am earnestly concerned lest we reject the imperative designing of our victory in the Ancestral Temple for following the extremely uncertain road of chance. Therefore I say, to undertake extensive agricultural colonies and press the enemy is the best plan.”

Sima Shi did not follow this advice. [10]

[14] Sima Guang put this section together from the text proper of SGZ, Biography of Fu Jia, and from the passages of the Zhan Lüe of Sima Biao, reproduced in the commentary to the biography. A few phraseological variations on Sima Guang's part complete the tertium quid.

The two sizable passages which in the translation are enclosed in square brackets are not from ZZTJ, but are supplied by the translator from Zhan Lüe. It is quite understandable that Sima Guang, trying to condense a millenium and a half of Chinese history to manageable volume, did not incorporate them, but the reader who here has only the Sanguo period to cover may appreciate Fu Jia's argument better for these interpolations.

Pei Songzhi in his SGZ commentary quoted the Zhan Lüeh version of Fu Jia's counsel in its entirety because of its many details not found in SGZ. It is probable that both Chen Shou and Sima Biao had access to the original text relative to it, and that the former abridged it while the latter reproduced it with little if any alteration.

[14.1] SGZ: “In the fourth month of the fourth year of Jiaping, Sun Quan died; the zhengnan da jiangjun Wang Chang (here follow the other names and titles), etc., memorialized requesting to attack Wu.” Zhan Lüe: “At the time, those discussing the matter were proposing to attack Wu themselves.”

[14.2] Zhan Lüe has: “The plans submitted by the three zheng all differing, the Emperor consulted Fu Jia about them.” This explains the translation for “the plans of these three (generals having in their titles the word) zheng.” However, as Hu Sanxing remarks, “the three zheng” is lax terminology, Guanqiu Jian being only a zhennan jiangjun.

[14.10] Sima Guang's conclusion. Zhan Lüe has: “At the time they did not follow Fu Jia's words. In the eleventh month of that year the Emperor ordered Wang Chang and others to attack Wu. In the first month of the fifth year of Jiaping, Zhuge Ke resisted them and heavily defeated the various troops at Dongguan.”

15. Eleventh month. (Dec. 8, 252 – Jan. 16, 253). The Emperor ordered Wang Chang and his colleagues to attack Wu by three routes.

[15] Rewritten from SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “Winter, eleventh month: The Emperor ordered the zhengnan da jiangjun Wang Chang, the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Zun, the zhengnan jiangjun Guanqiu Jian, etc., to attack Wu.”

16. Twelfth month (Jan. 17 – Feb. 14, 253). Wang Chang attacked Nanjun, Guanqiu Jian proceeded towards Wuchang, Hu Zun and Zhuge Dan leading seventy thousand men attacked Dongxing.

[16] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, which reads: “On the first of the twelfth month, on the day bingshen (January 17, 253), there was heavy wind, thunder and lightning. The Wei had the generals Zhuge Dan, Hu Zun, et al., with seventy thousand foot and horse, surround Dongxing, the general Wang Chang attack Nanjun, and Guanqiu Jian proceed to Wuchang.”

17. On the day jiayin (Feb. 4), the taifu Zhuge Ke of Wu led forty thousand men marching day and night to relieve Dongxing. [1] Hu Zun and his colleagues had the various troops build pontoon bridges, by which they crossed over and took up positions on the dam. They divided their troops to attack the two fortifications being situated on steep heights they could not capture them directly.

[17] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage given in Note 12.6. The following passage, however, precedes there: “The Wei were insulted because the Wu had entered their territory, and so ordered their great genearls Hu Zun, Zhuge Dan, et al., commanding seventy thousand men, to attack and besiege the two harbors on Lake Chao and destroy the dam.”

[17.1] SGZ: “Zhuge Ke raised an army of forty thousand men and hastened day and night to bring relief.” The date is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, continuing from the passage given in Note 16: “On the day jiayin, Zhuge Ke with a large force proceeded towards the enemy.”

18. Zhuge Ke had the guanjun jiangjun Ding Feng, together with Lu Ju, Liu Zan, and Tang Zi, act as vanguard. They proceeded along the west of the mountain. [1] Ting Feng said to the various generals, “At present the troops are going slowly. If the rebels occupy convenient points, it will be hard to contend with them. I should like to proceed ahead.” Thereupon a way was opened up through the mass of the various troops. Ting Feng in person led the three thousand men under his command and moved straight ahead. At the time the wind was from the north; Ting Feng hoisted sail. In two days he reached Dongguan, finally occupying Xutang.

[18] Except the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Ding Feng, Wu. There the following passage precedes: “Ding Feng, zi Chengyuan, was a man of Anfeng in Lujiang. While still young, he was appointed a junior general for his bravery, and was subordinate to Gan Ning, Lu Xun, Pan Zhang, et al., under whom he made several campaigns.

In battle he was always the foremost, each time slaughtering enemy generals, seizing banners, and receiving wounds. He was promoted to be bian jiangjun. After Sun Liang acceded the throne, he became guanjun jiangjun and was enfeoffed Lord of Duting.

When the Wei sent Zhuge Dan, Hu Zun, etc., to attack Dongxing, Zhuge Ke led the army to resist them. The generals all said, 'When they hear that the taifu has come in person and has landed on the bank, the enemy will surely flee.'

Ding Feng alone said, 'That cannot be. They have mobilized their troops from Xuchang and Luoyang and have come on a grand scale, so they must have some fixed plans. Would they return without having accomplished anything? Do not depend on the enemy's coming, but lay your trust in preparation for victory.'”

[18.1] The biography of Ding Feng here reads: “When Zhuge Ke landed on the bank, Ding Feng together with the jiangjun Tang Zi, Lu Ju, Liu Zan, et al., all proceeded along the west of the mountain. SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage translated in Section 17 reads: “Zhuge Ke sent the jiangjun Liu Zan, Lu Ju, Tang Zi, and Ding Feng as vanguard.”

19. At this time the weather was snowy and cold. Hu Zun and his colleagues were drinking and making merry. Ding Feng, observing that the troops of the advance units were few, said to his subordinates, “Today is the time to get ourselves enfeoffed as Lords and earn rewards.” He thereupon ordered all his troops to take off their armor, lay down their spears and javelins, and naked except for their helmets, swords, and shields, mount the dam. When they saw this the Wei burst out laughing and did not at once go into action. The Wu troops were able to come up, and beating their drums and making an uproar, slashed and put to rout the Wei forward elements. Lu Ju and others also arrived on the scene. [6] Surprised and in panic, the Wei troops dispersed and vied in their efforts to cross the pontoon bridge; the bridge broke and they all threw themselves into the water and trampled each other. The advance commander Han Zong (韓綜) and the prefect of Luo'an, Huan Jia (桓嘉), among others, died; the dead numbered tens of thousands.

[19] Partly from SGZ, Biography of Ding Feng, continuing from the passage translated in Section 18. Partly from SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the sentence translated in Note 18.1.

[19.6] SGZ: “It so happened that Lu Ju, etc., arrived on the scene; in the end the Wei troops broke down. Ding Feng was promoted to be Miekou jiangjun and his enfeoffment was advanced to Lord of Duting.” Here Duting must be corrected to Duxiang for Ding Feng was already Lord of Duting.

Concerning this battle, SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, continuing from the passage translated in Note 17.1 states: “On the day wuwu (February 8), Zhuge Ke's army reached Dongxing and fought; they heavily defeated the Wei troops and killed the generals Han Zong, Huan Jia and others.”

20. Han Zong was a former Wu general who had deserted and had more than once done Wu harm. Wu Dadi (Sun Quan) had gnashed his teeth in hatred of him. Zhuge Ke had his severed head sent to Dadi's shrine. [2]

[20] From SGZ, Biography of Han Zong appended to that of his father Han Dang. Han Zong was a deserter from Wu to Wei.

[20.2] SGZ has: “At the battle of Dongxing, Han Zong was commanding the vanguard; the army was defeated and he was killed. Zhuge Ke decapitated him and sent the head to Sun Quan's shrine.”

21. Zhuge Ke captured thousands of vehicles, oxen, horses, mules, and asses; captured supplies and implements were heaped up like a mountain. He returned triumphantly in full order.

[21] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke

22. Earlier, when Jiang Wei of Han invaded Xi Ping, he captured the zhonglang Guo Xun. [1]Then Han appointed him zuo jiangjun. Guo Xun plotted to assassinate the Sovereign of Han, but could not get near him. Whenever he came to pay him homage, he made his salutations moving forward at the same time, but he was hindered by the attendants and the plot never came to fruition.

[22] From the Wei shi chunqiu.

The ming of this indefatigable assassin is written Xun in SGZ, Biography of Fei Yi and SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

However, it is written Xiu in SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi, SGZ Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, Wei shi chunqiu and Huayang Guozhi.

Hu Sanxing writes that the man's actual ming must have been Xiu, which was erroneously written as Xun. Sima Guang's only possible reason for putting this section here, is to prepare the reader for the first events chronicled under the following year, 263 AD.

[22.1] Wei shi chunqiu: “Guo Xiu (郭循), zi Xiaoxian (孝先), was a man of excellent conduct, for which he was famous in the western provinces. Jiang Wei seized him, but Guo Xiu did not bend to him.” For the ZZTJ sentences, see 253 AD. For Jiang Wei's invasion of Xiping, see 250 AD.
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 4:35 pm

Fifth Year of Jiaping (253 AD)
Shu: Sixteeth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Jianxing

1. Spring, first month. On the first day of the month (Feb. 16), the Shu da jiang jun Fei Yi held a grand assembly of his subordinates at Han-shou. Guo Xun was present. Fei Yi became merry and intoxicated with drinking; Guo Xun rose and stabbed Fei Yi to death.

[1] From SGZ, Biography of Fei Yi.

2. Fei Yi was by nature affable toward all and suspected no one. The taishou of Yuehui Zhang Yi once warned in a letter, "Of old, both Cen Peng who commanded troops and Lai Xi who served as ambassador were killed by assassins. Now, you as da jiangjun occupy a dignified position and wield great power. You place excessive trust in those who have recently offered allegiance. It would be well to observe past events and be a little cautious."

Fei Yi did not listen to him and so came to disaster.

[2] From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi.

3. The Emperor conferred on Guo Shun a posthumous enfeoffment as Lord of Zhanglu xiang, and had his son succeed to it.

[3] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “In the eighth month (September 10-October 9), an Imperial edict read: 'The late zhonglang Guo Xiu of Xiping polished his principles and conduct and never strayed from his path. Some time ago, when the Shu genearl Jiang Wei invaded and plundered Guo Xiu's prefecture, Guo Xiu was captured. Last year, when the false da jiangjun Fei Yi was driving and leading his hordes with the secret intention of getting into our territory, he passed through Hanshou, where he held an assembly with his guests. Participating in this assembly, Guo Xiu took his sword in hand and struck Fei Yi. His courage exceeded that of Nie Zheng, his achievement greater than that of Fu Jiezi. He can be called one who sacrificed his life to do a virtuous thing, and gave up life to choose righteousness. Honors are shown to the dead in order to glorify their loyalty and righteousness; their lineages are made to continue through their descendents in order to encourage those yet to come.

Herewith, Guo Xiu is enfeoffed posthumously as Lord of Changle with an appanage of a thousand households, and canonized as Lord Wei. His son inherits the rank, is appointed fengju duyu, and shall receive a gift of a thousand pieces of silver and a thousand pieces of silk, so that both the dead and the living may be distinguished with favors and be remembered forever in future generations.”

4. Wang Chang and Guanqiu Jian, learning that the eastern army had been defeated, set fire to their respective camps and fled. At Court, it was proposed to demote the generals concerned. The da jiangjun Sima Shi said, "It is because I did not listen to Gongxiu that we have come to this plight. In this I am culpable; how can the generals be at fault?"

And he absolved them all. At that time, Sima Shi's younger brother, the andong jiangjun, Sima Zhao was Superintendent of the Army (chien-chun); he only deprived Sima Zhao of his enfeoffment. [5] He appointed Zhuge Dan (zhennan jiangjun) and Commander-in-chief (dudu) of Yuzhou and Guanqiu Jian (zhennan jiangjun) and Commander-in-chief of Yangzhou. [6]

In this year, [7] the Governor of Yongzhou Chen Tai requested that the troops in Bingzhou be ordered to act in unison with him in attacking the Hu barbarians. Sima Shi complied with this. But before the troops were collected, the Hu in the two prefectures of Yanmen and Xinxing, at the prospect of such a distant expedition, took alarm and rebelled. Sima Shi again apologized to the Court officials, "In this I am to blame; it is not the fault of Governor Chen Tai of Yongzhou"

This made everybody ashamed, (but) pleased.

Xi Zuochi has discussed this as follows: "The da jiangjun Sima Shi took to himself to blame for the two defeats. With this cancellation of the blame (of others), his work prospered. He was indeed wise. [If the people forget their losses and think of requital, even if you wanted to make them discontented, how could you do so?] If, on the contrary, you taboo the defeat and disown the blame, inculpating others and always taking the credit yourself, so as to conceal the loss, then high and low will be estranged from you and both the wise and the stupid will desert you. [It was thus that Chu was twice defeated and Jin was twice victorious.] No mistake can be greater than this. If Sovereigns are cognizant of this principle and rule their states by it, [then there will not be bad government from their Courts and their persons will not suffer disaster]; their deeds may be defective, but there will be renown for them; though the army may be crushed, the victory is theirs. In such cases even a hundred defeats are immaterial; how much more so with only two defeats."

[4] From Han Jin chunqiu.

[4.5] Han Jin chunqiu: “At that time, Sima Wenwang was Superintendent of the Army directing the various forces; he only deprived Sima Wenwang of his enfeoffment.”

Jin shu, Chronicle of Wendi: “Wen Huangdi, ming Zhao, zi Zishang, was a younger brother of Jingdi (Sima Shi) by the same mother. In the third year of Jingchu of Wei (239 AD), he was enfeoffed as Lord of Xincheng Xiang. He was transferred to be andong jiangjun. Soon his title was raised to dudu, in which capacity he directed the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Cun and the chendong jiangjun Zhuge Dan in attacking the Wu. At the battle of Dongguan, the two armies were defeated; he was held responsible and lost his enfeoffment.”

[4.6] Interpolated by Sima Guang from SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian: “After Zhuge Dan had been unsuccessful at the battle of Dongguan, Zhuge Dan and Guanqiu Jian were ordered to exchange posts; Zhuge Dan became zhennan jiangjun and dudu of Yuzhou. Guanqiu Jian became zhendong jiangjun and dudu of Yangzhou.”

[4.7] The year referred to must be the preceding year, 252 AD, because this entire section from Han Jin chunqiu is appended as commentary from that year in SGZ.

5. The guanglu dafu Zhang Qi said to Sima Shi, "In spite of his victory, Zhuge Ke will soon be put to death." [1]

"For what reason?" said Sima Shi.

Zhang Qi said, "His power makes his Sovereign tremble, and his achievement is foremost in his whole state. How can he seek to escape death?"

[5] From the Weilue.

[5.1] Weilue: “Zhang Ji also once told the da jiangjun Sima Shi he calculated that in spite of Zhuge Ke's victory on the frontiers, he would soon be put to death.” For the title of this father-in-law of the Emperor, see 252 AD.

6. Second month (Mar. 17 - Apr. 16). The Wu army returned from Dongxing. The taifu Zhuge Ke was advanced in enfeoffment to be Lord of Yangdu, received the additional title of mu of Jingzhou and Yangzhou, and was appointed Commander-in-chief (du) of all the armed forces. [He was given one hundred catties of gold, two hundred horses, and ten thousand pieces each of silken and hempen cloth].

Zhuge Ke, then, came to take the enemy lightly. He wanted to make another campaign. The State ministers all maintained that the constant campaigns had worn the people out and in like language remonstrated with Zhuge Ke, but Zhuge Ke would not listen to them. The zhongsan dafu Jiang Yan held to his point persistently, Zhuge Ke had him shown out.

He then wrote down his discourse to instruct the masses: "['There are not two suns in the sky, nor there are two Sovereigns on this earth.' There has never been a Sovereign bent on continuation of his line by his descendants who did not strive to unify the empire under him. In ancient times, during the period of the Warring States, the feudal princes relied on their strong armies, extensive territories, and mutual aid. They thought that in that manner the succession could be transmitted to their descendants. Hence they were not wary, but indulged in their desires and sentiments, despising labor and hardship. As a result, the Ch'in gradually grew powerful and eventually annexed them all. This is an example from the remote past. In recent times, Liu Jingsheng (Liu Biao) in Jingzhou had a hundred thousand men and his wealth and grain were like mountains; he was far superior to Cao Cao, who was yet weak. In the struggle he let him grow stronger and swallow the Yuan. Having pacified the northern region, Cao Cao led three hundred thousand men on Jingzhou. There indeed were at the time some men of insight, but they were unable to cope with the situation; in the end, Liu Jingsheng's son (Liu Zong) had to surrender and become a captive of war.]

"Hostile States want to swallow one another, just as two enemies want to eliminate one another. An enemy allowed to grow in power will bring disaster to prosperity if not to ourselves. We cannot but be concerned for the distant future.

["In ancient times, Wu Zixu said, 'The Yue will procreate and grow in ten years, teach and instruct in another ten years; after twenty years, Wu will turn out to be a marsh.' Fuchai, believing himself powerful, heard this and paid no attention. And so he put Wu Zixu to death and did not think of preparing against the Yue. The outcome was that when he was confronted with his end he was remorseful, but it was no use then. Yue was smaller than Wu, yet caused Wu's disaster; how much graver is the case with a larger and stronger state.]

"In ancient times, Qin had only the region west of the (pass) Hangu Guan still it annexed the Six States. [At present the rebels possess the territories of Qin, Zhao, Han, Wei, Yan, and Qi --the Nine Provinces; all these territories comprise a land of fighters and a thicket of scholars.] Compared with the Qin of early times, the Wei of today is several times larger; compared with the Six States of antiquity, Wu and Shu of today together do not amount to half their size. However, the reason they can withstand Wei at present is simply that the troops of Cao Cao's time, then much more numerous than now, have become exhausted and those born later have not all grown up. In other words, it is because the rebels, either debilitated or young, are not yet in their full vigor again.

"Besides, Sima Yi first put Wang Ling to death, then he himself died; with his weak and immature son in sole charge of administration, even men of wisdom and counsel are in no position to apply their minds. For the moment (the rebels) are beset with troubles, and this is a good opportunity to attack them. A sage hastens to take advantage of the opportunity offered him. As for complying with the sentiments of the masses to cherish a plan for monetary peace, assuming that protection by the Long River is enough to continue our line, disregarding the development of Wei, and thus treating the future lightly on the basis of the present--this is something at which I heave a long sigh.

["From the beginning they have been striving to increase their population; at this moment the rebels are increasing and multiplying. It is only because their numbers are not yet sufficient that they cannot make use of them. In ten years or so their population will certainly increase many times. Our strong troops are all busy in various places; we have only these troops (under my command) who can be employed to do something. If we do not make use of them soon, but let them grow old, in ten years or so their number will be halved, while the younger generation of today will not be sufficient (to make up the deficiency). When the rebels are doubled and our troops halved, even aYi Yin or a Guan Zhong will be powerless to do anything. Those whose vision does not reach far will certainly take my words to be far-fetched. Indeed, if a man worries in anticipation before actual calamity has arrived, he is deemed visionary by the masses; only after disaster has actually set in will they acknowledge their error, but then even a man of wisdom will not be able to do anything. This is a common mistake both in antiquity and the present time, not limited to a unique instance. Of old, the Wu considered Wu Yuan (Wu Zixu) to be visionary; calamity befell them and they could not be saved. Liu Jingsheng could not think ten years ahead, hence he was unable to leave any legacy to his descendants. I, Zhuge Ke, though a man of no ability, have been charged with the duty of a Xiao He and Huo Guang for our great Wu. If my wisdom be no better than that of the masses, if I do not think far into the future, if I do not now open up new territories for the State, will it serve any purpose for me to cut my own throat in apology when I have grown old, when the enemy will have become much stronger?]

"I hear that many persons hold that the people are still in a state of poverty and want to let them rest. In this they do not know enough to be anxious over the greater danger, but show their care for petty assiduity. How is it that long ago Han Gaozu, having conquered the territories of the Three Qin, did not close down the passes and guard his strongholds so that he might enjoy life, but on the contrary went out to attack Chu, his body suffering spear wounds and his armor becoming infested with vermin, while his generals underwent excessive toil and hardship? Could it be that he relished sword-blades and forgot safety and security? It was all because he was convinced that in the long run (Han and Chu) could not both survive.

"Each time I have read the plan for advance and seizure by with Jing Han persuaded Gongsun Shu, and recently when I saw my uncle's memorial setting forth his design for contending with the rebels, I have never failed to heave a sigh.

"Day and night I worry like this. Therefore in the above I have set forth my poor words for the benefit of two or three gentlemen. Should I die suddenly without having my plan executed, I shall appreciate it if posterity is informed of my concern and may think over it."

In their hearts the officials all disapproved, but they dared not criticize him.

The taishou (Prefect) of Danyang, Nie Yu, who had been on friendly terms with Zhuge Ke sent him a letter remonstrating: "The late Emperor indeed planned to obstruct Dongguan, but he did not execute it. Now, you helped accomplished the great work and executed the aims of the late Emperor. The invaders came from afar to meet their doom at our hand; our generals, by the grace of the August Virtue (of the Emperor), exerted their utmost. And so all at once you have earned unusual merit. Is this not a blessing for the spirits of the Ancestral Temple and the spirits of the Earth? We out to rest the troops and nourish their strength, and move when fit opportunities offer. Now, you want to take advantage of the present situation to undertake another big campaign; Heaven's will is against it, and yet you would give free reign to your own desire. I do not approve of this."

Zhuge Ke wrote his answer to Nie Yu at the end of his essay: "You are certainly right as far as the natural situation is concerned, but you have not an insight into the overall import. If you read my essay carefully, you will understand"

[6] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage translated in 252 AD, Section 21.

7. Teng Yin said to Zhuge Ke, "You [at the time of the imperial mourning] were entrusted with the task of a Yi Yin and a Huo Guang. Within you have made the State secure, without you have pushed away a powerful enemy. Your fame is known within the four seas; the whole world is trembling at your feet. The hope of the 'ten thousand surnames' is that you will give them respite. At this time, after all their toil and service, you would raise troops to go out on a campaign. The people are tired and their strength is unequal to the task. The distant Sovereign, furthermore, is prepared. Should you be unsuccessful in attacking their walls and obtain no booty on the battlefield, this will ruin your earlier efforts and invite eventual criticism. Nothing would be better than to lay aside war gear, rest the army, and move when opportunity offers. Besides, war is a serious business, and a business that comes to success through the masses. If the masses are ill disposed, can you alone manage it?"

Zhuge Ke said, "All those who disapprove do not see what the plan contemplates, and cherish a temporary peace. Since even you think that way, what more can I look for? Cao Fang (the Wei Emperor) is stupid and incompetent, and the administrative power is in the hands of private persons; his subjects are definitely estranged from him. I am now relying on the resources of our State and taking advantage of the awe-inspiring majesty conferred us by our late victory; how shall I not be successful?"

[7] From SGZ, Biography of Teng Yin

8. Third month (Apr. 16 - May 14). Zhuge Ke levied a host of two hundred thousand men from the various provinces and prefectures and made another invasion. [1] He appointed Teng Yin as duxia tu (Commander of the capital) to superintend general affairs left behind. [2]

[8] From three SGZ biographies:

[8.1] The date is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, which states: “In the third month, Zhuge Ke led an army and went to attack Wei.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke states: “Thereupon against the general consensus, he went ahead with the campaign, levying a host of two hundred thousand men from the various provinces and prefectures. The people were disturbed and agitated, and he began to lose his popularity.”

[8.2] From SGZ, Biography of Teng Yin, where the surname Teng is omitted and the passage is followed by: “Teng Yin received guests during the day and looked through state papers during the night, sometimes not going to bed till dawn.” (This completes the translation of the entire SGZ Biography of this son-in-law of the late ruler of Wu).

9. Summer, fourth month (May 15 - June 13). General amnesty.

[9] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

10. In Han, Jiang Wei, considering himself well versed in the usages and customs of the western regions and likewise confident of his own talent and military prowess, wanted to entice the various tribes of the Qiang barbarians to become protecting wings (to Han), asserting that the region west of Long could be detached and possessed (by Han). He was always wanting to lead a great expedition; Fei Yi had invariably checked him, not consenting, and put no more than ten thousand troops under his command.

He said, "We are far inferior to the chengxiang (Zhuge Liang). Since even the chengxiang himself could not conquer China Proper, much less can we. It is best for us to protect the State, govern the people, and reverently guard the dynasty. As for great achievements, we must leave them to an abler hand. Let us not put our hopes on chance and decide success or failure by a single move; if you fail of your aim, regret will be of no use."

After Fei Yi's death, Jiang Wei was able to carry out his intentions; so leading tens of thousands of men he went forth to Shiying and laid siege to Didao. [6]

[10] The first and last paragraphs are from SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, the intervening one from Han Jin chunqiu.

[10.6] SGZ: “In the spring of the sixteenth year of Yanxi, Fei Yi died. That summer Jiang Wei led tens of thousands out to Shiying, passed Dongting, and laid siege to Nan'an.” For the substitution of Didao for Nan'an, see Note 13.1.

11. Zhuge Ke of Wu invaded Huainan and seized its people. One of his generals said to Zhuge Ke, "Now that you are leading the troops in a deep penetration, the people along the frontiers are sure to flee together to distant places. I am afraid our troops are being put to task together without being able to achieve much. It would be better to limit ourselves to besieging Xincheng. [3]With Xincheng in distress, their reinforcements are sure to arrive, and when they come we will attack them. We will obtain a great success."

Zhuge Ke followed his suggestion. In the fifth month [4] (June 14 - July 12), he drew back his troops and laid siege to Xincheng.

[11] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

[11.3] This is the “New City” of Hefei mentioned in 232 AD.

[11.4] SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, continuing from the passage translated in Note 8.1: “Summer, fourth month (May 15-June 13). Zhuge Ke besieged Xincheng. There was a severe epidemic and the greater half of the troops died.” The ZZTJ “fifth month” is derived from the passage given below in Note 12.

12. The Emperor ordered the taiyu Sima Fu to direct an army of two hundred thousand and proceed thither.

[12] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which reads: “In the fifth month, the taifu Zhuge Ke of Wu besieged Xincheng (New City) of Hefei (see Note 11.4). The Emperor ordered the taiyu to resist him.” The number of troops is mentioned in Jin Shu, Biography of Sima Fu: “At that time the Wu general Zhuge Ke was besieging Xincheng. The Emperor had Sima Fu direct two hundred thousand troops and repel him.”

13. The da jiangjun Sima Shi, consulting with Yu Song, said, “At present, we are occupied in the east and in the west; the situation in both places is urgent, yet our generals are dispirited. What shall we do?

Yu Song said, “Of old, Zhou Yafu fortified the walls of Changyi, and Wu and Chu came to ruin by themselves. Some things look weak but are actually strong. Some things look strong but are actually weak. One must not fail to examine into them. Now Zhuge Ke has mobilized the whole of his picked forces, which are enough to enable them to cause great ravage, yet he sits still and concentrates his attention on Xincheng. He is simply after a battle. If he fails to capture the city after attacking it, or to obtain a battle after having sought one, his army will be tired and worn out, and he will probably leave on his own initiative. The generals are not advancing by the shortest route, and it is a good thing for us. Jiang Wei with his heavy forces has isolated his army in order to cooperate with Zhuge Ke, and seeks to get his provisions from our wheat; he is not a deep-rooted (powerful) invader. Furthermore, he thinks we are concentrated on the east and that our west consequently must be defenseless, so he has advanced directly. If we now have the various troops in Guanzhong (on the inside of the pass Hangu Guan) hasten double-march to take him by surprise, he will probably go away.

Sima Shi approved, and had Guo Huai and Chen Tai mobilize the entire forces of Guanzhong and relieve the siege of Didao. He also ordered Guanqiu Jian and others to hold their troops in check and defend their positions, thus leaving Xincheng to the Wu. When Chen Tai advanced to Luomen, Jiang Wei, as his provisions were exhausted, retreated. [6]

[13] From Han Jin chunqiu.

[13.6] Han Jin Chunqiu: “Jiang Wei heard that Guo Huai was advancing with troops, and provisions for his own troops being scant he drew back to the Longxi region and quartered there.”

The ZZTJ version is from SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei: “The Wei cishi (governor) of Yongzhou, Chen Tai, broke the siege of Nan'an and advanced to Luomen. His provisions exhausted, Jiang Wei retreated.”

14. The yamenjiang of Yangzhou, Zhang Te of Zhuojun, was defending Xincheng. [1] The Wu had been attacking it for months. In the city itself there were three thousand troops, of which more than half had taken sick or fallen in battle [3] when Zhuge Ke raised an artificial hill and attacked vehemently. The city was about to fall and could not defend any longer.

Zhang Te then spoke to the Wu, and said, “At present I have lost the heart to continue the fight. However, according to the laws of Wei, when under attack for more than a hundred days without getting reinforcements, one may surrender and his family will not be involved and punished. I have been attacked already more than ninety days. In this city there originally were more than four thousand men, but more than half of these have died fighting. Even if the city falls, there is still the other half who are unwilling to capitulate. I must go back and speak to them, and make an inventory of them divided into good and bad, and early tomorrow I will submit their names. For the time being, you will take my seal as a pledge of my good faith.”

Therewith, he threw down his seal to them. The Wu credited his words and did not take his seal, and they held up the attack. Zhang Te, then, under cover of the night, razed all the houses and used the timber to repair gaps in the city walls and double them. On the following day he told the Wu, “There is nothing left for me but to fight to the end.”

Greatly angry, the Wu advanced and attacked, but could not capture the city. [12]

[14] Except for the first two sentences, this section is adapted from the Weilue, as quoted in SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

[14.1] The SGZ commentator Pei Songzhi, who quotes Weilue, adds: “At this time, Zhang Te was defending Xincheng.”

Weilue has: “Zhang Te, zi Zichan, was a man of Zhuojun. Before this time, he had been appointed yamen jiang serving under the zhendong jiangjun Zhuge Dan. Zhuge Dan considered him incompetent and wanted to send him back to the hujun. It so happened that Zhuge Dan was replaced by Guanqiu Jian, who eventually stationed Zhang Te at the New City of Hefei to defend it.

[14.3] Weilue: “When Zhuge Ke besieged the city, the three armies of Zhang Te, the general Yue Fang, etc. amounted to three thousand men, of which more than half the officers and soldiers had fallen sick or fallen in battle.”

[14.12] After this Weilue concludes: “Eventually they withdrew. The Court commended him, made him a general of miscellaneous title, enfeoffed him as a Lord, and also promoted him to be taishou of Anfeng.”

15. It happened to be very hot and the Wu troops were tired under their toil; drinking the local water, over half of them suffered from diarrhea and swelling. Everywhere were dead and wounded. The officers in charge of the different camps daily reported large numbers of sick cases. Zhuge Ke considered them to be dissembling and wanted to behead them. After that none dared to speak. Zhuge Ke was well aware that he had erred in his plan and was ashamed that the city had not yet fallen; his vexation showed in his facial color. The General Zhu Yi displeasing Zhuge Ke on a military matter, Zhuge Ke immediately deprived him of his troops and sent him back in disgrace to Jianye. [2] The duyu Cai Lin repeatedly advised him on military matters. Zhuge Ke refusing to follow his advice, he took a horse and fled hither to Wei. The Wei generals, ascertaining that the Wu troops were already tired out, moved forward their reinforcements.

Autumn, seventh month (August 12-September 9). Zhuge Ke retreated with his troops. The wounded and sick soldiers wandered on and dragged themselves along the roads, some stumbling to their deaths in ditches and holes, some being captured and made prisoners. Alive or dying, they all lamented grievously; high or low, they all wailed. However, Zhuge Ke was calm and unperturbed as usual. He went out to the river island for a month and planned to start an agricultural colony at Xunyang. Summons after summons came to him from the Emperor, and he then slowly returned with the troops. Thereafterword the masses lost their hopes of him, and resentment and complaint arose.

[15] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage translated in Section 11.

[15.2] SGZ: “The general Zhu Yi disagreeing on some score, Zhuge Ke was angered and immediately deprived him of his troops.”

Wu shu: “Zhu Yi again was with Zhuge Ke at the siege of Xincheng. As the city did not fall, Zhu Yi and others all said they ought to hasten back to Yuzhang and launch a surprise attack on Shitoucheng, which could be captured in only a few days. In a letter to Zhu Yi, Zhuge Ke expressed his view. Zhu Yi three the letter on the ground and said, 'My plan is not adopted; the child must employ his own plan.' Zhuge Ke was greatly angered and immediately deprived him of his troops. Thus dismissed, he returned to Jianye.”

16. The taishou of Runan, Deng Ai, said to Sima Shi, “Since Sun Quan died, the high officials of Wu have not been submissive. In Wu the prominent clans and powerful families all have their military retainers; by checkmating with their royal troops and making a show of power, they are capable of disobeying royal commands. Zhuge Ke has recently been taking charge of the government, and is oblivious of any Sovereign within, nor does he give thought to soothing and relieving high and low to lay a foundation for power. Instead, he is bent on external affairs and uses the people harshly; he has mobilized the country's masses and pitched them against a strongly walled city, and the dead can be counted by thousands. He has gone back loaded with disaster. Indeed, this forebodes a day when Zhuge Ke will be incriminated.

Of old, Wu Zixu, Wu Qi, Shang Yang and Yue Yi were all trusted by the Sovereigns of their time. Still, with the death of their masters, they came to ruin. Zhuge Ke, inferior in ability to these four worthies, is not worried at the impending catastrophe. His downfall can be expected any time.”

[16] From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai. There the following passage precedes: “He was promoted to be taishou of Runan. Arrived at his post, he sought the aged under-official who had formerly been kind to him; he had been dead for some time, so he sent a subordinate to offer sacrifice to him. He presented his wife with a rich gift and appointed his son a jili. While in his post, Deng Ai reclaimed waste lands, both the troops and the common people thus being enriched. Zhuge Ke, who had been besieging Xincheng of Hefei, returned without having taken it.”

17. Eighth month (September 10-October 9). The Wu army returned to Jianye. Zhuge Ke first held a parade inspection and then with his retinue returned to his headquarters. He immediately summoned to his presence the zhongshu ling Sun Mo and addressed him in a raised voice, “How dare you gentlemen persist in recklessly writing edicts?”

Sun Mo in panic resigned from his post and returned home on grounds of ill health. All the officials appointed by the (xuan-)cao since Zhuge Ke had left on his expedition, he dismissed, and appointed new personnel. He showed more and more strictness and authority, taking to account and finding fault with many of his officials. Everybody who had to report to him breathed fearfully. He also changed the personnel of the palace guards, employing men privy to him. He further gave orders to put the army in readiness, intending to proceed toward Qingzhou and Xuzhou.

Taking advantage of the numerous grievances of the people and mass ill favor, Sun Jun falsely accused Zhuge Ke to the Sovereign of Wu, saying he intended a coup d'etat.

[17] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

18. Winter, tenth month (November 8-December 7). Sun Jun conspired with the Sovereign of Wu to give a banquet, to which he invited Zhuge Ke. [1] Zhuge Ke decided not to go in to it. During the night, his mind was perturbed, and he did not sleep all night long. Furthermore, several inauspicious phenmona occurred in his house, and Zhuge Ke became suspicious. [3] The next morning, Zhuge Ke halted his carriage at the palace gate. Sun Jun had already placed soldiers in ambush behind the curtains. He feared Zhuge Ke might enter too soon and the affair be divulged, so he personally went out to see Zhuge Ke and said to him, “If your Excellency feels indisposed, you could come a bit later. I will make your excuses to the Sovereign.” By this he wanted to feel out Zhuge Ke's mind. Zhuge Ke said, “I ought to force myself to go in.”

[18] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

[18.1] SGZ: “He conspired with Sun Liang...” The date is given in the SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang: “That winter, in the tenth month, a grand banquet was held. The wuwei jiangjun Sun Jun placed soldiers in ambush and killed Zhuge Ke in a hall of the palace. A general amnesty was given; Sun Jun was appointed chengxiang and enfeoffed as Lord of Fujun.”

[18.3] This sentence is Sima Guang's own, summarizing the following SGZ passage: “On the following morning, in washing and gargling, he found the water of a rank smell, and when his attendants gave him his clothes, the clothes had a bad odor. Puzzled, Zhuge Ke had the clothes and the water changed but they smelled as evil as ever. He was depressed and displeased. Having completed his toilet, he was hurrying out when his dog tugged at his clothes. Zhuge Ke said, 'Does the dog not want me to go?' He went back and sat down. Presently he rose and the dog again tugged at his clothes. Zhuge Ke had his attendants drive the dog off, and finally he took his carriage.

When Zhuge Ke had been about to go on with his campaign in Huainan, a man in mourning for his father entered his hall, still wearing his mourning clothes, and the attendants reported this to him. He sent him out and demanded an explanation. The man in mourning said, 'I do not know how I came here.' At that time, none of the guards, inside or outside, had seen him come in; every one wondered at this incident.

After he had gone out on his campaign, the ridgepole of a room he was in broke in the middle. When he left Xincheng and was coming to live in Dongxing, a 'white rainbow' appeared on his ship. When on his way back he paid his respects at the mausoleum of Jiangling, the white rainbow again hovering above his carriage.”

19. The sanqi changshi Zhang Yue, Zhu En and others sent a secret message to Zhuge Ke saying, “The preparations for today are extraordinary. We suspect that there is something behind them.”

Zhuge Ke showed the message to Teng Yin. Teng Yin advised Zhuge Ke to return to the hall. Zhuge Ke said, “What can these children do? I am only afraid they may poison me with their wine and food.

With that, and taking his own medicated wine, Zhuge Ke went in.

[19] The first paragraph is from SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke. After this, however, Sima Guang rejects the SGZ version in favor of Wuli.

The rejected SGZ account is as follows: “Having read the message, Zhuge Ke went on. He had not entered the innermost gate to the palace when he met the taichang Teng Yin. Zhuge Ke said, 'All of a sudden I have a stomach ache. I cannot go in.'

Not knowing about Sun Jun's sinister plot, Teng Yin said to Zhuge Ke, 'You are retracing your steps, not to appear there; now the Sovereign is holding a banquet and has invited you. Having reached the gate, you ought to force yourself to go on.' Hesitating, Zhuge Ke went back toward the hall.”

The reason Sima Guang did not use this version is to be seen in the comment of Sun Sheng immediately after the quotation of Wuli, which reads: “To be sure, Zhuge Ke and Teng Yin were intimate and equals; in matters of extraordinary importance, he ought to express his mind to Teng Yin and take his counsel for safety. But by nature, Zhuge Ke was a man of strong character, and furthermore he always despised Sun Jun, not giving any credit to the man. That is why he went in; would he have risked disaster merely because Teng Yin happened to persuade him somewhat? The Wu li version is superior.”

20. Wearing his sword and his shoes, he came up to the hall. He advanced and proffered his thanks, and returned to his seat. When wine was set out, Zhuge Ke was suspicious and did not drink. Sun Jun said, “Is it that Your Excellency has not recovered from the indisposition? There is that medicated wine you habitually take, which might well be fetched.” Zhuge Ke's mind was then eased. Separately, he drank what he had brought along. After several cups of wine, the Sovereign of Wu retired and Sun Jun got up to go to the toilet, where he divested himself of his long gown and put on his short garment. When he came out, he said, “The emperor orders the arrest of Zhuge Ke.”

Startled, Zhuge Ke stood up and reached for his sword, but before he could get at it, Sun Jun's sword fell on him time and again. Zhang Yue, who was by, hacked sun Jun, but succeeded only in wounding his left hand, whereupon Sun Jun cut down Zhang Yue, severing his right arm. The wuwei soldiers all rushed up to the hall. Sun Jun said, “We were after Zhuge Ke, and now he is already dead.” He ordered them all to sheath their swords, cleared the place, and continued the drinking.

[20] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

21. Zhuge Ke's two sons Zhuge Song and Zhuge Jian on learning of the calamity took their mother in a carriage, intending to flee thither to Wei. Sun Jun had a man pursue and kill them.

[21] This is Sima Guang's condensation of the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke: “Zhuge Ke's eldest son, the jiduyu Zhuge Chao, having conspired with the Prince of Lu, Sun Quan sent him to Zhuge Ke for reprimand. Zhuge Ke poisoned him. His second son, Zhuge Song, was changshui jiaoyu, and his youngest son Zhuge Jian was bubing jiaoyu. Hearing that Zhuge Ke had been put to death, they took their mother in a carriage and fled. Sun Jun sent the jidu Liu Cheng after them; he killed Zhuge Song at Bodu. Zhuge Jian was able to cross the Jiang and intended to proceed north into Wei, but having gone some tens of li he was captured by the pursuing troops.”

Continuing, SGZ tells us that, “Zhuge Song had often remonstrated with Zhuge Ke, but Zhuge Ke would not listen to him; hence he was constantly in fear lest calamity befall him.” The son could not reform his arrogant father!

22. He had the corpse of Zhuge Ke wrapped in rush matting, the loins bound with wicker work, and thrown into the cemetary called Shizigang.

[22] Sima Guang's condensation of a passage in SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke: “Before this, there used to be a 'Children's Ditty.' 'Zhuge Ke! Unlined rush clothing and buckle of wicker work. Where shall we seek him? At Chengzige!' This Chengzige is a transversion (anagram) of Shizigang (done by combining certain initial and final radicals in the characters). South of Jianye, there is a big cemetary called Shizigang, where burials take place. Zhuge Ke's body was wrapped in rush matting, with the loins bound with wicker work, and thrown into this Shizigang.”

According to the Wulu, Zhuge Ke died at the age of fifty-one. That is, he lived 203-253 AD.

23. Further, he sent Shi Guan, the du of Wunan, to the army of Generals Shi Ji and Sun Yi and had Zhuge Ke's younger brother, the fenwei jiangjun Zhuge Jing, killed at Gong'an, and his three sons {killed} as well.

[23] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Rong appended to that of his father Zhuge Jin: “After Zhuge Ke was put to death, the du of Wunan, Shi Guan was sent to the generals Shi JI, Sun Yi, Quan Xi, etc., to seize Zhuge Rong. Hearing of the sudden arrival of the troops, Zhuge Rong was in panic and hesitated, unable to decide what course to take. When the troops besieged the city of Gong'an, he drank poison and died. His three sons were all put to death.”

For his post at Gong'an, see 241 AD, Note 8.2 and 252 AD, Note 9.1. As for his title, SGZ states: “After Sun Quan expired Zhuge Ke was transferred to be fenwei jiangjun.”

With this the Zhuge family in Wu was exterminated. An interesting story in this connection is found in SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Qiao, Shu: “Zhuge Qiao, zi Bosong, was the second son of Zhuge Liang's elder brother Zhuge Jin. His original zi was Zhongzhen; he and his elder brother Yuanxun (Zhuge Ke) were renowned in their time. Men of judgment held that although Zhuge Qiao was not as talented as his elder brother, his character was better. At first Zhuge Liang had no son of his own, so he wanted to adopt Zhuge Qiao as his heir. Zhuge Jin informed Sun Quan and sent him west to Shu. Now that he had become his heir, Zhuge Liang altered Zhuge Qiao's zi from Zhongshen to Bosong. He was appointed fuma duyu and went to Hanzhong with Zhuge Liang.

At the age of twenty-five, in the first year of Jianxing (233 AD), he died. His son, Zhuge Pan, who attained to the office of xinghujun and yiwu jiangjun, also died young. After Zhuge Ke was put to death in Wu, the descendents of the Zhuge were exhausted. Since Zhuge Liang had sons of his own, Zhuge Pan returned in registry to become a descendent to Zhuge Jin.”

This elicits the fact that there were three sons to Zhuge Jin, a fact not mentioned in his biography in SGZ, Wu.

24. The sons of Zhuge Ke's sisters, the Lord of Duxiang Zhang Chen and the sanqi changshi Zhu En, and members of their families to the third degree, were all put to death.

[24] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke, continuing from the passage given in Note 21.

25. Zang Jun of Linhuai memorialized, petitioning to take the corpse of Zhuge Ke and bury it, “I have heard it said that thunder and lightning do not last all morning, and when violent wind breaks out, rarely is it for a whole day. Rather they are succeeded by clouds and rainfall, which mositens things. This means that even the awesomeness of heaven and earth does not last more than a day or at most twelve days, and the ire of Emperors and Kings ought not to exhaust their desires. Being reckless and stupid, I do not know what to shun or taboo, and am risking an offense that may bring extermination. Hence I mention this weather simile.

I humbly observe that the late taifu Zhuge Ke has committed crimes and evils to the fullest, and so has brought about the annihilation of himself and his family. [3] The three heads of the father and sons have been poled in the marketplace for days, viewed by tens of thousands, and they are cursed everywhere. There is none who has not trembled at this major punishment of the land; old or young, there is none who has not witnessed it. Human nature reacts towards the external world in such a manner that when pleasure is at its highest, sympathy is produced. Seeing Zhuge Ke in prosperity and power, no one of the time disagreed with him. He had occupied a ministerial position for many years. Now he has been killed just like a bird or a beat.

Having observed it all, one's sentiment turns back; can one fail to feel pity? Besides, a dead man is in the realm of the soil; chiselling, digging, hewing, stabbing would not add anything. I would wish your sage Court to take lesson from heaven and earth, whose ire does not last ten days, and permit his locality or his former subordinates to take his body and bury it in commoner's garb in a coffin of three inches thickness. Of old, Xiang Ji received the dispensation of burial, and Han Xin received the favor of proper encoffining. [6] This was due to the spirit-like insight of Han Gaozu. I hope Your Majesty will prize the benevolence of the Three Emperors [7] and demonstrate your sense of pity, so that the State's beneficence may be applied to the corpse of the punished man, and it may further receive boundless grace. In this manner, your renown would spread to distant regions and people everywhere would be encouraged to become your subjects. Would this not be great?

Of old, Luan Bu altered the order of Gaozu relative to the corpse of Peng Yue, for which I presume to despise him. Without first petitioning his Sovereign, he indulged his feelings and took the credit to himself. It was certainly lucky for him he was not put to death. Now, I do not presume to make my sentiments public and prematurely reveal your grace. Therefore I respectfully and humbly write this memorial, risking death to submit my view. I beg that with your sage understanding, you will take pity and look into it.”
Thereupon the Sovereign of Wu and Sun Jun permitted Zhuge Ke's former subordinates to bury him.

[25] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

[25.3] This sentence replaces the following long SGZ passage: “I humbly observe that the late taifu Zhuge Ke was able to continue the lineage of the magnificent spirit of his progenitors. When the line of the Han ended and the Nine Provinces were divided into three dominions, his father and uncles settled themselves in each of the three regions, where they all served loyally and assiduously, thus laying a foundation for a heritage. Coming to Zhuge Ke himself, born in a royal State and brought up under sage influence, his fame became brilliant. His family had served for some generations; he did not then think of doing anything calamitous.

The late Emperor entrusted him with the task of a Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou, committing to his care the myriad affairs of the State. By nature, Zhuge Ke was a man of strong character and temper; he was arrogant and despised others. He was not capable of guarding the Divine Vessel (i.e. the Dynasty) reverently or of letting peace and quiet rule over the domain; he mobilized the army and exposed it to the enemy, in no time at all making three campaigns. The people were impoverished and the State treasury was drained. He usurped and monopolized power in the State, appointing or dismissing all depending on his whim.

In the name of the law he oppressed the masses. High and low were obliged to hold their breath. The shizhong, wuwei jiangjun and Lord of Duxiang (all these refer to Sun Jun) received together with him the charge of the Late Emperor. Seeing that his iniquity and cruelty were increasing day by day and month by month, he became fearful that the Empire might be disturbed and the dynasty endangered.

Exerting his majestic ire and soaring to high heaven with his mind, his plans were better than those of the spirits, his wisdom and courage a hundred times those of a Jingke or a Nie Zheng. Holding the gleaming blade in his own hand, he personally beheaded Zhuge Ke in the palace hall. His merits are higher than those of the Lord of Juxu. His achievements greater than those of the Lord of Dongmou. The cardinal evil of the State is thus eliminated in a single day. The severed head is exhibited as a warning, and the Six Armies dance for joy; the sun and moon shine the more brilliantly, wind and dust do not move any more. This indeed is due to the protection of the spirits of the Ancestral Temple, and something both heaven and men all share in witnessing.”

It is hard to resist the impression that this is all written in irony. After all, what was the crime of the victim other than his pride?

[25.6] According to Hu Sanxing, no extant historical records mention that Han Gaozu gave Han Xin burial.

[25.7] According to Hu Sanxing, the Three Emperors were said to have introduced the custom of burial, unknown before their time.

26. Back when Zhuge Ke was young he had already become renowned, and Dadi Sun Quan greatly valued his qualitied. But Zhuge Ke's father Zhuge Jin was always worrying, and would say, “He is not the master to preserve our family.” [2]

[26] By Sima Guang.

[26.2] Rewritten from SGZ material already incorporated in 234 AD. It is extremely rare that Sima Guang repeats himself even to this extent.

27. His father's friend, the fenwei jiangjun Zhang Cheng also thought that Zhuge Ke was sure to bring ruin to the Zhuge clan.

[27] From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Cheng (appended to that of his father Zhang Zhao), which reads: “Then again, while still young, Zhuge Ke was admired by the crowd for his great talent. Zhang Cheng said that the one who would eventually bring ruin to the Zhuge was Yuanxun.”

Concerning the elder of the two sons of Zhang Zhao, his biography states: “Zhang Cheng, zi Zhongsi, was renowned while yet young for his talent and learning. He was a friend of Zhuge Jin, Bu Zhi, and Yan Jun. Later he became dudu of Ruxu and fenwei jiangjun.”

28. Lu Xun once said to Zhuge Ke, “Toward our superiors, we must be respectful and advance with them; toward our inferiors we must lend a hand. Now I observe of you that your are arrogant toward your superiors and contemptuous of your inferiors. This is no foundation for security.

[28] From SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun.

29. The Han Shizhong Zhuge Zhan was the son of Zhuge Liang. When Zhuge Ke for the second time attacked Huainan, the taishou of Yuehui, Zhang Yi, sent Zhuge Zhan a letter saying, “The eastern Sovereign has just expired and the new Emperor is weak and immature. The taifu Zhuge Ke has received the heavy charge of guardianship; how can it be easy? Even with the Duke of Zhou's ability, there was the unexpected turn of the slanderous words of Guan(-Shu) and Cai(-Shu). After conspiracy between Liu Dan, Prince of Yan, the Princess married to Ge, and the Shangguan Jie and his father Shang Guan An. Thanks to the unenlightened minds of King Cheng and the Emperor Zhaodi respectively, they escaped disaster.

I often used to hear that the Eastern Sovereign, whenever he gave life or death, reward or punishment, would not trust these matters to his officials. Now on his deathbed, he has suddenly summoned the taifu and commissioned him as guardian for his successor. This is indeed a matter of great concern. Added to this, the people of Wu and Chu are wild in temper, as has been recorded since antiquity. Yet the taifu has left the younger Sovereign behind and gone to hostile territory; I am afraid this is not the best of plans for him. It is true that strict discipline rules in the Eastern House, high and low being in harmony and coordination; yet a single error out of a hundred plans is a matter of concern for a man of insight. Take the past and you have the present, and the present is also the past. If you yourself do not offer advice to the taifu, who else is there who can open his mind completely to him. If he will withdraw the army, extend agriculture, devote attention to inner virtue and kindness, within a few years East and West may both act together against the Wei. It will not be too late then. I hope you will probe deeply.”

And it turned out that Zhuge Ke met his downfall on these points.

[29] From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi.

30. In Wu, the officials deliberated together and submitted a memorial, recommending Sun Jun as taiyu and Teng Yin as situ. One who was fawning on Sun Jun said, “The government should be in the hands of a member of the ruling house. If Cheng Si is made only a secondary Ducal Minister, with his great renown and popularity, there is no telling what will happen.”

Thereupon they memorialized that sun Jun be appointed Premier {Prime Minister} (chengxiang), Generalissimo (da jiangjun) and Commander-in-Chief (du) of all military matters. Further, they did not appoint any censor (yushi dafu) to the disappointment of the gentry.

[30] From Wu lu.

31. Teng Yin's daughter was the wife of Zhuge Ke's son, Zhuge Song, hence Teng Yin declined to accept the appointment. Sun Jun said, “Kun's crime did not affect his son Yu. Why should Lord Teng do this?
Sun Jun and Teng Yin, although inwardly not in harmony, outwardly were tolerant of each other. Sun Jun had Teng Yin's rank advanced to Lord of Gaomi, and they continued to associate with one another as before.

[31] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Jun, continuing from the passage given in Note 30.5.

32. The Wu Prince of Qi, Sun Fen, learning that Zhuge Ke had been put to death, moved his residence to Wuhu, intending eventually to come to Jianye and watch for a change in the situation. His preceptor-minister Xie Zi and others remonstrated. Sun Fen killed them, for which he was tried, reduced to a commoner, and banished to Changan[-xian].

[32] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Fen, continuing from the passage translated in 252 AD, with the following sentence intervening: “He indulged all the more in hunting, and his subordinate officials could not endure their hardships.”

33. Lady Zhang, Consort of Sun He, Prince of Nanyang, was a daughter of Zhuge Ke's sister.

The Princess had sent the huangmen Chen Qian to Jianye to convey greetings to the Empress and to Zhuge Ke. When he was about to return, Zhuge Ke said to Chen Qian, “Tell the Princess for me that she may expect better things than any one else.” These words to some degree leaked out.

Before this, Zhuge Ke had taken the notion to move the capital and had had the palace at Wuchang reconstructed. Among the people it was said that Zhuge Ke wanted to put Sun He on the throne. After Zhuge Ke had been put to death, the chengxiang Sun Jun deprived Sun He of the seal of the Prince of Nanyang on this score, banished him to Xindu, and then sent a messenger ordering him to commit suicide.

Now Sun He's concubine He bore his son Sun Hao; his other sons by other concubines were Sun De, Sun Qian and Sun Jun. [6] When he was about to die, Sun He was saying farewell to the Princess Zhang. The Princess said, “Both in fortune and misfortune I must follow you. I will not live without you.” And she too killed herself.

The concubine He said, “If every one is to follow in death, who is going to nurse the orphans?” So she brought up Sun Hao and his three younger brothers, who were all preserved thanks to her. [10]

[33] Mostly from sGZ, Biography of Sun He.

SGZ Biography of Zhang Cheng, appended to that of his father Zhang Zhao reads: “Zhang Cheng became a widower. His father Zhang Zhao wished him to take Zhuge Jin's daughter as his second wife, but Zhang Cheng objected on the grounds that he was a friend of his. Hearing of this, Sun Quan persuaded him and eventually he married her. She gave birth to a daughter, whom Sun quan took for wife to his son Sun He. Sun Quan often ordered Sun He to go and pay to Zhang Cheng the respects due from a son-in-law.”

Sun He, as Prince of Nanyang, had been stationed in Changsha.

[33.6] This sentence interpolated by Sima Guang. For the source of Sun Hao's parentage see Note 33.10 below. The names of his three half-brothers are given in the Wuli: “Sun He's four sons were Sun Hao, Sun De, Sun Qian, Sun Jun...Sun Jun was a grandson of Zhang Cheng by his daughter. He was intelligent, eloquent and good-hearted, and so was loved far and near. Sun Hao (after he came to the throne) killed him.” This seems to prove that the Princess Zhang had a son.

[33.10] The last two sentences are from the end of the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Sun He's concubine He: “Sun He's concubine He was a woman of Jurong in Danyang. Her father He Sui was originally a cavalry soldier. Once when Sun Quan was going around on inspection to his various barracks, she happened to be on the street among the onlookers. Sun Quan saw and wondered at her, and ordered his eunuchs to summon her to the palace. He gave her to his son Sun He, by whom she had a son.

Sun Quan was happy at this event and named the child Pengzu. This was Sun Hao. The Crown Prince Sun He, having been dismissed as such, eventually became Prince of Nanyang and was stationed at Changsha. After Sun Liang acceded to the throne, Sun Jun was serving as guardian. Sun Jun used to flatter the Princess married to Quan Cong, who had been an enemy of Sun He's mother. In the end, she advised Sun Quan to banish him to Xindu and to send a messenger ordering him to commit suicide. His regular consort, named Zhang, also committed suicide. The concubine He said, 'If every one is to follow in death, who is going to nurse the orphans?' Eventually she brought up Sun Hao and his three younger brothers.”

Sima Guang rounds this off with his brief addition.
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Wed Jan 04, 2012 6:04 am

First Year of Zhengyuan (254 AD)
Shu: Seventeenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: First year of Wufeng

1. Spring, second month (March 6-April 4). The Zhongshu ling Li Feng was put to death.

[1] This is Sima Guang's own sentence. Although the SGZ passage given below in Note 8 gives the impression that Li Feng was executed on the same day (gengxu) as Xiahou Xuan et al., the sequence of the narrative indicates that Li Feng was killed a few days before the day gengxu.

2. As a youth of seventeen or eighteen, Li Feng had already earned clear renown. The whole Empire joined in praising him. His father, the taipu Li Hui (李恢), did not approve of this, and ordered the house gate closed, cutting off visitors.

[2] From Weilue: “Li Feng, zi Anguo (安國), was a son of the late weiyu Li Yi. During the Huangchu period, as a result of his father's duties, he followed the army. When he was still a mere commoner of seventeen or eighteen, staying in the region of Ye, he was renowned for his pure character and penetration into other people's personalities and abilities. The whole Empire joined in praising him; there was none who did not mark him. Later, when he followed the army to Xuchang, his fame increased day by day. His father did not approve of this, and finally ordered the house gate closed, cutting off visitors.”

Note that the father's ming appears above as Yi, but Sima Guang follows Fu zi which gives Li Hui. Pei Songzhi remarks that “yi” must be “another ming” for Hui, implying that Hui was the man's regular ming.

3. At the time when Cao Shuang was monopolizing the administration and Sima Yi, claiming ill-health, was not appearing in public life, Li Feng was shangshu puyi. He remained aloof from both the Ducal Ministers, and so was not put to death with Cao Shuang.

[3] From Weilue, continuing from the passage given in 237 AD. Weilue reads:

“Afterwards, he was transferred to be jiduyu and jishizhong. After the death of Mingdi, he became taipu to the Yongning Palace (i.e. the Empress Dowager named Guo, consort of Mingdi), because his renown exceeded his substance, his actual ability not being great. During the Zhengshi period, he was transferred to be shizhong and shangshu puyi. While in the Chancellery (as shangshu puyi), Li Feng often absented himself on grounds of ill health. At that time, the regulations of the Chancellery provided that in the case of sick leave exceeding a hundred days, the official in question had to forfeit his salary. Before his leave reached several tens of days, Li Feng invariably recovered, and then would go back to his sickbed again. Thus it went on for years.

Now, Li Feng's son, Li Tao had been selected to become the husband of a princess. Externally Li Feng made a show of declining this marriage, but he really took it as a matter of course. Li Feng's younger brothers Li Yi and Li Wei (李偉) had been officials for some years, both going through the careers of prefects. Once Li Feng ostentatiously admonished them in the presence of others, saying, 'You must make good use of your eminent positions.'

During Sima Xuanwang's long illness, Li Wei (李偉) as a prefect was given to excessive drinking and brought disorder to the two prefectures of Xinping and Fufeng, yet Li Feng did not summon him to the capital; people took it that he was relying on his favor at Court. When Cao Shuang was monopolizing the administration Li Feng remained aloof from both the Ducal Ministers, not setting his mind either for anything or against anything.”

This last expression is from the Lunyu: “The superior man, in the world, does not set his mind either for anything, or against anything; what is right he will follow.”

To resume the Weilue narrative: “Hence there was at that time the following derogatory writing, 'Cao Shuang's power is like boiling water; the taifu Sima Xuanwang and his sons are like cold water; Li Feng and his younger brothers are like Yuguang (a spirit or fire god notorious for making mischief among human beings).' The implication was that although Li Feng was inactive and quiet on the surface, he was plotting in his heart, like Yuguang. At the time Sima Xuanwang impeached and executed Cao Shuang, he halted his carriage at the entrance to the palace and informed Li Feng of his intention. Li Feng, seized with fear, collapsed on the ground and could not raise himself.

In the fourth year of Jiaping (252 AD), after Sima Xuanwang's death (in the preceding year), the post of zhongshuling happened to be vacant. The da jiangjun Sima Shi asked the Court Officials who might fill this vacancy. Some one pointed to Li Feng. Though aware that this was no distinguished promotion, Li Feng felt that as a relative by marriage to the Imperial House he ought to attach himself to the August person; he remained prostrate and did not decline to accept the appointment. So a memorial was sent to the throne that he be appointed.”

4. Li Feng's son Li Tao (李韜) was selected to become the husband of the Princess of Qi.

[4] Derived from Weilue; see third paragraph of Note 3 above. The princess is identified in sGZ, Biography of Xiahou Xuan. “The imperial edict read: 'The Princess of Qi is a favorite daughter of the late Emperor; her three sons shall be spared from death.'” The context of this passage leaves no doubt that the princess with the three sons was the wife of Li Tao.

5. When Sima Shi took charge of the administration, Li Feng was appointed zhongshu ling. At this time the taichang Xiahou Xuan, though he enjoyed great reputation in the Empire, was not given an influential position because he was a relative of Cao Shuang, and lived in constant discontent. Zhang Qi as father of the Empress, had left his prefecture post and was living at home; he too was frustrated. Li Feng was on close terms with both of these. Although Sima Shi had given Li Feng an extraordinary appointment, Li Feng's personal sympathy was always with Xiahou Xuan.

[5] The first sentence is derived from the Weilue passage, translated above in Note 3. The rest is based on the account in SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Xuan, and the fuller account from Wei shu, quoted in the commentary to it. The Wei shu account reads as follows: “Xiahou Xuan, who had enjoyed distinction in the land, was removed from power because of his connection with Cao Shuang, and lived in constant discontent and frustration. The zhongshuling Li Feng, together with Xiahou Xuan and the Empress' father, the guanglu dafu Zhang Qi, conspired to rebel.

Zhang Qi, who was from the same prefecture as LI Feng, was a nimble-minded person. He had been summoned home from the post of taishou of Gongguan because he was the father of the Empress, and he too was frustrated. Hence they all joined in the conspiracy. Now Li Feng, aware that he had a confidential role at Court, with his son Li Tao, a feudal Lord, and jishizhong, married to the Princess of Qi, and that he thus occupied a very important position in the Court and in the government, was not content.

He spoke to Li Tao confidentially, saying, 'Xiahou Xuan, who is an important man in the Empire and has held great responsibility, is now in his prime and yet is being permanently discarded. Also because of being a brother-in-law of Cao Shuang, he is not liked by the Gernalissimo. After reading Xiahou Xuan's letter, I am deeply worried. Zhang Qi has ability, yet he has had to give up his military command and his appointment over a large prefecture, and return and sit at home. Both of them are dissatisfied. I want to send you to inform them of my secret plan.'”

The SGZ text proper, to which the above is appended by the commentator, reads: “After Cao Shuang was put to death, Xiahou Xuan became dahonglu. A few years later, he was transferred to be taichang. Because of his connection with Cao Shuang, Xiahou Xuan was curbed and felt frustrated. The zhongshuling Li Feng had been treated intimately by the da jiangjun Sima Jingwang, but his personal sympathy was with Xiahou Xuan. So he conspired with the Empress' father, the guanglu dafu Zhang Qi, to make Xiahou Xuan guardian-regent for the Emperor. Holding power at Court, and with his son married to a princess, he also happened to come from Pingyi, as did Zhang Qi, so Zhang Qi trusted him. Li Feng secretly instructed his younger brother, the cishi of Yanzhou, Li Yi, to come to Court to pay homage, his intention being to have him enter the palace with troops and execute the plot. But Li Yi's request to come to Court was not granted.”

6. During the two years when he served as zhongshu ling, Li Feng was frequently given private audience by the Emperor, no one knowing what they said. Sima Shi knew they discussed him, asked Li Feng to an interview and questioned him. Li Feng would not tell him the truth. Sima Shi in anger struck him with the ring of his sword hilt, killing him. He then sent the corpse to the tingyu. [3]

[6] From Wei lue.

[6.3] Weilue has merely: “He thereupon killed him.” Wei shi chunqiu has: “The Generalissimo reproved Li Feng, and knowing that disaster would come to him, Li Feng said solemnly, 'You and your father have harbored an insidious plot, and want to overthrow the dynasty. It is a pity my strength is not sufficient to seize and exterminate you.' Angered, the Generalissimo had a strong man strike him in the loin with the ring on his sword-hilt, killing him.”

On the next page of SGZ, the same work is further quoted: “During the night, Li Feng's corpse was sent to the tingyu. The tingyu Zhong Yu refused to receive it, saying, 'This is not a matter that an officer of law should handle.' Only when Sima Shi informed him of the whole situation and ordered him to do so, did he receive it. The Emperor was angry and was going to demand how Li Feng came to his death. The Empress Dowager was apprehensive and called the Emperor in, and he desisted. Sima Shi sent a messenger to arrest Li Yi.”

Weilue, from the three characters quoted at the beginning of this, continues: “The matter was committed to secrecy. Li Feng successively served two Emperors, but he never devoted his attention to the well-being of his family, living on his salary and nothing else. Although Li Tao was married to a princess, Li Feng always enjoined him not to take anything by means of encroachment. When Li Tao sometimes received money and silk as gifts from the Emperor, he invariably distributed them among his relatives; the palace women he received as imperial gift he usually distributed among his nephews, while Li Feng always gave them to his sisters' sons. After his death, the government confiscated his property, but there was no surplus accumulation in his house.”

7. In the end, Li Feng's son LI Tao, as well as Xiahou Xuan, Zhang Qi, etc. were arrested and all committed to the tingyu. Zhong Yu, the tingyu, charged them as follows: “Li Feng conspired with the huangmeen jian Su Shuo (蘇鑠), the yongning shuling, Yue Dun (樂敦), the rongcong puyi Liu Xian (劉賢), etc. (all eunuchs), and said, 'On the day when the guiren (imperial concubine) is to be appointed, the troops from the various barracks will be stationed at the palace gates and His Majesty will appear under the gable of the hall; let us take this occasion to obtain permission from His Majesty and lead the officials and troops to kill the Generalissimo. Should His Majesty not assent, he must be coerced and taken away with us.'”

The charge further read, “They conspired to make Xiahou Xuan da jiangjun and Zhang Qi piaoji jiangjun. Xiahou Xuan and Zhang Qi were aware of this conspiracy.”

[7] Sima Guang here has taken unusual liberty with his material, in representing a summary of part of the narrative as a formal charge by the tingyu. As may be seen from the following translations of the sources from which his wording is derived, the surviving version of the memorial containing the actual charge is extremely brief.

SGZ Biography of Xiahou Xuan: “In the sixth year of Jiaping (i.e. the first year of Zhengyuan, 254 AD), second month, a guiren (an imperial concubine) was to be appointed. Li Feng and his men wanted to take the occasion of the Emperor's appearance under the gable of the hall and the presence of troops at the various palace gates, to kill the da jiangjun, replacing him with Xiahou Xuan and making Zhang Qi piaoji jiangjun. Li Feng secretly spoke to the huangmenjian Su Shuo, the yongning shuling Yue Dun, and the rongcong puyi Liu Xian, etc., saying, 'While in the palace you have often acted against the laws; the da jiangjun, who is a strict man, has frequently spoken to me about this. Zhang Dang should be your warning.'

Su Shuo and the others all promised to be at his service. The da jiangjun had some inkling of the conspiracy and asked Li Feng to an interview. Knowing this, LI Feng went ahead. He then killed him. The matter was referred to the appropriate authorities: Xiahou Xuan, Zhang Qi, Su Shuo, Yue Dun, Liu Xian, etc. were arrested and sent to the tingyu.

The tingyu Zhong Yu memorialized the throne: 'Li Feng and others conspired to coerce the August Person and unwarrantedly kill the First Minister of the land. Theirs is a case of high treason; hence I request to pass sentence in accordance with the laws.'”

A more detailed account is given in Wei shu, continuing from the passage translated therefrom in Note 5: “Zhang Qi was in bed with ulcers, and Li Feng sent Li Tao to inquire about his ailment. Li Tao dismissed the attendants and said to Zhang Qi, 'I—the husband of a princess—and my father are in important positions. With the Gernalissimo administering the government, we are always afraid he does not trust us. The taichang (Xiahou Xuan) also harbors a profound uneasiness. Your Excellency, to be sure, enjoys the respect due to the father of an Empress, but your security is uncertain. You are both in the same plight as I, and my father. My father wishes to consult with Your Excellency.'

Zhang Qi was silent for a long time, then said, 'We are all in the same boat, how shall I escape alone? If this grave undertaking fails, then disaster will reach our families and clans.'

Li Tao went back to report this. Li Feng secretly spoke to the huangmenjian Su Shuo et al., Su Shuo and the others answered, 'We all follow Your Excellency's counsel.'

Li Feng said, 'When the guiren is to be appointed, the troops from the various barracks will be stationed at the palace gates and His Majesty will appear under the gable of the hall. Let us take this occasion to apply coercion, and lead the officials and troops to kill the Generalissimo. You will secretly report this plan to the Emperor.'

Su Shuo and the others said, 'What if His Majesty does not consent?' Li Feng and his colleagues said, 'Things have to be done in accordance with exigencies. If at the last moment he will not listen to us, then there is nothing else to do but coerce him and take him away. How can he not assent?'

Su Shuo, et al. Gave their promise. Li Feng said, 'This is a matter which might bring annihilation to your families; you must keep it strictly secret. If the thing succeeds, you will all be enfeoffed as lords and become changshi.

Li Feng also reported this in secret to Xiahou Xuan and Zhang Qi. Zhang Qi sent his son Zhang Mo {Miao?} to contact Li Feng and plan how they might execute the plot together.”

The Shi yu, quoted immediately after this passage, has: “Li Feng sent his son Li Tao to inform Xiahou Xuan of this plot. Xiahou Xuan said, 'It is enough that you know the details, do not tell me.'”

8. On the day gengxu (March 27), Li Tao, Xiahou Xuan, Zhang Qi, Su Shuo, Yue Dun and Liu Xian were put to death, and their relatives to the third degree were all annihilated.

[8] SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Xuan, continuing from the passage translated in Note 4: “Thereupon Li Feng, Xiahou Xuan, Zhang Qi, Liu Xian, etc., and their relatives to the third degree were all annihilated. [Note omission of the name Su Shuo]. The rest of their relatives were banished to Lelangjun.”

The Wei shu quoted in commentary to this passage states: “Li Feng's son Li Tao, being the husband of a princess, was ordered to commit suicide in prison.”

The date is from SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, where it reads: “On the day gengxu, the zhongshuling Li Feng and the Empress's father the guanglu da fu Zhang Qi, due to discovery of their conspiracy to replace ministers of state and make the taichang Xiahou Xuan da jiangjun, were put to death along with others involved in the matter.” The ZZTJ wording is a bit incautious, for the three sons of Li Tao by the Princess of Qi were spared from death.

9. When he was going to Shu, Xiahou Ba had invited Xiahou Xuan to go with him. Xiahou Xuan did not listen to him. [2] After Sima Yi's death the zhongling jun Xu Yun (許允) of Gaoyang had said to Xiahou Xuan, “There is nothing more for you to worry about.”

Xiahou Xuan had sighed and said, “Shicong (Xu Yun), how ignorant you are of the world! That man {Sima Yi} at least could treat me as a youngster from the house of a friend. Ziyuan (Sima Shi) and Zishang (Sima Zhao) cannot tolerate me.

[9] From the Wei Shi chunqiu.

[9.2] ibid. instead has: “Xiahou Xuan said, 'For the sake of mere life shall I make myself a guest among the hostile barbarians?' In the end he returned to the capital.

10. When he was sent to prison, Xiahou Xuan had been unwilling to make a confession. Zhong Yu examined him in person. With solemn countenance, Xiahou Xuan chided Zhong Yu and said, “What am I guilty of? You condescend to act as lingshi; you may as well write it for me yourself.” Zhong Yu, considering that Xiahou Xuan was a gentleman of renown, and too proud to bend, but that the examination had to be completed, that night wrote down a confession, making it match with the facts. In tears he showed it to Xiahou Xuan. Xiahou Xuan looked at it and did nothing more than nod. Proceeding to the East Market (where the execution was to be held), he did not change color and behaved as usual. [5]

[10] From the Shi yu.

[10.5] Not from Shi yu, but from the text proper of SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Xuan: “Xiahou Xuan's capacity was very great. About to be decapitated at the East Market, he did not change color and behaved as usual. He was then fourty-six years of age.” In other words, he lived 209-254 AD.

11. Li Feng's younger brother Li Yi (李翼) was cishi of Yanzhou. Sima Shi sent a messenger to arrest him. Li Yi's wife Xun said to Li Yi, “The case of the zhongshu ling is now under examination. As long as the Imperial summons has not arrived you can go off to Wu. Why sit still and come to death and destruction? With whom of your associates could you brave water and fire?

Li Yi thought and had not yet answered, when his wife said, “You are lord of a big province, and you do not know with whom you can live or die. Even if you leave you will hardly escape.”

Li Yi said, “My two sons are young. I will not go. Now I shall be tried only for involvement, and the death sentence will be limited to my own person. My two sons are sure to be spared.”

And he stayed and went to his death.

[11] From Shi yu.

12. Earlier, Li Hui had been a friend of the shangshu puyi Du Ji and the taishou of Dong'an Guo Zhi (郭智). Li Hui's son Li Feng associated with men of parts and distinguished himself in the world through his talent and wisdom. Guo Zhi's son Guo Chong (郭沖) was solid within, but was without external show; people of his native locality did not praise him. Once Guo Chong and Li Feng both went out to see Du Ji. [3] As soon as they left, Du Ji exclaimed, “For Xiao Yi (Li Hui) there will be no son, and not only no son but no family at all. Junmou (Guo Zhi) will be immortalized, for his son is worthy to carry on his line.”

People at the time all thought that Du Ji was wrong. After Li Feng's death, Guo Chong became taishou of Daijun. In the end, he proved himself to be a worthy successor to his father.

[12] From Fu zi.

[12.3] Fu zi: “When Du Ji was shangshu puyi, the two men went out to pay Du Ji their filial respects due a friend of their father.”

SGZ, Biography of Du Ji states: “When Wendi made his campaign against Wu, he appointed Du Ji shangshu puyi, to take charge of all state affairs left behind in the capital. This must have been in 223 AD.”

13. During the Zhengshi period (240-249 AD), Xiahou Xuan, He Yan and Deng Yang all enjoyed brilliant reputations. [1] They wanted to make friends with the shangshu lang Fu Jia, but Fu Jia would not accept their friendship. Fu Jia's friend Xun Can wondered at this and asked him about it. [3] Fu Jia said, “As for Taichu {Xiahou Xuan's style name}, his aims are bigger than his capacities; he is able to gather empty fame around himself, but he lacks real talent. As for He Pingshu (He Yan), his talk is far-ranging, but his feelings are close-in. He is good at argument, but lacks sincerity. He is one who, as the saying has it, with his sharp mouth overthrows kingdoms. [6] As for Deng Xuanmao (Deng Yang), he is always doing but never accomplishing. From the outside he covets name and gain; he lacks the qualifications. He prizes those who agree with him and hates those who differ. He is free with his words and jealous of others getting ahead of him. Being free with his words, he will have many enemies; jealous of others getting ahead of him, he will have no intimates. As far as I can observe of these three men, they will all ruin their families. Even keeping my distance from them, I fear calamity may reach me. Should I then cultivate their intimacy?”

[13] From Fu zi.

[13.1] Fu zi: “At this time He Yan distinguished himself among all the nobles through his fluent speech. Deng Yang, adept in resourcefulness and gathering partisans, became famous throughout his country; Xiahou Xuan, son of an eminent official, from his youth had enjoyed great reputation, and became their leader.”

[13.3] “Fu Jia's friend Xun Can, who was penetrant and far-seeing, still wondered at this and said to Fu Jia, 'Xiahou Taizu (i.e. Xiahou Xuan), one of the personalities of our time, is seeking your friendship in all humility; if you comply with his wishes, a good relation will be established. If you do not comply, he will be resentful to you. For two men of worth to remain unfriendly will be no blessing for the State. It was for this reason that Lin Xiangru humbled himself before Lian Po.”

[13.6] Lunyu: “I hate those who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families.”

14. Fu Jia was not on good terms with Li Feng either. He said to his intimate friends, “Li Feng is an elegant fake, full of doubts; he prides himself on his petty cleverness, but is blind to what is really needed in exigencies. If he is charged with important duties, his death is inevitable.”

[14] From Fu zi.

15. On the day xinhai (March 28), a general amnesty was given.

[15] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

16. Third month (April 5-May 3), the Empress Zhang was degraded.

[16] ibid.

17. Summer, fourth month (May 4-June 2). The Empress Wang was invested and a general amnesty was given. She was a daughter of the fengche duyu Wang Kui (王夔)

[17] ibid. gives the first sentence and continues: “In the fifth month (June 3-July 1), the Empress' father, the fengju duyu Wang Gui, was enfeoffed as Lord of Guangming xiang, and appointed guanglu dafu, with the rank of tejin. His wife named Tian was enfeoffed as Lady of Yiyang xiang.”

18. The chieftain of Didao, Li Jian (李簡), sent a secret message to Han requesting acceptance of his surrender. Sixth month (July 2-31), Jiang Wei invaded Longxi.

[18] SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi states: “He had been in Yuehuijun for fifteen years, during which time the realm was in peace. He often petitioned to be summoned to the capital; in the end he was recalled to Chengdu. The barbarian population so loved him that they held the hub of his carriage and wept. When he passed through the country of Maoniu, the chieftain of the county, carrying his child in swaddling clothes, came forward to welcome him, and not finding him followed him to the region of Shujun. The chieftains who followed Zhang Yi and came to offer tributes numbered more than a hundred. When he arrived, Zhang Yi was appointed tangkou jiangjun.

He was a man of grand spirit and magnificent heart; the gentry all esteemed him. But he was too free in his conduct and neglected proprieties. It was only because of this that people also criticized him. This was in the seventeenth year of Yanxi. The chieftain of Didao in Wei, Li Jian, sent a secret message requesting acceptance of their surrender; the wei jiangjun Jiang Wei, leading Zhang Yi and others and with the assistance of Li Jian, went out to Longxi.”

SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, under seventeenth year of Yanxi: “Summer, sixth month. Jiang Wei again led the troops and went out to Longxi.”

19. Now, the zhongling jun Xu Yun (of Gaoyang) had been on friendly terms with Li Feng and Xiahou Xuan. [1] Autumn. Xu Yun was appointed zhenbei jiangjun, with Tally, and dudu (Commander-in-chief), of the various troops in Hebei. [2] Since Xu Yun was about to leave, the Emperor ordered an assembly of his officials. The Emperor specially drew Xu Yun to him. About to take leave of the Emperor, Xu Yun wept and cried, his tears streaming down. Xu Yun had not left for his post, when the authorities impeached Xu Yun for having distributed government properties on his own authority; he was arrested and sent to the tingyu. He was banished to Lelang, but before arriving he died on the way.

[19] Partly from SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Xuan and partly from Weilue. The latter reads:

“Hearing that Li Feng and others were being arrested, Xu Yun wanted to go out and see the Generalissimo (Sima Shi). He was already out of his house, but his steps were undecided; half way on the road he came back to take his coat. In the meanwhile, Li Feng and the others had already been arrested. The Generalissimo heard Xu Yun was in panic. He expressed his wonder at this and said, 'I am only arresting Li Feng and his associates. I do not know why these gentlemen are in such a flurry.'

At this time, many Court Officers were in panic, but people all took it that he meant Xu Yun. It so happened that the zhenbo jiangjun Liu Jing died, and the Court appointed Xu Yun to succeed to Liu Jing's post. The Tally was already given him and he left the Court chamber to go to an outer house. The Generalissimo sent a letter to Xu Yun, saying, 'The post of zhenbo jiangjun is, to be sure, a minor one, but in this post you will be guarding one quarter of the Empire. Shaking your ornamented drum and setting up your vermilion tally, I wish you to serve your own province. This is what is described as walking in broad daylight wearing embroideries.'

Xu Yun was very happy and informed the officers of the government that he wished to have a new band of drummers and trumpeters as well as a new set of banners and streamers. His elder brother's son, who rather had heard from the crowd that Xu Yun was under the suspicion of the Generalissimo, warned Xu Yun, 'You have only to proceed to your post. What do you intend to do with these things?'

Xu Yun said, 'You are a vulgar person and do not understand me. I asked for them with the aim of glorifying the state.'

Since Xu Yun was about to leave, the Emperor ordered an assembly of his officials. When the officials gathered, the Emperor specially drew Xu Yun to him. Xu Yun had formerly been a shizhong. About to take leave of the Emperor, he wept and cried, his tears streaming down. After the assembly dispersed, he went out. The Emperor ordered Xu Yun to hurry to his post. It happened that the authorities impeached Xu Yun for having given governmental money and grain to entertainers and his subordinates on his own authority; for this reason he was finally arrested and sent to the tingyu. After examination, his sentence was commuted from capital punishment and he was banished to the frontier. Xu Yun was banished in the autumn of the sixth year of Jiaping (i.e. 254 AD). His wife and children were not allowed to accompany him. He was on the way, and had not arrived, when he died on the road, in the winter of the same year.”

[19.1] After this, SGZ has a passage omitted in ZZTJ: “Before this, someone had forged an edict appointing Xiahou Xuan da jiangjun, and Xu Yun to be taiyu, both to take charge of the shangshu. An unknown person came on horseback at dawn and gave the board containing the false edict to Xu Yun's gate keeper, with the words, 'This is an imperial edict.' Then he galloped off. Xu Yun threw down the script and burned it; he did not sent it to Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi).”

[19.2] Continuing from the above, SGZ reads: “Afterwards the conspiracy of Li Feng, et al., was discovered. Xu Yun was transferred to be zhenbo jiangjun, with Tally, and du of the various troops in Hebei.” The reason “Autumn” is supplied by Sima Guang is from Weilue.

20. In Wu, Sun Jun was arrogant and haughty, indulging in debauchery and cruelty; his countrymen hated him. [1] The sima Huan Lu plotted to assassinate Sun Jun and put on the throne the son of the Crown Prince Sun Deng, the Lord of Wu Sun Ying. He failed and they both died. [2]

[20] Concerning the event covered in this section, SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang states: “In the autumn, the plot of the Lord of Wu, Sun Ying, to assassinate Sun Jun was discovered. Sun Ying committed suicide.”

[20.1] This is Sima Guang's sentence, based on the content of the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Sun Jun: “Sun Jun never enjoyed high reputation. He was arrogant and haughty, insidious and malicious. He had a large number of men sentenced to death, and the people were in a commotion. He furthermore had illicit relations with the palace ladies, and committed adultery with Princes Luban. In the first year of Wufeng, the Lord of Wu Sun Ying planned to assassinate Sun Jun. The thing leaked out, and Sun Ying died.”

[20.2] From Wu li, which reads: “Sun He had been killed innocently, for which the people all harbored resentment and anger. The former sima Huan Lu utilized this situation and gathered officers of the army under him, planning to assassinate Sun Jun and enthrone Sun Ying. When the plot was discovered, they were all killed. But Sun Ying really did not participate in this plot.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Deng states: “Sun Deng's son Sun Fan and Sun Xi both died young. His second son Sun Ying was enfeoffed as Lord of Wu. In the first year of Wufeng, Sun Ying seeing that the Generalissimo Sun Jun was monopolizing the power of government, planned to put Sun Jun to death. The matter was discovered and he committed suicide; his fief was abolished.”

21. The Emperor was extremely upset at the death of Li Feng. The andong jiangjun Sima Zhao, who was stationed at Xuchang, was summoned and ordered to strike at Jiang Wei.

Ninth month (September 29-October 28). Sima Zhao came to the capital with his troops to visit the Emperor. The Emperor went to the terrace Pingluo Guan to see the troops march past. His attendants advised the Emperor to kill Sima Zhao when the latter came to take his leave, and seizing his troops, use them to repulse the Generalissimo. [5] The Imperial rescript was already placed before him. [6] But the Emperor was afraid and dared not issue it. Sima Zhao led his troops into the city, whereupon the Generalissimo Sima Shi arranged to depose the Emperor.

[21] Except for the first sentence this section is from Shi yu and Wei shi chunqiu, which as Pei Songzhi remarks give identical versions.

[21.5] Shi yu and Wei shi chunqiu have: “The zhonglingjun plotted with the petty officials in attendance on the Emperor to kill Sima Wenwang when he took his leave...”

On the basis of the event narrated in Section 19, Pei Songzhi thinks Xu Yun could not have been in this plot.

[21.6] In Shi yu and Wei shi chunqiu this is followed by a passage omitted in ZZTJ: “When Sima Wenwang came in, the Emperor was just eating his chestnuts; the entertainers Yunwu and others, sang 'Dark-headed fowl, dark-headed fowl.' The 'dark headed fowl' refers to duck.”

22. On the day jiaxu (October 17), Sima Shi convened an assembly of officials in the name of the Empress Dowager, which he informed that the Emperor was conducting himself with unbounded license and with indecent intimacy toward singing-girls, and was not worthy to carry on the celestial line. None of the crowd of officials dared disagree with him. Thereupon he memorialized the Empress Dowager to take the Imperial seal from the Emperor and send him to Qi as a vassal prince.

[22] Briefly summarized by Sima Guang from the accounts in SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi and in Wei shu, as quoted in the commentary to the former. The Wei shu passage reads as follows:

“On this day (i.e. jiaxu), Sima Jingwang by authority of the Empress Dowager convened an assmebly of the Ducal and other Ministers and high Court officials. The officials all grew pale.

Sima Jingwang in teras said, 'It is the order of the empress Dowager; what will you gentlemen do with respect to the Royal House?'

They all said, 'Of old, Yi Yin banished Taijia and thus brought tranquility to Yin; Huo Guang deposed the Prince of Changyi and thus made Han secure. As for taking extraordinary measures to save the Empire, the two dynasties practiced it in the past and the duty devolves upon Your Excellency at this moment. In this business of today, we all obey your command.'

Sima Jingwang said, 'Since you gentlemen expect so much from me, how shall I evade my duty?'

Thereupon, together with the numerous officials, he memorialized the Yongning Palace (i.e. the Empress Dowager)...”

The memorial in question consists of two parts: first a list of names and titles of the officials who signed the memorial, then a detailed description of the misdeeds, mostly with women, of the Emperor. The conclusion of the memorial reads as follows: “'Now, the Emperor is not worthy to carry on the celestial line. We request that, in accordance with the precedent of Huo Guang of Han, the imperial seal be taken from the Emperor. The Emperor originally was Prince of Qi, when he acceded to the throne; he should be sent back to Qi as a vassal prince. The situ Gao Rou, with the Tally, should be sent together with the appropriate officials to offer the Major Sacrifice (of oxen, sheep and pigs) to the Ancestral Temple and report this. Braving death, we respectfully submit this memorial.'

The memorial was approved.”

The SGZ text proper states that on the day jiaxu, the Empress Dowager issued the following rescript: “The Emperor Cao Fang is now of age, yet he does not personally take charge of the myriad affairs of State. Instead he is sunken deep with his women, captivated by female charm. Daily he associates with his singing-girls and gives free reign to their obscene dallyings. He invites the female relatives of his ladies to the palace and detains them in his inner apartments. He has destroyed the regulation of human relationships and disturbed the distinction between man and woman; his reverence and filial piety have warped day by day, and his unruliness and disorder have increased more and more. He is not worthy to carry on the celestial line and serve the Ancestral Temple.

Hereupon shall Gao Rou, acting concurrently as taiyu, take the Proclamation, and by means of the yiyuan dawu report to the Ancestral Temple. Cao Fang shall be sent back to Qi as a vassal prince, abdicating the throne.”

It is hardly necessary to say that the Empress Dowager was coerced to issue this rescript.

23. He sent Guo Zhi into the palace to report to the Empress Dowager. The Empress Dowager, just then, was sitting opposite the Emperor. Addressing the Emperor Guo Zhi said, “The Generalissimo wishes to depose Your Majesty and enthrone the Prince of Pengcheng Cao Ju (曹據). [3] At this the Emperor rose and left the room.

The Empress Dowager was displeased. Guo Zhi said, “The Empress Dowager has a son, but she has not been able to instruct him. Now the Generalissimo has made up his mind, and furthermore has posted troops outside the palace to cope with any emergency. There is nothing to do but comply with him. What more is there to say?”

“I want to see the Generalissimo,” said the Empress Dowager. “I have something to say to him.” “How can you see him?” said Guo Zhi. “You have but to be quick and fetch the Imperial Seal.”

The Empress Dowager yielded and sent her attendants to fetch the Imperial seal, which she placed by her side. Guo Zhi went to report to Sima Shi.

Sima Shi was highly elated. He further sent a messenger to deliver the seal of Prince of Qi to the Emperor, who was to leave and repair to the Western Palace (xiguan). The Emperor wept with the Empress Dowager and took his leave. Finally he mounted the princely carriage and went out to the south from the hall Taiji tian. [9] Several dozens of his officials came to bid him farewell. The taiyu Sima Fu [10] could not support his grief, and most of the others wept.

Sima Shi again sent a messenger requesting the Imperial Seal from the Empress Dowager. The Empress Dowager said, “The Prince of Pengcheng is my junior uncle. Now he is coming to mount the throne. Where will I stand?

Furthermore, must Ming Huangdi become forever hairless? I am considering that the Duke of Gaogui xiang is the eldest grandson of Wen Huangdi and a son of Ming Huangdi's younger brother. According to the Rites, a son of the collateral branch can become an heir to the main branch. Let this be discussed in detail.”

On the day dingchou (October 20), Sima Shi convened another assembly of officials and showed them the Empress Dowager's command. [14] It was then decided to fetch the Duke of Gaogui Xiang, Cao Mao, from Yuancheng [15]. Cao Mao was a son of the Prince Ding of Donghai, Cao Lin (曹霖); At this time, he was aged fourteen. [16]

The taichang Wang Su was sent, with the Tally, to fetch him. Sima Shi again sent a messenger to request the Imperial Seal. The Empress Dowager said, “The Duke of Gaogui xiang I shall recognize when I see him, for I knew him when he was a child. I will hand the Imperial Seal to him myself.”

[23] From Weilue.

[23.3] Cao Ju was one of the twenty-five sons of Cao Cao. He was a half-brother of Wendi and an elder brother, by the same mother, of the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu.

[23.9] Weilue: “Now, the Emperor went out to the south from the hall Taijitian.

SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, states: “On this day the Emperor moved out to live in a separate palace. He was then twenty-three years old. The messenger, carrying the Tally, escorted him. A palace for the Prince of Qi was built at Zhongmen in Henei, ordering in all requests as proper to a vassal prince.”

[23.10] Sima Fu was the paternal uncle of Sima Shi, being a younger brother of Sima Yi.

[23.14] Weilue: “Sima Jingwang thereupon convened...” The Empress Dowager's command is given in SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “On the day dingchou (the Empress Dowager) issued a rescript: 'The Prince of Donghai, Cao Lin, is a son of Gaozu Wenhuangdi; hence Cao Lin's sons are closely related to the Ruling House. The Duke of Gaoguixiang Cao Mao, possesses a capacity for great achievements. He shall be appointed heir to Minghuangdi.'”

[23.15] Weilue has only: “It was then decided to fetch the Duke of Gaogui xiang.” Wei shu states: “The zhonghujun Sima Wang, Wang Su yin (governor) of Henan and concurrently taichang, who was given the Tally, the shaofu Zheng Mao, the shangshu Yuan Liang, and the shizhong Hua Biao, were sent with the Imperial carriage to welcome the Duke from Yuancheng.

[23.16] By Sima Guang. SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang states: “The Duke of Gaoguixiang, hui Mao, zi Yanshi, was a grandson of Wendi and a son of Prince Ding of Donghai, Cao Lin. In the fifth year of Zhengshi (244 AD), he was enfeoffed Duke of Gaogui xiang in Yanxian. While still young, he was studious and precocious. After the Prince of Qi was dethroned, the Ducal and other ministers decided to fetch the Duke and put him on the throne.”

According to the biography of Cao Lin, Prince Ding of Donghai, in SGZ, Cao Mao was his second one, the elder one being Cao Qi, who succeeded his father as Prince of Donghai. The age of the new Emperor is derived from SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaogui Xian, where it is recorded that he died at the age of twenty in the fifth year of Ganlu, in the fifth month, on the day jichou, so that in 254 he would have been fourteen.

24. Winter, tenth month. On the day jichou (November 1), the Duke of Gaogui Xiang reached the hall of Xuan Wuguan. The officials requested him to stop in the front hall. The Duke avoided it because it was where formerly the late Emperor stayed, and stopped in the Western Hall. The officials also invited him to be escorted in the Imperial carriage, but the Duke would hear none of it.

[24] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaogui xiang.

25. On the day gengyin (November 2), the Duke entered Luoyang. The officials received him with obeisance, south of the gate Xiye Men. The Duke alighted from his carriage to return their bows; the usher solicited him, saying, “According to etiquette, you do not bow.”

“I am a subject!” said the Duke, and he proceeded to return the bows. When he arrived at the Vehicle Halting Gate, he alighted; the attendants said, “The ancient usage is in your case to go in by carriage.”

“I have been summoned by the Empress Dowager,” said the Duke. “I do not know what I am to do.” He then proceeded on foot, and coming to the eastern hall of Taiji(-tian), he had an interview with the Empress Dowager. On the same day he mounted the Imperial throne, in the front hall of Taiji(-tian). The officials present all rejoiced. A general amnesty was given, and the reign-title was changed [4](from sixth year of Jiaping to first year of Zhengyuan). A palace was constructed in Henei for the Prince of Qi.

[25] From ibid.

[25.4] From SGZ, where this passage follows: “He reduced his carriages and wearing apparel as well as expenditures in the harem, he also stopped the manufacturing of works of art and beauty and other useless objects in the shangfang and yufu.”

26. Jiang Wei of Han, advancing from Didao, captured Hejian and Lintao. The jiangjun Xu Zhi (徐質) gave him battle and killed the Han tangkou jiangjun Zhang Yi. The Han troops then withdrew.

[26] By Sima Guang, briefly summarizing relevant passages in the SGZ.

Concerning this campaign, SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei reads: “Jiang Wei was given additional title of du (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces. He again went out to Longxi; Li Jian, the chieftain defending Didao, surrendered with his city. Jiang Wei advanced and besieged Xiangwu and crossed arms with the Wei general Xu Zhi, slaughtering and destroying the enemy. The Wei army withdrew in defeat. Making the most of his victory, Jiang Wei made a number of cities capitulate to him; seizing the population of the three xian of Hejian, Didao and Lintao, he returned.”

SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign states: “That winter, Jiang Wei took the population in the three xian of Didao, Hejian, Lintao and made them settle down at Fanxian In Mianzhu.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi states: “When they came to Didao, Li Jian came out with all the officials of the city to welcome the army. The army then advanced and crossed arms with the Wei general Xu Zhi. Zhang Yi died on the battlefield. Their casualties in dead and wounded, however, amounted to more than half of their men.” Hu Sanxing writes that Hejian is an error for Heguan.

27. Now the cishi (Inspector) of Yangzhou Wen Qin was surpassingly strong and brave. Cao Shuang had liked him because they were from the same locality. Relying on Cao Shuang's power, Wen Qin became haughty and arrogant. After Cao Shuang was put to death, Wen Qin became inwardly fearful. Too, he liked to exaggerate the number of heads he took, seeking after credit and reward. [2] Sima Shi was constantly curbing him [3], on which account he became resentful.

The chendong jiangjun Guanqiu Jian had been friendly with Xiahou Xuan and Li Feng. With the death of Xiahou Xuan et al., Guanqiu Jian also felt insecure, and as a matter of policy he treated Wen Qin generously.

[27] Sima Guang has introduced the material of Sections 27-28 at this point to serve as an introduction to the account of the unsuccessful insurrection of the two generals in 255 AD, Section 1.

The present section is partly from SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian and partly from the Wei shu.

SGZ: “Guanqiu Jian had been on friendly terms with Xiahou Xuan, Li Feng, etc. The cishi of Yangzhou, qian jiangjun Wen Qin was from the same locality as Cao Shuang. He was strong and brave, stout-hearted and daring. He had several times earned merit in battle, and liked to give exaggerated reports of his booty, by which he sought to obtain favors and rewards. But he was often turned down, and he grumbled and complained increasingly day by day. Guanqiu Jian as a matter of policy treated Wen Qin generously and showed great affection towards him. Wen Qin for his part was grateful, and set his heart loyally towards him.”

Wei shu gives a detailed biography of Wen Qin, here translated up to the time in question: “Wen Qin, zi Zhongruo, was a man of Qiaojun. His father, Wen Ji, was a cavalry general during the Jian'an period. He was brave and strong. In his youth, Wen Qin, son of a renowned general, was praised for his military abilities. When Wei Feng rebelled, Wen Qin was involved in the case, his words tallying with those of Wei Feng. He was sent to prison and flogged several hundred times; he was supposed to die in this manner. Taizu (Cao Cao) pardoned him for the sake of Wen Ji. In the Taihe period he became wuying jiaodu, then was sent out as a yamen jiang.

By nature, Wen Qin was wild and hot tempered, not minding the proprieties. In his posts he was arrogant and defied his superiors, not obeying the laws of the State. He was always being impeached and Mingdi curbed him. Afterward he again became a yamenjiang in Huainan, then was transferred to be taishou of Lujiang and yingyang jiangjun. Wang Ling memorialized the throne impeaching Wen Qin as avaricious and cruel, consequently unfit to be a provincial administrator, and requesting that he be relieved of his office and punished. As a result of this the Emperor summoned Wen Qin to return to the capital. Because Wen Qin was from his locality, Cao Shuang treated him liberally. He did not punish him but sent him back to Lujiang, with the added title of guanjun jiangjun, and accorded him greater distinctions and favors than before. Because of this, Wen Qin became all the more haughty and boastful. Because he was brave and daring above others, he enjoyed some empty fame in the Army.

After Cao Shuang was put to death, Wen Qin was promoted to be jian jiangjun to set his mind at ease. Afterwards he succeeded Zhuge Dan as cishi of Yangzhou. Since Cao Shuang's execution, Wen Qin had been in constant fear. He was on bad terms with Zhuge Dan and never consulted him on any matter. After Zhuge Dan was relieved of his command in Yangzhou and Guanqiu Jian replaced him, he formed a secret conspiracy with the latter.”

[27.2] See the SGZ passage (General Note). The usage of reporting tenfold the actual number of the enemy slain is a normal one in this time; see ZZTJ, under seventeenth year of Jian'an and SGZ, Biography of Guo Yuan, Wei. Since Wen Qin is here especially mentioned for making an exaggerated report, he must have given a number much more than the usual tenfold!

[27.3] Wei shu says Mingdi curbed him, SGZ only that he was often turned down. Neither mentions Sima Shi at this point.

28. Guanqiu Jian's son, the Zhishu Shiyushi Guanqiu Dian, said to Guanqiu Jian, “Sir, you occupy an important provincial office. The State is in danger, yet you remain unruffled and stick to your own post. You will be blamed throughout the Empire for this.” Guanqiu Jian agreed with him.

[28] From shiyu, Biography of Guanqiu Jian. As for his son, Guanqiu Dian, zi Zibang, was renowned in the capital. When the Prince of Qi was being dethroned, Guanqiu Dian said to Guanqiu Jian...”
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Wed Jan 04, 2012 10:10 am

Second Year of Zhengyuan (255 AD)
Shu: Eighteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Wufeng

1. Spring, first month (January 25-February 23). Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin, counterfeiting the command of the Empress Dowager, rose up in arms at Shouchun and issued throughout the provinces and prefectures a call to arms for the purpose of punishing Sima Shi.

[1] From the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian, Wei: “In the first month of the second year of Zhengyuan, a comet hundreds of feet long shot out from the northwestern sky in the region between Wu and Chu. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin rejoiced, for they considered this an auspicious sign. So they counterfeited the command of the Empress Dowager, impeached the generalissimo Sima Jingwang for his crimes, issued throughout the provinces, prefectures and feudal states a call to arms, and rose in armed rebellion. They forced the generals stationed at different places in Huainan, as well as the petty officials and people, high and low, to enter the city of Shouchun. An altar was erected at the western edge of the city, and they all drank the blood of sacrificial animals as a pledge to the rebellion.”

SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, states, under the day yichou of the first month (February 5): “The zhendong jiangjun Guanqiu Jian and the cishi of Yangzhou Wen Qin revolted.” The date here mentioned, the twelfth day of the first month, may be the actual date for the rising, but more probably is the date the court was informed of it.

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Jingdi, says that Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin each sent four sons as hostages to Wu and asked for help.

2. They also memorialized the throne: “The xiangguo Sima Yi, loyal and upright, rendered great service to the dynasty. Hence clemency should be extended to his posterity. It is requested that Sima Shi be dismissed and proceed to his fief as its lord, to be replaced by his younger brother Sima Zhao. The taiyu Sima Fu is loyal, filial, and prudent; the hujun Sima Wang executes his duties faithfully and equitably. These two deserve close relations with Your Majesty and appointment to important positions.” Sima Wang was a son of Sima Fu.

Guanqiu Jian also sent an envoy to the chennan jiangjun Zhuge Dan soliciting him to join the rebellion; Zhuge Dan killed the envoy. [2]

[2] Sima Guang quotes from the long memorial given in SGZ, Wei, which reads:

“The late xiangguo Sima Yi supported the House of Wei and served several generations of Emperors loyally and truly; therefore Liezu Minghuangdi entrusted him with the guardianship of his heir. Sima Yi exerted his utmost strength and loyalty to bring peace and tranquility to China. The Prince of Qi, too, was intelligent and devoid of vile deeds. He served from his heart assiduously and loyally, and the Empire depended on him. Sima Yi wanted to attack and exterminate the two barbarians (Wu and Shu) and thus bring peace to the Empire, and instituted the division of military supplies so that the various armies might launch their attacks simultaneously. He died before his work was accomplished.

The Prince of Qi, because Sima Yi had earned great merit as his guardian, passed on to Sima Shi the work of Sima Yi, entrusting him with important duty. Now Sima Shi, an official in the prime of his life, feigns ill health while he has no real disease, yet has strong troops under his command; he does not serve the sovereign as is proper to a subject. The court officials criticize him and men of principle jeer at him. It is something of which the whole Empire is aware. This is his first crime.

In preparing to attack the rebels, Sima Yi would have grain for the army unhusked in large quantities and set definite dates for launching his attacks. Sima Shi, as a high official of the State, ought to eliminate the national calamity (i.e. Wu and Shu); as a son he ought to bring his father's work to completion. But he ceased mourning for his father, and had all his work stopped. As a subject, he is disloyal; as a son, he is unfilial. This is his second crime.

While the rebels withdrew to Dongguan, he mobilized the troops; the three (jiangjun with the word) zheng (in their titles) advanced simultaneously. But our troops were lost and our army defeated; the military preparations of many years went to ruin in one day, so that the rebels were induced to come. The Empire fell into disorder, the people suffered from death and injury, or wandered homeless. This is his third crime.

The rebels mobilized the entire forces of their State, and with five hundred thousand men, as they claimed, they advanced towards Shouchun intending to proceed to Luoyang. It happened that we and the taiyu Sima Fu proposed the strategy of blockading key positions without crossing arms, and returning to strengthen the defense of Xincheng. The generals and troops in Huainan rushed against spears and trampled drawn swords, defending their positions day and night. They were engaged in this strenuous work for a hundred days, the dead strewn on the ground. Since its very beginning, the Wei army has never suffered a more severe hardship than this. Yet Sima Shi has arbitrarily made no proposal to enfeoff and reward the heroes in this campaign. Power was in his hands, but he did not use it to record the merits of these men. This is his fourth crime.

The late zhongshuling Li Feng and others, considering that Sima Shi did not act as is proper to a subject, wanted to denounce and expel him. Knowing of this, Sima Shi invited Li Feng to come to him, and that evening struck him dead, carried off the corpse and buried the coffin. Li Feng and his associates were high officials and in the confidence of the sovereign. Yet he applied brutal measures to him on his own authority, killing him without first having charged him with a crime. Sima Shi did not respect the authority of his sovereign. This is his fifth crime.

Sima Yi used to express his admiration of the Prince of Qi and would say that he was worthy of being a sovereign; he thus fixed the relationship between sovereign and subject. Having served as guardian for fifteen years, he wanted to hand the power of government to the Prince of Qi: He inspected arsenals and ordered the bodyguards not to leave their posts without permission. Knowing well his own wickedness and iniquities, which secured blessing neither from the spirits nor from men, Sima Shi dethroned his sovereign under a false command from the Empress Dowager, charging him with crimes. Sima Fu, a paternal uncle of Sima Shi, is by nature good and filial; when he bade farewell to the Prince of Qi, he could not control his grief; and the multitudinous officials were all angry at Sima Shi. But Sima Shi was insensitive and did not pay attention to the cardinal principle governing the relationship between a subject and his sovereign. This is his sixth crime.

Then again, the late guanglu dafu Zhang Qi was innocent of any crime, yet he put him, his wife, and his children to death. Even the mother of the State, the Empress, was affected: he pressed the August Person to send her away. At that time, all were grieved and astonished, there being none that did not lament. Yet Sima Shi called it felicitous and rejoiced. This is his seventh crime.

Since the accession to the throne, Your Majesty, intelligent and martial, has applied his mind to all matters; he wanted to economize and make things simple. The Whole Empire, hearing of this, rejoiced. Yet Sima Shi would not improve and repent, nor practice the due obligations of a subject; instead of doing this, he levied troops and brought havoc to the palace, the feudal lords taking their own protective measures. At the beginning of Your Majesty's accession to the throne, he did not appear at Court to pay homage. When Your Majesty wanted to visit him at Sima Shi's home to inquire after his ailments, he refused to admit you, thus disobeying the laws of the land. This is his eight crime.

Recently the lingjun Xu Yun had been appointed zhenbei jiangjun. Because he had made a gift of government property, Sima Shi impeached and punished him. It is true that he was merely banished, but he killed him by making him starve on the road. Hearing of this, the whole Empire grieved. This is his ninth crime.

The defense of the three quarters had become deficient, but he selected picked troops in large numbers to serve as his guards; the troops in the Wuying had become deficient, yet he would not supplement their number. Arms and weapons he took in quantities for his own barracks. The whole Empire knows of it and every one resents it; rumors course through the highways of the land, and the Empire is suspicious. This is his tenth crime.

By profusely granting leaves of absence to the troops, he would win praise and make the four quarters empty of troops. He monopolizes power in order to exult his vicious intentions. He drafts men for the military agricultural colonies; he distributes rewards and obstructs the military work. He dares to disturb the ancient laws: he has the various feudal princes and dukes assemble in Ye, his intention being to kill them all. On one day he started a coup d'etat and dethroned his sovereign. Since Heaven does not help the wicked, it made his eyes swell, so that his attempts were frustrated. This is his eleventh crime.

Our fathers all followed Taizu Wuhuangdi (Cao Cao) in making campaigns against the wicked and evil of the land; they earned great merit. With Gaozu Wenhuangdi, they inherited the Han throne; they opened up a new dynasty and made the ruling House continue, just as Yao transmitted the Empire to Shun. We, together with the hujun of Anfeng, Zheng Yi, the hujun of Lujiang, Lu Xuan, the taishou of Lu Jiang, Zhang Xiu, the taishou of Huainan, Ding Cun, and the hujun defending Hefei, Wang Xiu, et al., have resolved: Through several generations, we and our ancestors have been receiving favors from our sovereigns; for a thousand years we and our families have been in the service of the State. We think of devoting our persons and lives to making the dynasty secure and safe; our duty would be to make the sovereign secure. Should we accomplish this object, we shall not repent even if our wives and children be burnt to death and we ourselves die of swallowing charcoal and lacquering our bodies.

As for Sima Shi's crimes, he deserves to receive capital punishment so that his iniquities be publicized. But according to the usage of Chunqiu times, if one generation does a good deed, ten generations are to be pardoned. Sima Yi earned great merit, as is recorded throughout the Empire; in accordance with the ancient usage, we propose that Sima Shi be dismissed and sent back to his fief as its Lord. His younger brother Sima Zhao, loyal and majestic, magnanimous and intelligent, is fond of doing good and likes men of parts. He possesses all the equalities of the superior man of high antiquity and serves the State loyally and sincerely. He is different from Sima Shi. We guarantee him at the risk of having our heads pounded; he may replace Sima Shi as guardian to Your Majesty.

The taiyu Sima Fu is loyal and filial, and is prudent; he ought to be treated intimately by Your Majesty and be appointed as your preceptor (taibao or taifu). The hujun and sanji changshi Sima Wang executes his duties loyally and equitably and is held to be a competent official; he furthermore went to bid welcome to Your Majesty, and so he once served you as a guard. He may be appointed zhonglingjun. It is conforming to the practice of Chunqiu times that the cardinal principle (governing the relationship between sovereign and subject) takes precedence over blood relationship: The Duke of Zhou put his younger brothers to death, Shi Qiao killed his son, Jiyu poisoned his elder brother. This was done first to further the cause of the State and second, to preserve the family. After Gun was punished by death, Yu was given employment; this is attested in the illustrious classic of the sage (i.e. the Shu) and praised both in antiquity and the present.

We petition Your Majesty to transfer our memorial to the Court and let the officials discuss it thoroughly. Should our proposal be found appropriate, so that Sima Shi yields his position in favor of a more worthy successor and resigns his command of troops before he leaves, just in accordance with the ancient precedents of the Three Sovereigns, then all will be in concord and harmony. Should Sima Shi, trusting to his power and troops, not retire voluntarily, we shall lead our men and march forward day and night to execute our duties.

In the present memorial, we only wish to preserve our Great Wei forever, to make Your Majesty act as sovereign, to stave off the disaster of our perishing, so that the people may be safe and secure, the world become one, and loyal subjects and men of principles have nothing to feel ashamed of before the Three Sovereigns and the Five Emperors. Fearing that, with the mobilization of our troops, the Empire will fall into disorder, we have already notified the three (jiangjun with the word) zheng (in their titles) as well as the diannong of the various provinces, prefectures and feudal States, to soothe the troops under their respective commands so that their subordinate officials and the common people may not act on their own authority. This we report respectfully. We hope that Your Majesty will cherish his spirit and see clearly where danger lurks, so that the Empire may be in safety and peace.

Sima Shi has been monopolizing power and meting out reward and punishment at will. Hearing that we have risen in arms, he will be certain to issue commands blockading passes and fords, so that letters cannot be transmitted through the post; he will levy troops at his own pleasure and arrest persons. Such commands are Sima Shi's commands, not Your Majesty's, hence cannot be obeyed at all. Being at a distance, we fear that not all our dispatches will reach your hands; we therefore shall mete out reward and punishment, in accordance with the necessity of the occasion, at our own discretion. When peace is restored, we shall report on them.”

[2.2] SGZ, biography of Zhuge Dan states: “When Zhuge Ke fortified Dongguan, Zhuge Dan was sent, as Commander-in-chief of the various troops, to attack him. He fought and was not successful. After he returned, he was transferred to the post of zhennan jiangjun. Afterwards Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin rebelled. They sent an envoy to Zhuge Dan inviting him to rally the people of Yuzhou. Zhuge Dan killed the envoy and announced it in a lubu (Circular) throughout the Empire to acquaint it with the iniquties of Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin.”

3. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin led between fifty and sixty thousand men across the Huai river, and moved west to Xiang. Guanqiu Jian stayed there and stoutly defended the place, putting Wen Qin in charge of the mobile force outside.

[3] From SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian, continuing from the passage referred to in the note of Section 1.

4. Sima Shi asked the governor of Henan, Wang Su, for advice. Wang Su said, “Of old, when Guan Yu captured Yu Jin on the banks of the Han, he then cherished the ambition to proceed north and contend for the Empire. Afterwards Sun Quan launched a surprise attack and captured the families of his generals and officers. Guan Yu's troops were dispersed in one day. Now the parents, wives, and children of the Huainan generals and officers are all in the inner provinces. You have only to hasten forth and take them under your protection, ward off the enemy, and prevent his advance. Then there will inevitably be the same kind of collapse as with Guan Yu.”

[4] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Su: “In this year (i.e. 254 AD), a white vapor covered the sky. The da jiangjun Sima Jingwang asked Wang Su for an explanation. Wang Su answered, 'This is the banner of Chiyu. There will be trouble in the southeast. If you cultivate your person and thus secure safety for your people, then the Empire will rejoice: those who are contented will turn towards you because of your virtue and the propounder of the rebellion will perish first.' In the following year (255 AD), in spring, the zhendong jiangjun Guanqiu Jian and the cishi of Yangzhou, Wen Qin, rebelled.”

5. At that time Sima Shi had recently had a tumor removed from his eye, and the wound was serious. Some thought the generalissimo should not go in person, and that it would be best to send the taiyu Sima Fu to make resistance. Only Wang Su, the shangshu Fu Ji, and the zhongshu Zhong Hui, advised Sima Shi to go in person. [3]

[5] Mainly from SGZ, Biography of Fu Jia.

[5.3] SGZ has: “Only Fu Jia and Wang Su advised him to go; and so Sima Jingwang went.” The ZZTJ sentence is supplemented from the Jin shu, Chronicle of Jingdi, which reads: “In the second month (March 25-April 24), Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin led sixty thousand troops and crossed the Huai river, and then proceeded westwards. Jingdi convoked an assembly of ducal and other ministers, in which it was discussed whether he should go to Xuchang to conduct the campaign. The Court officials for the most part said that subordinate generals might be dispatched to strike at them. Wang Su as well as the shangshu, Fu Jia, and the zhongshu shilang, Zhong Hui, advised Jingdi to go in person.”

6. Sima Shi hesitated and made no decision. Fu Jia said, “The troops of Huai and Chu are strong. Guanqiu Jian and the others, trusting to their strength, have come a long way to fight. Their keen edge cannot easily be encountered. Should the subordinate generals fight unsuccessfully and the tide be turned against you, then your cause will be ruined.” Sima Shi jumped up from his seat and said, “I shall go in spite of my ailment.”

[6] From the Han Jin chunqiu.

7. On the day wuwu (January 29), Sima Shi led the various armies, central and provincial, to attack Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin. [1] He appointed his younger brother Sima Zhao to act concurrently as zhong lingjun and stationed him behind at Luoyang. He summoned the troops from the three quarters (eastern, western, and northern; Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin were in the south) to assemble at Chen and Xuchang.

[7] From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Jingdi.

[7.1] Jin Shu has: “On the day wuwu (of the second month, I.e the sixth day of the second month, March 30), Jingdi led the central army, some ten odd myriads of infantry men and cavalry, and started on his expedition against them. He proceeded on a double march. SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian states: “The da jiangjun led the central and provincial armies to attack them.”

There is some confusion regarding the date. The day wuwu of the ZZTJ sentence evidently refers to the first month, which day happens to be the fifth of that month (January 29). But the wuwu of the Jin shu sentence refers to the second month, the sixth day of that month (March 30), which evidently is erroneous. ON the other hand SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang states: “On the day wuxu (of the first month) the da jiangjun Sima Jingwang started on his expedition against them (Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin).” There is no day designated wuxu in the first month; it is the fifteenth day of the intercalary first month, corresponding to March 10. It has been proposed that wuxu be emended to wuchen, the fifteenth day of the first month, which corresponds to February 8.

8. Sima Shi asked the guanglu xun Zheng Mao (鄭袤) for advice. Zheng Mao said, “Guanqiu Jian is fond of scheming, but is ignorant of the world. [2] Wen Qin is brave, but lacks the gift of careful calculation. Now, should our main forces take them by surprise, the troops of the Qiang and the Huai, keen-edged as they are, will not be able to stand firm. You had better deepen the ditches and heighten the ramparts, and thus dampen their spirit; this was the excellent strategy of Zhou yafu.” Sima Shi approved..

[8] From the Jin Shu, Biography of Zheng Mao, where the following passage precedes: “He was promoted to be shaofu. When the Duke of Gaoguixiang was to accede to the throne, Zheng Mao and the yin of Henan, Wang Su, went with the imperial carriage to welcome him at Yuancheng. He was enfeoffed as Lord of Guangchangting and transferred to be guangluxun, acting as congzheng. When Guanqiu Jian rebelled, Jingdi (Sima Shi) went in person out on an expedition against him; all the officials bade him farewell at the east of the city. Zheng Mao was ill and could not come. Jingdi said to the zhonglingjun Wang Su, 'I only miss the guangluxun Zheng Mao; I am sorry.' Wang Su told this to Zheng Mao.

Zheng Mao took a carriage and pursued Jingdi; he reached him not far off. Jingdi laughed and said, 'I was convinced that Master Hou would come (for Master Hou or Hou Ying, see Shi Ji. Sima Shi was comparing himself with the Prince of Xinling, and Zheng Mao with Hou Ying).'”

[8.2] Jin Shu has: “Zheng mao said, 'In former days, Guanqiu Jian and I were both lang in the Shangshutai, hence I know him well. As a man, he is fond of scheming, but is ignorant of the world; since he achieved merit in Yuzhou (as its cishi), his ambitions have become unlimited.'” SGZ, biography of Guanqiu Jian states: “After Mingdi had ascended the throne, he became a shangshulang.” Jin Shu, Biography of Zheng Mao also states: “Zheng Mao was promoted to be a shangshulang.” The time is not specified, but it must have been sometime about 226 AD, when Mingdi ascended the throne.

9. Sima Shi appointed the cishi of Jingzhou, Wang Ji, to be acting jianjun, with the Tally, to command the Xuchang troops. Wang Ji said to Sima Shi, “The rebellion of Huainan has not broken out because the lower officials and the people are bent on making disturbances. Guanqiu Jian and the others tricked and coerced them. It is because they are afraid they will be put to death on the spot that they are massed together. When our main forces come near they will crumble and disperse, and the severed heads of Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin will be brought to your headquarters before the morning has passed.”

Sima Shi followed this advice and appointed Wang Ji to the vanguard. But he soon recalled his order and made Wang Ji stay behind at Xuchang. Wang Ji opined, “Guanqiu Jian and the others, in spite of the fact that they can afford to make a deeper incursion with their troops, have not advanced for a long time. This means that their deception and falsity have been exposed, and that the multitude is suspicious and refractory. For us not to display our arms at this moment and thus meet the wishes of the people, but instead to halt the army and heighten the ramparts, would look as if we are timorous and faint-hearted. This is not the way to conduct a campaign.

If Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin seize the population to increase their forces, and the military households of the areas in the rebels' hands become more and more disloyal—those under the coercion of Guanqiu Jian and his group, knowing how great their crimes are, will not dare to return to us—we will only be putting our army on useless terrain and facilitating the spread of treachery and wickedness. If the Wu should make use of them, Huainan will be ours no more. Qiao, Pei, Ru and Yu [10] will be in danger, and we shall have made a great mistake. The army should advance rapidly and take possession of Nandun. In Nandun, there is the big storehouse, containing provisions for the army for forty days. We would be making our defense in a strong city and taking advantage of the grain stored at hand. 'To be beforehand with others takes the heart out of them.' This is the essential point for conquering the rebels.”

Wang Ji repeatedly petitioned and was finally heeded. The army advanced and occupied the bank of the Yinshui.

[9] From SGZ, biography of Wang Ji.

[9.10] Hu Sanxing writes that Yu ought to be understood as the prefecture of Yingchuan, which at this time was the seat of the governor of the province of Yuzhou, to which the prefectures of Qiao, Pei and Ru also belonged. He is rather vague here, for he does not say whether Ru stood for Runan or Ruying. Furthermore, Pei was a feudal domain, not a prefecture.

10. Intercalary (first) month. On the day jiashen (February 24), Sima Shi halted at Yinqiao. [1] Guanqiu Jian's generals Shi Zhao (史招) and Li Xu (李續) came and surrendered in turn.

[10] From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Jingdi.

[10.1] Jin Shu has: “On the day jiashen, Jingdi halted at Yinqiao.” By this jiashen, Jin shu means the jiashen of the second month, which does not exist, and hence is an error. Jiashen is either the first day of the intercalary first month (February 24), as in the ZZTJ, or the second day of the third month (April 25), which is impossible.

11. Wang Ji further said to Sima Shi, “In war, one hears of clumsy speed, but clever duration has never been seen. At this time, there is a powerful enemy without and rebellious subjects within. If the affair is not settled speedily, the future course is unpredictable. Many of your advisers say the General must be prudent. To be sure, it is right that the General should be prudent, but to halt your army and not advance is wrong. To be prudent does not mean you should not proceed; it only means advancing while still inviolable by the enemy. Now, you would occupy strong walled cities and make your defense behind ramparts, letting the enemy utilize our military stores while you transport provisions for the army from long distances. This is very mistaken strategy.”

Sima Shi still did not accede. Wang Ji said, “When a general is with his army, he does not accept all his sovereign's commands. That which will be advantageous to the enemy if they take it, and to us as well if we take it, is called Terrain of Contention. [8] Such is Nandun.”

In the end, he advanced and occupied Nandun. Guanqiu Jian and the others, who were then at Xiang, had also meant to go forward and contend for it. They had gone more than ten li when they heard that Wang Ji had already reached the place, whereupon they went back to defend Xiang.

[11] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji.

[11.8] Wang Ji twice here has quoted from the Sun zi. Evidently he thought that his two quotations from the Sun zi were ample justification for his disobedience.

12. On the day guiwei (February 23), the zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai died. The cishi of Yongzhou, Chen Tai, succeeded him.

[12] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang and SGZ, Biography of Chen Tai.

13. The chengxiang Sun Jun of Wu led the piaoji jiangjun Lü Ju and the zuo jiangjun Liu Zan of Kuaiji in a surprise attack on Shouchun.

[13] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Jun, which reads: “In the second year of Wufeng, the Wei generals Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin rebelled with their forces and fought with the Wei at Luojia. Sun Jun led the piaoji jiangjun Lu Ju and the zuo jiangjun Liu Can to launch a surprise attack on Shouchun. It happened that Wen Qin was defeated and surrendered to the Wu; the army returned.” A similar passage occurs in SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, where it reads: “In the second year of Wufeng, in spring, in the first month, in Wei, the zhendong jiangjun Guanqiu Jian and the qian jiangjun Wen Qin with their Huainan troops rebelled; they proceeded westwards and fought at Luojia. In the intercalary first month, on the day renchen (March 1), Sun Jun as well as the piaoji jiangjun Lu JU and the zuo jiangjun Liu Can led troops to launch a surprise attack on Shouchun.”

With regard to Liu Can, the Wu shu states: “Liu Can, zi Zhengming, was a man of Changshan in Kuaiji.”

14. Sima Shi ordered the troops to reinforce the walls and heighten the ramparts, and await the arrival of the eastern army. [1] His subordinate generals asked permission to take the troops forward and attack Xiang. Sima Shi said, “You gentlemen see one side but are ignorant of the other. The generals and troops of Huainan never harbored any intention to rebel. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin wheedled them into joining their rebellion. [5] They thought that others, far and near, would be certain to join them, but on the day when they rose in rebellion, the generals of Huaibo did not follow them. Shi Zhao and Li Xu separated from them one after the other. Thus, with dissension within and desertion without, they themselves are well aware of their certain defeat and will fight like wild beasts in their last extremity.

Immediate battle is what suits them best. We are, to be sure, certain to defeat them, but the injury to our men would also be great. Furthermore, Guanqiu Jian and the others have duped their generals and troops, using all kinds of subterfuge. If we hold them at bay for awhile, their falsity will be exposed of itself. This is a strategem for defeating them without fighting them.”

Thereupon he ordered that Zhuge Dan, in charge of the troops from Yuzhou, proceed to Shouchun from Anfeng and that the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Xun, in charge of the troops from Qingzhou and Xuzhou, proceed into the region of Qiao and Song in order to intercept their retreat. Sima Shi himself established his headquarters at Ruyang. [9]

[14] From the Jinshu, Chronicle of Jingdi, where the following sentence precedes: “Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin moved into Xiangcheng. Jingdi sent the cishi of Jingzhou Wang JI to advance and occupy Nandun, thus pressing hard on Guanqiu Jian.” As a matter of fact, Wang Ji went to take Nanjun on his own authority.

[14.1] Jin shu has: “Jingdi made the walls thick and the ramparts high, and thus waited for the arrival of the eastern army.” Hu Sanxing writes that the eastern army was composed of troops from the three provinces, Qingzhou, Xuzhou and Yuzhou.

[14.5] Jin shu has: “Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin wanted to follow in the wake of the Zongheng school and practiced the persuasion of Zhang Yi and Su Qin.”

[14.9] Jin Shu has Jingdi in place of Sima Shi. The Jin Shu derives this passage from SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian, which has: “The da jiangjun led the central and provincial armies to attack them. He also had Zhuge Dan lead all the troops from Yuzhou and proceed from Anfengjin to Shouchun, the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Cun lead all the troops from Qingzhou and Xuzhou and proceed into the region of Qiao and Song in order to intercept them in their retreat; the da jiangjun himself encamped at Ruyang. He had the jianjun Wang Ji lead the various troops belonging to the vanguard, occupy Nandun, and wait there. He ordered all the various troops to fortify their walls and not give battle to the enemy.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan has: “The da jiangjun Sima Jingwang went on his eastern expedition; he had Zhuge Dan direct all the troops from Yuzhou and cross the river at Anfengjin and proceed towards Shouchun.”

15. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin advanced, but there was no battle for them; as far as retreating, they were afraid that Shouchun might be attacked, so they could not return. At their wits' end, they did not know what to do. The generals and troops of Huainan had left their families in the north; distracted, they surrendered one after another. Only the farmers of Huainan, who had recently joined the rebellion, continued to be useful.

[15] From SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian.

16. When Guanqiu Jian started his rebellion, he sent a letter to Yanzhou by a courier, whom the governor of Yanzhou, Deng Ai, put to death. Leading over ten thousand troops at double march, he advanced toward the city of Luojia, where he constructed a pontoon bridge and waited for Sima Shi. [2] Guanqiu Jian had Wen Qin and his troops launch a surprise attack. Sima Shi made a secret march from Ruyang and reached Deng Ai at Luojia. Seeing the sudden arrival of the main forces, Wen Qin was so astonished that he did not know what to do.

[16] In the main from SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai, which reads: “Guanqiu Jian rebelled and sent a courier with his letter to agitate the mass; Deng Ai put him to death. On a double march he advanced towards the city of Luojiacheng, where he constructed a pontoon bridge. Sima Jingwang came and occupied the city.”

[16.2] The number of troops is given in SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian: “The da jiangjun sent the cishi of Yanzhou, Deng Ai, to lead ten thousand and more troops from Taishan and go to Luojia, where he displayed his weak position to allure them (Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin). The da jiangjun soon came from Shu.”

17. Wen Qin's son, Wen Yang, who was eighteen, was surpassingly brave and strong. [1] He said to Wen Qin, “If we attack them before they are ready, we can destroy them.” Wen Qin then divided his troops into two parts, which during the night were to attack the Wei army from opposite sides. Wen Yang went forward with some stout-hearted men and made a storm attack, with drum and clamor. The Wei army shook in tumult. Sima Shi was so taken by surprise and panic that the ball of his diseased eye suddenly came out. Fearing that the army might get to know this, he bit his coverlet to pieces. [3] Wen Qin did not appear at the appointed time, and as day was breaking, Wen Yang, seeing how strong the Wei troops looked, withdrew. [5]

[17] From the Wei shi chunqiu. The popular biographical dictionary Zhongguo renming da zi dian states: “Wen Yang (Jin Dynast), son of Wen Qin. When Shi Le captured Xiangyang, Wang Jun sent Wen Yang to rescue the city. Together with Wang Shen he won a great victory over Shi Le at Wenshijin.” This is a case of the Chinese proverb: Zhang's hat on Li's head. Wen Yang, son of Wen Qin, is our Wen Qin or Wen Jiao. The other, who fought with Shi Le, was a younger brother of the Xianbei Duan Pidi; Wen was not his surname (This second one, Wenyang, not Wen Yang, is mentioned several times in the Jin Shu).

[17.1] Wei shi chun qiu has: “Wen Qin's second son, Wen Jiao, whose baby-ming (baby-zi, according to the Qianlong edition) was Yang, was still young, but brave and strong above others.” The actual age is given in the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Jingdi, which reads: “Wen Qin's son Wen Yang, aged eighteen, surpassed the Three Armies in bravery. He spoke to Wen Qin, 'Allow me to climb the walls and storm them with drums and clamor while they are not yet ready. We may then destroy them.' The plan was adopted and they attacked three times but Wen Qin was unable to do his part. Wen Yang withdrew; together with Wen Qin he retreated towards the East.”

[17.3] This sentence is not in the Wei shi chunqiu. It is from the Jin shu, where it reads: “Jingdi had a tumor over one of his eyes. He had a physician cut it off. At the time when Wen Yang came and attacked, he was taken by surprise and the eyeball came out. Fearing lest the armies should panic, he covered his face with a bedcover. It was so painful that he bit the bedcover to pieces, but his attendants did not know of it.”

[17.5] Wei shi chunqiu has: “Day happening to break, Wen Jiao (i.e. Wen Yang) withdrew, and so Wen Qin retreated.” SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian has: “Not knowing this (i.e. the arrival of the main forces under the da jiangjun Sima Shi), Wen Qin came out in the night to launch a surprise attack against Deng Ai and his men. Day happening to break, he saw how strong the troops of the main forces looked; and so he retreated.”

18. “The rebels are fleeing,” said Sima Shi to his generals. “We can pursue them.” [1] The generals said, “Wen Qin and his son are strong and brave; since there has been no defeat, why should they flee?” [2]

“'When the drums first beat,'” said Sima Shi, “'that excites the spirit. A second advance occasions a diminution of the spirit.' Wen Yang attacked us by storm, with drum and clamor, but failed to get a response. Their strength is crushed; when will they ever flee, if not now?” [3]

[18] From the Jin shu, Chronicle of Jingdi. Not a single sentence of the Jin shu is used here integrally.

[18.1] Jin shu has: “Jingdi spoke to his subordinate generals, “Wen Qin is fleeing.' He ordered that select troops be dispatched to pursue him.

[18.2] Jin shu has: “The generals all said, 'Wen Qin is an experienced general. Wen Yang is young and keen-edged. Since they began their invasion, they have not been defeated. They certainly are not fleeing.'”

[18.3] Jin shu has: “Jingdi said, 'When the drums first beat, that excites the spirit. A second advance occasions a diminution of the spirit, and with the third, it is exhausted.” Here he was quoting from the Zuozhuan. “Wen Yang beat the drums three times, but Wen Qin did not do his part. Their strength is crushed; when will they ever flee if not now?'”

Sima Shi's explanation is very feeble. Probably the chroniclers of the Jin court inserted this story in order to honor Sima Shi, who seems to have been a very poor general.

19. Wen Qin was about to retreat to the east. “Unless we first break their strength,” said Wen Yang, “we shall not be able to get away.” So he and a dozen or so horsemen noted for bravery stormed and smashed the enemy formation, carrying all before them. Then they were able to start their retreat.

[19] From the Jin shu, Chronicle of Jingdi.

20. Sima Shi sent his zuo zhangshi Sima Ban (司馬班) at the head of eight thousand outstandingly brave men, to pursue them in two wings. [1] Wen Yang, as a single horseman, rushed into the formation of several thousand cavalry and emerged after killing and wounding over a hundred men. He repeated this six or seven times. The pursuing cavalry dared not press him closely.*

[20] Except for the first sentence, I have been unable to identify the source of this section.

[20.1] Jin shu, Chronicle of Jingdi has: “Jingdi sent his zuo changshi Sima Lien (sic) to lead eight thousand mounted men noted for bravery to pursue them in two wings. He had the jiangjun Yue Lin and others lead infantry to follow him. When they came to Shayang, they made several inroads into Wen Qin's formation; arrows from crossbows poured down like rain, and Wen Qin covered himself with a shield and fled. His army suffered a heavy defeat, and the troops laid down their spears and surrendered.”

21. An official of the palace, Yin Damu, originally a household slave of the Cao (i.e. the ruling house), was a constant attendant of the Son of Heaven. Sima Shi took him along on his expedition. Knowing that one eye of Sima Shi had come out, Yin Damu proposed to him, “Wen Qin was once a trusted man of Your Excellency. It is only that he has been misled by other people. He is, furthermore, from the same county as the Son of Heaven, and I used to be trusted by him. Allow me to go and persuade him on your behalf, so that he may come back to you and restore a good relationship.”

Sima Shi permitted him to do so. Yin Damu, without any companion, riding on a big horse and wearing armor and helmet, pursued Wen Qin and addressed him from afar. In his heart, Yin Damu wished well for Cao, but concealed this in his choice of words: “How is it that Your Lordship cannot be patient for a few days?” With this he hoped to make Wen Qin understand his meaning. But Wen Qin did not understand at all; on the contrary he raised his voice and abused Yin Damu, “You were a family servant of the Late Emperor. You do not think of showing your gratitude, but on the contrary help Sima Shi in his iniquity. You neglect the command of Heaven, which will not bless you.”

Thereupon he drew his bow and fixed an arrow in it, and as he was about to shoot at Yin Damu, Yin Damu in tears said, “The cause is ruined. Exert your utmost.”

[21] From the Wei mo zhuan.

[21.9] As Hu Sanxing writes, Yin Damu was hinting that if Wen Qin could hold out for a few more days, the tables would be turned in his favor, because Sima Shi was fatally ill.

22. On this day, Guanqiu Jian, hearing that Wen Qin was retreating, was seized by fear and fled by night; and so his troops were put to rout. Wen Qin returned to Xiang, because his solitary army, lacking reinforcements, could not defend itself, he wanted to return to Shouchun. Shouchun had already fallen, and so he fled to Wu. [2]

[22] From SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian and Jin Shu, Chronicle of Jingdi. The Biography of Guanqiu Jian reads: “The da jiangjun sent his cavalry noted for bravery to pursue and strike at them; they heavily defeated them. Wen Qin fled. On this day, Guanqiu Jian, hearing that Wen Qin had suffered a defeat, was seized by fear and fled by night, and his troops were put to rout.”

SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang states: “In the intercalary (first month) on the day jihai (March 11), the Wei army defeated Wen Qin at Luojia. Wen Qin fled and eventually went over to Wu.”

[22.2] Jin shu, Chronicle of Jingdi states: “Wen Qin and his sons, together with their men, withdrew to Xiang. Guanqiu Jian heard of Wen Qin's defeat and, leaving his army, fled by night; the duyu of Anfengjin in Huainan pursued and killed Guanqiu Jian, sending the decapitated head to the capital. In the end Wen Qin fled to Wu, and Huainan was pacified.”

In a letter which Wen Qin wrote to Guo Huai, of whose death he was evidently ignorant, occurs the following passage: “Our army is halted at Xiang. On the sixteenth day of the intercalary (first) month (March 11), I, with a detachment of troops, came to the city of Luojia and attacked Sima Shi. In a short time Sima Shi's troops collapsed and were dispersed; the number of their men we slaughtered cannot be counted. I had only to drive forward directly to the capital, but rumors coursed ahead of me, and Guanqiu Jian did not show any discrimination, saying that he was being ruined by me.

The various troops became dispersed and collapsed; Guanqiu Jian went back. I pursued him with the intention of explaining to him, but I could not overtake him. I then returned to Xiang and was encountered by Wang JI and others, twelve armies in all. I sought out Guanqiu Jian and we advanced to attack them; in no time did we defeat them, completely victorious everywhere. But what could we do lacking reinforcements? The solitary army lost its foothold, unable to advance or to retreat. I then returned to Shouchun, but the troops at Shouchun had already been put to flight. At our wit's end, we have no other course to take but to surrender to this Great Wu, to borrow their arms and take their food as alms; in short, I have become a second Wu Yuan (i.e. Wu Zixu).”

23. Sun Jun of Wu reached Dongxing, when he heard that Guanqiu Jian and his men had been defeated. On the day of renyin, he advanced to Tuogao, where Wen Qin and his son came to the army to surrender.

[23] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang.

24. Guanqiu Jian reached Shenxian. [1] His attendants and troops gradually left Guanqiu Jian and went away. Guanqiu Jian, without any companion except his younger brother Guanqiu Xiu, and his grandson Guanqiu Zhong (毌丘重), went to hide in the grass along the bank of the water. On the day jiachen, Zhang Shu (張屬), a man of Anfengjin, killed Guanqiu Jian and sent his decapitated head to the capital. Zhang Shu was enfeoffed as a Lord. [4]

[24] From SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian.

[24.1] SGZ has: “He went northwards and reached Zhenxian.” Evidently Zhenxian is a misprint, for such did not exist. Shenxian was in the prefecture of Ruyin.

[24.4] SGZ has: “Zhang Shu, a man under the jurisdiction of the duyu of Anfengjin, shot Guanqiu Jian to death and a Lord. Guanqiu Xiu and Guanqiu Zhong fled to Wu. All the generals who had been coerced by Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin to join the rebellion surrendered.”

The date is given in SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “On the day jiachen, the duyu of Anfeng Huaijin killed Guanqiu Jian and sent his decapitated head to the capital.”

25. Zhuge Dan reached Shouchun. Within the city of Shouchun, the population, consisting of ten odd myriads of people, feared that they would be put to death. Some wandered to the mountains and marshes, and some fled to Wu along different routes. The Emperor appointed Zhuge Dan as zhendong da jiangjun, yitong sansi, and dudu (Commander-in-Chief) of all the troops in Yangzhou.

[25] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan.

26. Members of Guanqiu Jian's family were exterminated to the third degree. [1] Partisans of Guanqiu Jian, more than seven hundred persons, were sent to prison. The shiyushi Du You (杜友) sat in judgment of them. He sentenced only the ringleaders, ten in all, and set the remainder free by memorializing the throne.

[26] Except for the first sentence, this Section is from the Shi yu.

[26.1] From SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian, where it reads: “Guanqiu Jian's son Guanqiu Dian was zhishu shiyushi. He had known beforehand that Guanqiu Jian was about to start his conspiracy. He left secretly and with his own family fled to the mountain Lingshan in Xin'an. Now he was separately attacked and brought down. Members of Guanqiu Jian's family were exterminated to the third degree.” Shi yu notes that when Guanqiu Jian was punished by death, his partisans, more than seven hundred persons, were arrested.

27. Guanqiu Jian's granddaughter, married into the Liu clan, was to be put to death. Being pregnant, she was imprisoned at the tingyu's. Her mother Xun had been pardoned from death through a memorial of the wuwei jiangjun Xun Yi. Having escaped death, she petitioned the tingyu that she be made a public slave in ransom for her daughter's life.

The sili zhubu Cheng Xian (程咸) maintained, “Our great Wei has adopted the malpractices of Qin and Han without introducing any innovation into them. A married girl is put to death, to be sure, in order to exterminate the scions of the clans of criminals. A girl, married into another family, and having given birth to a child, becomes a mother in that family. As a preventive measure, putting her to death, is not sufficient to crush the source of the crimes; with regard to human relationships, it inflicts injury on the sentiment of a filial son.

A male child is not involved in the punishment of another family (i.e. his wife's family), yet a girl alone is involved in the capital punishment of two families (i.e. her parent's and her husband's). This certainly is not the correct way to show pity for the weaker female sex, nor is it in the spirit of the law, before which every one is equal. I maintain that an unmarried girl may be punished together with her own parents, but a married girl ought to be amenable to the capital punishment of her husband's family.” The Court approved and set this down permanently in the Codes.

[27] From the Jin ji of Gan Bao.

28. Lord Zhongwu (Loyal and Martial) of Wuyang, Sima shi, fell seriously ill and returned to Xuchang. He left the zhongshu jiang and canjun shi Jia Chong behind to superintend the various armies. Jia Chong was a son of Jia Kui.

[28] From the Jin Shu, Biography of Jia Chong, where it is stated: “Jia Chong, zi Gonglu, was a man of Xiangling in Pingyang. His father Jia Kui was cishi of Yuzhou and Lord of Yangliting. He went through a series of promotions: huangmen shilang, diannong of Jijun, zhonglangjiang and canjunshi tot he da jiangjun. He followed Jingdi and attacked Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin at Luojia. Jingdi fell seriously ill and returned to Xuchang. He left Jia Chong behind to superintend the various troops.”

29. The wei jiangjun Sima Zhao went from Luoyang to inquire after Sima Shi's health. Sima Shi ordered him to take command of all the forces. On the day xinhai (March 23), Sima Shi died at Xuchang.

[29] From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi and Chronicle of Jingdi. The Jin shu notes that “On the day xinhai, Jingdi died at Xuchang; at that time he was forty-eight years of age.” In other words he lived 208-255 AD. Here we may note that SGZ gives a different date for his death.

30. The zhongshu shilang, Zhong Hui, had been in the suite of Sima Shi, taking charge of confidential matters. The Emperor, in a personal edict, commanded the shangshu Fu Jia (傅嘏) that, the southeast having recently been conquered, the wei jiangjun Sima Zhao was to station himself for the time being at Xuchang, to serve as internal and external support, and Fu Jia should return with the various troops. Zhong Hui consulted Fu Jia and had Fu Jia send up a memorial to the throne that they were starting together with Sima Zhao. They returned and encamped south of the Luoshui.

[30] From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui. “when guanqiu jian arose in rebellion, the da jiangjun Sima Jingwang made his eastern expedition. Zhong Hui was in his suite, taking charge of confidential matters. The wei jiangjun Sima Wenwang commanded the rear forces. After Sima Jingwang died at Xuchang, Sima Wenwang took command of the Six Armies; Zhong Hui became his intimate advisor.”

31. Second month. On the day tingsi (march 29), the Emperor appointed Sima Zhao to be da jiangjun and lu shangshu shi.

[31] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

32. Because of this, Zhong Hui constantly wore an arrogant expression. Fu Jia warned him, “Your aims are bigger than your capacities. Meritorious work will be difficult to achieve. Must you not be cautious?”

[32] From SGZ, Biography of Fu Jia. The following passage precedes there: “...and so Sima Jingwang went. Fu Jia was appointed Acting shangshu puyi and together with Sima Jingwang went eastwards; in the defeat of Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin, Fu Jia's counsel helped. When Sima Jingwang died, Fu Jia returned directly to Luoyang together with Sima Wenwang. Eventually Sima Wenwang became a guardian-regent; the story is given in the biography of Zhong Hui.”

The Emperor wanted some freedom from the interference of the Sima, hence he ordered Sima Zhao to stay at Xuchang, but the ambitious man would not follow this order. The matter is lucidly narrated in Jin shu, chronicle of Jingdi: “After the demise of Jingdi, the Son of Heaven ordered Wendi to station himself at Xuchang and the shangshu Fu Jia to return to the capital with the six armies. Wendi, following the counsel of Fu Jia and Zhong Hui, in person led the army and returned to Luoyang. He then advanced to the rank of da jiangjun, with the additional titles of shizhong, dudu (Commander-in-Chief) of all the armed forces, lu shangshu shi, and a guardian-regent, with the privilege of ascending the palace wearing his sword and his shoes. Wendi declined to accept the privilege.”

33. Sun Jun of Wu heard that Zhuge Dan had already occupied Shouchun and so he withdrew his army. He appointed Wen Qin to be duhu, chenbei da jiangjun and mu (Governor) of Yuzhou. [2]

[33] SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang has: “Zhuge Dan of Wei entered Shouchun. Sun Jun withdrew with his troops.” After this sentence, the passage continues, “In the second month (March 25-April 23), he encountered the jiangjun Cao Zhen of Wei at Gaoting; after a battle, Cao Zhen was defeated. Liu Can was defeated by Jiang Ban, a subordinate general of Zhuge Dan, at Gupo; Liu Can and the jiangjun Sun Leng and Jiang Xiu were all killed.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan has: “The Great Generals of Wu, Sun Jun, Lu Ju, Liu Can, et al., heard that Huainan was in disorder and, Wen Qin, happening to have come to them, led their troops forward; together with Wen Qin they moved directly to Shouchun. At that time the various troops under Zhuge Dan had already reached the city, which therefore could not be attacked; hence they went away. Zhuge Dan sent the jiangjun Jiang Ban to pursue them and strike at them; he killed Liu Can; he sent his decapitated head to the capital and took his seal and commanding insignia.”

SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang states: “On the day jiazi (April 5), the Great Generals of Wu, Sun Jun and others, with troops said to number a hundred thousand men, came to Shouchun. Zhuge Dan struck at them and defeated them, killing the zuo jiangjun Liu Can of Wu, whose decapitated head he sent to the capital.”

[33.2] SGZ, biography of Guanqiu Jian: “Wen Qin fled into Wu. The Wu appointed Wen Qin to be duhu, with the Tally (jiajie), zhenbei da jiangjun, mu of Yuzhou and Lord of Qiao.”

34. Third month (April 24-May 22). The Empress Bian was enthroned, and a general amnesty was granted. The Empress was a great grandaughter of Bian Bing, younger brother of the Empress Wu Xuan. [2]

[34] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

[34.2] This is Sima Guang's own sentence. According to the biography of the Empress named Bian, Empress Xuan, Consort of Wudi, Bian Bing, younger brother of this Empress, begot Bian Lan and Bian Lin, who begot Bian Long; the daughter of the last mentioned became the consort of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

35. Autumn, seventh month (August 20-September 17). In Wu, the jiangjun Sun Yi, Zhang Yi (張怡) and Lin Xun (林恂) plotted to assassinate Sun Jun. They failed, and tens of men died. [1]

Princess Quan slandered Princess Zhu to Sun Jun, saying, “She conspired together with Sun Yi. Thereupon, Sun Jun killed Princess Zhu. [2]Sun Jun had the weiyu Feng Chao/Zhao {the character can be read either way} construct walls around Guangling; the work was a very expensive one; but at Court, no one dared to utter a word against it. Teng Yin along protested that it should be stopped, but Sun Jun would not comply. In the end, the work was never completed.

[35] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Jun.

[35.1] SGZ has: “In this year, an envoy came from Shu. The jiangjun Sun Yi, Sun Shao, Lin Xun, and others, wanted to assassinate Sun Jun on the occasion of the reception (given the Shu envoy). The matter leaked out; Sun Yi and the others committed suicide and tens of persons died, including even the Princess Sun Luyu..

SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang reads: “In autumn, in the seventh month, the jiangjun Sun Yi, Zhang Yi, Lin Xun and others plotted to assassinate Sun Jun. The plot was discovered. Sun Yi committed suicide, and Lin Xun and the others were put to death. The weiyu Feng Chao was ordered to construct walls around Guangling.”

[35.2] This is not in the same part of SGZ, but is derived from SGZ, biography of Sun Xiu's wife named Zhu, where it reads: “During the Wufeng period, Sun Yi plotted to assassinate Sun Jun, but his plot was discovered and he was punished by death. Princess Quan took this opportunity and said that Princess Zhu had conspired together with Sun Yi. Sun Jun killed Princess Zhu, an innocent person.” Princess Quan is Sun Luban (with whom Sun Jun had illicit relations). Princess Zhu is Sun Luyu. They were daughters of Sun Quan born of the same mother.

36. In Han, Jiang Wei again proposed to make a campaign. The zhengxi da jiangjun, Zhang Yi, disputed with him at Court. He maintained that, as theirs was a small country and the people were toiling, it was not proper to indulge in warfare. Jiang Wei did not listen to him. Leading the Chezhi jiangjun Xiahou Ba as well as Zhang Yi, he went forth.

[36] From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi, where the following passage precedes: “In the first year of Yanxi (238 AD), Zhang Yi was recalled to the capital and was appointed shangshu, then was promoted to be du of Jianwei, with Tally (jiajie), his enfeoffment being advanced to that of Lord of Duting, and zhengxi da jiangjun. In the eighteenth year (255 AD), together with the wei jiangjun, Jiang Wei, he returned to Chengdu.

37. Eighth month (September 10-October 17). Jiang Wei, with tens of thousands of men, reached Fuhan and proceeded to Didao. [1] The zhengxi jiangjun Chen Tai, ordered the cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing to advance to Didao and there wait for Chen Tai's army to arrive, (intending) to have them advance further when forces from the east and west were thus united. Chen Tai and his army were encamped at Chencang when the various troops under Wang Jing's command fought with the Han at the ancient pass {guguan?} and were defeated. Thereupon, Wang Jing crossed the Tao river. Chen Tai guessed that, since Wang Jing was not sticking to the defense of Didao, there must have been some change in the situation. He led his troops to reinforce him. Wang Jing had already fought with Jiang Wei west of the Tao and suffered a heavy defeat; with ten thousand odd men he returned to the city of Didao, while the remainder of his troops were all dispersed. The number of the killed amounted to some ten thousand men.

[37] From SGZ, Biography of Chen Tai, where the following passage precedes: “In the following year (this is a mistake; the dateh of Guo Huai as mentioned in Section 12 and the event recounted in the present paragraph occurred in the same year), the cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing communicated to Chen Tai, 'Jiang Wei and Xiahou Ba are intending to march along three different routes toward Qishan, Shiying and Jincheng,' and requested permission to advance to give support, requesting also that the troops of Liangzhou should be dispatched to Fuhan and that the taoshu jiangjun should proceed towards Qishan. Chen Tai calculated that the enemy could not come along three different routes believing that it is always inadvisable to divide troops; he also held that the Liangzhou troops should not go over their boundary. He instructed Wang Jing to obtain detailed information as to which direction they were tending and to wait for the forces from east and west to unite before advancing.”

[37.1] ZZTJ derives the date from SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the eighth month, on the day xinhai (September 19), the da jiangjun Jiang Wei of Shu (Jiang Wei became da jiangjun only in the following year, 256 AD; at this time he was wei jiangjun) invaded Didao. The cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing fought with him west of the Tao {River?}. Wang Jing was heavily defeated and retreated to Didao.” SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei reads, “Afterwards, in the eighteenth year of Yanxi, he, together with the juji jiangjun Xiahou Ba and others, again went out to Didao; he inflicted a heavy defeat on the cishi of Yongzhou, Wang Jing of Wei, at the west of the Tao, and tens of thousands of Wang Jing's men were killed. Wang Jing withdrew to the city of Didao. Jiang Wei besieged it. The zhengxi jiangjun Chen Tai of Wei advanced his troops and relieved the city of the siege. Jiang Wei retreated to Zhongti.”

38. Zhang Yi spoke to Jiang Wei, “We may stop here but it will not do to advance any further. By advancing we may perhaps ruin this great achievement. It would be like adding feet when one draws the picture of a snake.” Jiang Wei was enraged at this. In the end he advanced and besieged Didao.

[38] From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi, where the following passage precedes: “Jiang Wei came to Didao and inflicted a heavy defeat on the cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing of Wei; the number of Wang Jing's men who died in the waters of the Tao amounted to some ten thousand.”

39. On the day xinwei, the Emperor appointed the changshui jiaoyu Deng Ai as acting anxi jiangjun, in which capacity he was to cooperate with the zhengxi jiangjun Chen Tai in resisting Jiang Wei. On the day wuchen, the taiyu Sima Fu was also appointed to lead the reinforcements.

[39] SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

40. Chen Tai advanced his troops to Longxi. The various generals all said, “Wang Jing was recently defeated and the Shu hordes are too strong. You, General, with your motley troops have succeeded to a defeated army and will confront the keen edge of the victorious enemy; this will not do at all. The ancients say, 'When an adder has bitten a hand, the strong man will amputate his arm.' Sunzi says, 'Some troops are not struck at, some positions are not defended.' [5] Now the arm to the region of Longyu (i.e. Longxi) is severer than that from an adder. The position of Didao should not be defended, and Jiang Wei's troops are sharp edges to be avoided. It would be bet to set up our defense in steep terrain, waiting in the meanwhile for them to tire, when we should advance to give reinforcement. This is a proper strategem.”

Chen Tai said, “Jiang Wei and his lightly armed troops has made a deep incursion into our territory. What he wants is no less than to contend with us on the battlefield, seeking thus to obtain victory in a single battle. Wang Jing ought to have heightened his walls and made his ramparts thicker, so as to crush their spirit. Instead, he fought with them, giving the rebels a chance. Wang Jing has taken to flight.

Should Jiang Wei, with his victorious army, advance eastwards, and occupy the grain depot at Liyang, [10] let his troops loose to rally those who surrender, induce the Qiang barbarians to offer allegiance, contend for the regions of Guan and Long to the east, and let his proclamation course through the four prefectures, [11] we would be vexed by such a turn of affairs. But he would let his victorious army crush its spirit under the steep walls of Didao, his keen-edged troops exerting their utmost and exhausting their strength. The offensive and the defensive are different matters. Host (defender) and guest (attacker) are dissimilar. The Book of War states, 'The making of big shields and battering rams is accomplished in three months. The construction of artificial hills (around the walls) takes another three months.'

Indeed, such will not be advantageous to an army which, with light armed troops, has deeply invaded a hostile territory. Now Jiang Wei, with his isolated army, has taken his position far from his country, without uninterrupted supplies of provisions. It is the right time for us to hasten forward and destroy the rebels. It is what is meant by the saying, 'When thunder claps rapidly, there is no time for covering the ears.' This is so by the nature of things. The Tao River girdles the place on the outside, and Jiang Wei and his men are on the inside. If we now occupy high places and press on their neck, they will go without our fighting with them. The invaders should not be allowed to roam wild, nor should the siege continue long. How is it that you, gentlemen, speak thus?”

Thereupon he {Chen Tai} advanced his army and, scaling Gaochengling, made a secret march. During the night he reached the top of a high mountain to the southeast of Didao. He set up a large number of beacons and gave signals by means of drums and horns. In the city of Didao, the generals and troops saw that their reinforcements had arrived and all became excited.

Jiang Wei, surprised by this unexpected arrival of reinforcements, hastened along the mountain to launch an attack. [18] Chen Tai engaged him in battle and Jiang Wei withdrew. In the meanwhile, the troops from Liangzhou, moving southwards from Jincheng, reached Yaoyupan. Chen Tai withdrew his troops and proclaimed that he intended to intercept him on his retreat. [21] Jiang Wei was afraid.

The ninth month. ON the day jiachen (November 11), Jiang Wei fled. The generals and troops were then able to come out of the city. Wang Jing sighed and said, “We have been cut off from provisions for the past ten days. Had reinforcements not come speedily, the entire city would have been butchered and rent asunder, and the whole province overthrown.”

Chen Tai thanked and soothed the generals and troops, sending them back to their homes one after another. He enlisted a new batch of troops to guard the city, and also repaired the walls and ramparts. Then he returned to Shanggui, where he stationed himself.

[40] From SGZ, Biography of Chen Tai, where the following passage precedes: “Chen Tai halted his army at Shanggui. He divided his troops to guard various important positions and advanced day and night (with the main army). Deng Ai, Hu Fen and Wang Bi also arrived. He then formed three armies out of his and those of Deng Ai, Wang Bi and the others, and advanced to Longxi.

[40.5] Sun zi ji ju: “Some armies are not to be struck at, some cities are not to be attacked, some positions are not to be fought for.”

[40.10] Hu Sanxing thinks that Liyang must be a copyist's mistake for Lueyang.

[40.11] Longxi, Nan'an, Tianshui and Lueyang, which at that time was called Guangweijun, but renamed Lueyang in Jin times. Lueyang mentioned in Note 40.10 is a district belonging to the prefecture of Lueyang or Guangwei.

[40.18] Instead of this, SGZ has the following passage: “At first Jiang Wei had thought that the government (i.e. Wei) reinforcements could start only after the troops were all assembled; unexpectedly hearing now of their arrival, he thought that there might be some unusual strategy and well-planned action. In his army, high and low were shaken by fear. Since the Wei army left Longxi, Chen Tai, thinking that in the rugged and out-of-the-way mountain paths the rebels would be sure to lie in ambush, used a strategem and came along the southern route.

Indeed, Jiang Wei had set his troops in ambush for three days.”

This passage is ridiculed by the commentator Pei Songzhi. His argument is that if Jiang Wei had his men lie in ambush, how could he have been taken by surprise by the arrival of the reinforcements and his army shaken by fear? The statement, according to him, makes no sense. Perhaps it is because of this that Sima Guang declined to incorporate it in ZZTJ.

Sgz continues: “He put his army into order and made a secret march, and in the end appeared at their (The Shu troops') south. Jiang Wei then came suddenly along the mountain.”

[40.21] SGZ has: “Chen Tai and Wang Jing made a secret appointment to proceed together and intercept him on his retreat.” This is also impossible; Wang Jing was still within the besieged city. ZZTJ is right in not adopting this sentence.

41. Chen Tai was always of the opinion that whenever there was a local disturbance, the whole Empire was thrown into confusion by false alarm. Therefore he seldom sent dispatches to the Court, and when he sent his dispatches, he used the express post only for a distance of six hundred li. [1] The da jiangjun Sima Zhao said, “The zhengxi (jiangjun) Chen Tai is sober and brave, with a resolute mind. Charged with the heavy duty of a regional commander (fangbo) and about to save a city to the point of capitulation, he did not seek for more troops; and furthermore he seldom sends dispatches. This is so because he is certain that he can manage the rebels. Should not Commanders-in-chief (dudu) and Great Generals (dajiang) be like this?”

[41] SGZ, Biography of Chen Tai.

[41.1] Hu Sanxing writes that the distance between Didao and Luoyang, the capital, was more than two thousand and two hundred li; therefore Chen Tai's dispatches would go only six hundred li by the express post and the remainder of the distance by ordinary means of transportation.

42. Jiang Wei retreated to Zhongti, and there stationed himself.

[42] SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign states: “In the eighteenth year of Yanxi, in spring, Jiang Wei returned to Chengdu. In summer, he again led the various troops and west out to Didao; he fought with the cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing of Wei west of the Tao and inflicted a heavy defeat on him. Wang Jing retreated to the city of Didao and Jiang Wei withdrew to Zhongti, where he stationed himself.”

The actual sentence is in the ZZTJ from SGZ, biography of Deng Ai, where it reads: “In that year (255 AD), Deng Ai was summoned to the capital and was appointed changshui jiaoyu. Because of his merit in having destroyed Wen Qin, et al., his enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Fangchengxiang and he was appointed Acting anxi jiangjun. He relieved the cishi of Yongzhou, Wang Jing, of siege at Didao; Jiang Wei retreated to Zhongti and there stationed himself. And so Deng Ai was appointed anxi jiangjun, with Tally (jiajie), and hu dongQiang jiaoyu.”

43. At first, Dadi of Wu (i.e. Sun Quan) did not establish any Ancestral Temple (Taimiao). Because Wu Lie (i.e. Sun Jian) was once taishou (Prefect) of Changsha, he had his temple built at Linxiang and had the local taishou take charge of offering sacrifices. This was all he did.

Winter, the twelfth month (January 15-February 12, 256 AD). An Ancestral Temple was first established at Jianye, and Dadi was worshiped there as Taizu. [3]

[43] Song shu states: “Sun Quan did not establish Seven Temples. Because his father Sun Jian was once taishou of Changsha, he established Sun Jian's temple at Linxiangxian in Changsha. This was all he did. Sun Quan did not offer sacrifices to this temple in person, but followed the precedent of worshipping at Nandun during the Later Han, and had the local taishou (i.e. of Changsha) offer sacrifices...After Sun Quan's death, his son Sun Liang succeeded to the throne. In the following year, in the first month, he constructed Sun Quan's temple on the east of the palace and called it the Temple of Taizu.”

The date here given differs from those given in Note 43.3. According to the Songshu, the temple must have been constructed in the first month (February 15-March 16) of 253 AD. Sima Guang in his Zizhi Tongjian kao yi takes notice of the dates given in the Wu li and the Song shu, but writes that he prefers to follow the SGZ date, namely, “in the twelfth month” of the second year of Wufeng.

[43.3] SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang reads: “In the twelfth month, Taimiao was constructed.” The Wu li has: “In the first month (February 13-March 13), a temple for Sun Quan was constructed. It was called the Temple of Taizu.”
Last edited by Jordan on Thu Jan 23, 2020 12:31 am, edited 4 times in total.
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Wed Jan 04, 2012 12:01 pm

First Year of Ganlu (256 AD)
Shu: Nineteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: First year of Taiping

1. First month (February 13-March 13). In Han, Jiang Wei was advanced in rank to da jiangjun.

[1] From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, where it reads: “In the nineteenth year of Yanxi, in spring, Jiang Wei's rank was advanced to that of da jiangjun.”

2. Second month. On the day bingchen (March 28), the Emperor entertained his officials in the Eastern Hall of the Taiji(-tien). With various Confucian scholars he discussed the comparative merits of Shaokang of Xia and Gaozu of Han. He decided that Shaokang was superior. [2]

[2] From the Wei shi chunqiu.

[2.2] This is entirely Sima Guang's own sentence. Wei shi chunqiu gives a detailed report of the arguments advocated by the Emperor and his officials. To give a resume, the Emperor asked his officials Xun Yi, Cui Can, Yuan Liang (袁亮), Zhong Yu and Yu Song (虞松) who should be given higher credit, Shaokang of Xia, who brought about the resuscitation of a dynasty fallen into the hands of a usurper, or Gaozu of Han, who founded one. The officials gave preference to the latter. Dissatisfied with this, the Emperor declared his preference for the former and requested his officials to reconsider this. ON the following day (March 29), Xun Yi and Yuan Liang, et al., informed the Emperor that they thought Shaokang must be given preference, while Cui Can, Zhong Yu, Yu Song, et al., maintained that Shaokang was a more virtuous sovereign but accomplished less than Gaozu. Upon which, the Emperor argued that, had there been more records extant, Shaokang's achievements would have been known better.

The whole argument is puerile; one expects such a futile discussion in the Imperial Court. Furthermore, as Qian Daxin remarks, the Emperor, by thus making a hero of Shaokang for himself, was exposing himself to the suspicion of a powerful minister, Sima Zhao.

3. Summer, fourth month. On the day gengxu (May 15), the Emperor conferred vestments consisting of a royal robe and crown on to the da jiangjun Sima Zhao, with red slippers to match.

[3] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it has Sima Wenwang in place of Sima Zhao.

4. On the day bingchen (May 21), the Emperor betook himself to the taixue (Imperial Academy), where he held a discussion with the various Confucian scholars on the Shu and Yi as well as on the Li (ji) [2]; none of these Confucian scholars proved himself a match for the Emperor. [3]

[4] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

[4.2] This is entirely Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ gives a detailed account of the discussion. The Emperor argued on the Yi Jing with the Academician for Yi, Chunyu Jun (淳于俊), on the Shang shu with the Academician Yu Jun, and on the Li Ji with the Academician Ma Zhao (馬照).

[4.3] This is also Sima Guang's own sentence. It appears from the account of the argumentation reported In SGZ, that the Emperor had scored a victory over these three scholars, partly because his view was respected as it was pronounced ex cathedra.

5. The Emperor, together with the zhonghujun Sima Wang, the shizhong Wang Chen, the sanqi changshi Pei Xiu, and the huangmen shilang Zhong Hui, et al., often held scholarly discussions in the Eastern Hall, on which occasions they also wrote literary compositions.

The Emperor gave them special distinctions: He called Pei Xiu an Elder among Confucian scholars, Wang Chen a Master of Records, Sima Wang and Zhong Hui were also granted their own titles. The Emperor was precipitous by nature and invited them to the discussions with haste. Pei Xiu and the others, being invested with official duties within the palace, the Emperor made it a point to give him the carriage Chui-feng-che and five men of the Huben corps; whenever there was an assembly, he would always come post-haste. Pei Xiu was the son of Pei Qian.

[5] From the Jin ju gong can of Fu Chang.

6. Sixth month. On the day bingwu (July 10; the first day of the sixth month), the reign title was changed (from the third year of Zhengyuan to the first year of Ganlu).

[6] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the fifth month (June 10-July 9), both Ye and Shanggu reported that 'sweet dew' had fallen. In summer, in the sixth month, on the day bingwu (July 10), the reign title was changed to the first year of Ganlu (Sweet Dew).” “In summer” here is superfluous, for it was already mentioned with regard to the fourth month.

7. While Jiang Wei was staying in Zhongti, there were many who, in their discussions, maintained that the strength of Jiang Wei was exhausted and he would not be able to make another sally. The Anxi Jiangjun, Deng Ai, said, “At the defeat on the west of the Tao, our loss was not small; our officers and men are worn out and depleted [4], our granaries are empty, and the population is wandering homeless. We are almost reduced to ruin. Allow me now to speak on the situation. Theirs is an army that has won victories, while ours is actually weak; this is the first point. They are well trained, high and low, and their Five Weapons are strong and sharp, while our generals and troops are changed [7] and our implements of war have not recovered their former state; this is the second point. They move in boats, while ours are land troops; they are at ease and we are belabored; this is the third point. Didao, Longxi, Nan'an, and Qishan must all be defended by us; thus, while their forces are undivided, ours are divided among four places; this is the fourth point. If they move towards Nan'an and Longxi, they will live upon the grain in Qiang. If they advance towards Qishan, the ripe wheat in an area of one thousand qing will serve as an extraterritorial granary for them; this is the fifth point. The rebels are sly in their calculation; their coming is certain.”

[7] From SGZ, biography of Deng Ai.

[7.4] SGZ has: “Our troops are destroyed and our generals are killed.” This sentence would normally mean just the opposite: “We destroyed their troops and killed their generals.” But the context here leaves no room for this normal sense. Perhaps in order to avoid this uncomfortable sentence, Sima Guang rewrote it.

[7.7] Chen Tai had sent home the generals and troops who defended Didao and put new personnel in their place. See 255 AD.

8. Autumn, seventh month (August 8-September 6). Jiang Wei again led his troops and went out to Qishan. He was informed that Deng Ai had already prepared against him, and so he retraced his steps and from Dongting proceeded towards Nan'an. Deng Ai occupied the mountain Wuchengshan and offered resistance to him. Jiang Wei contended with Deng Ai for the occupation of a steep terrain but was not successful. ON that night, he crossed the Wei and marched eastwards. Along the mountain he proceeded towards Shanggui. Deng Ai fought with him in the valley Duangu and won a great victory over him. Deng Ai was appointed chenxi jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the troops in Longyou. [4]

[8] From SGZ, biography of Deng Ai. SGZ chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang states, “In autumn, in the seventh month, on the day jimao (August 12), the wei jiangjun Hu Cun died. On the day guiwei (August 16), the anxi jiangjun Deng Ai won a great victory over the da jiangjun Jiang Wei of Shu at Shanggui.” The text here has dajiang (Great General) instead of da jiangjun. The expression is not rare but since Jiang Wei has already been referred to as the da jiangjun, we may interpolate “jun” here.

[8.4] This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ has: “In the first year of Ganlu, an imperial edict read: 'The rebel Jiang Wei has been pressing his iniquities for years; the Chinese people and the barbarians are disturbed and the western territory is in turbulence. Deng Ai planned out appropriate measures; loyally and bravely he exerted himself, killing tens of their generals and decapitating thousands of their men. The prowess of our State has caused Ba and Shu to tremble, and our martial fame is raised in the region of the Jiang and the Min. Herewish shall Deng Ai be appointed zhenxi jiangjun and dudu of all the troops in Longyou; his enfeoffment shall be advanced to that of Lord of Deng and five hundred households shall be ceded for his son Deng Zhong, who shall thus become a Village Lord.'”

9. Jiang Wei had made an appointment with the chenxi da jiangjun Hu Ji of his State to meet at Shanggui. Hu Ji missed the appointment and did not come. [2] Because of this, he was defeated. His officers and men were dispersed everywhere and a very large number died. Thereupon the Shu complained against Jiang Wei. Jiang Wei sent up a letter to the throne, in which he offered an apology and requested his own demotion; and so he, in the capacity of wei jiangjun, acted as da jiangjun. [5]

[9] From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei.

[9.2] Biography of the Second Sovereign reads: “He took command of his troops and made an appointment with the zhenxi jiangjun Hu Ji to meet at Shanggui. Hu Ji broke his agreement and did not come. In autumn, in the eight month (September 7-October 5), Jiang Wei was defeated by the da jiangjun Deng Ai of Wei at Shanggui. Jiang Wei withdrew with his troops and returned to Chengdu.”

Sima Guang's sentence is rather derived from the Huayang Guozhi, where it reads: “In autumn, in the eighth month, Jiang Wei again went out to Tianshui and reached Shanggui. The zhenxi da jiangjun Hu Ji missed his appointment and did not come. Jiang Wei suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the Wei general Deng Ai; a large number of his men died. Thereupon the gentry and the common people complained against Jiang Wei, and the region west of Long also did not have a peaceful year.”

It may be noted that the date of his defeat given here in the two passages is different from that given in Section 8. Also Deng Ai was not da jiangjun.

[9.5] SGZ has: “Jiang Wei offered an apology, placing the blame upon himself and demoting himself in rank; he became hou jiangjun but acted as da jiangjun.”

The Huayang guozhi also has hou jiangjun. In winter, Jiang Wei returned to Chengdu. He offered an apology, placing the blame upon himself, and requested his own demotion. And so Jiang Wei was appointed hou jiangjun and Acting da jiangjun.”

10. Eighth month. On the day gengwu (October 2), the Emperor conferred on Sima Zhao the additional title of da dudu (Marshal of the Land); his ming was not to be mentioned in memorials to the throne; and he conferred the Yellow Ax on him.

[10] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

11. On the day guiyu (October 5), the taiyu Sima Fu was appointed taifu.

[11] From SGZ

12. Ninth month (October 6-November 4). The situ Gao Rou was appointed taiyu.

[12] From SGZ

13. Wen Qin persuaded the Wu of the advantage of making an expedition against Wei. Sun Jun had Wei Qin and the piaoji jiangjun Lü Ju as well as the cheji jiangjun Liu Zuan (劉纂), the chennan jiangjun Zhu Yi and the jian jiangjun Tang Zi start from Jiangdu and enter the Huai and the Si rivers in order to conquer Qingzhou and Xuzhou. Sun Jun bade them farewell at Shitou, when he fell suddenly sick. He entrusted his younger cousin, the pian jiangjun Sun Lin with the execution of matters after his death. [3]

[13] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Jun.

[13.3] SGZ has: “Sun Jun and Teng Yin went to Shitou and bade them farewell, with some hundred men in their suite. They entered Lu Ju's barracks. Lu JU commanded his troops in good order. Sun Jun did not feel well about this and, saying that he was seized by a heart pain, departed. Eventually he dreamt that he was struck by Zhuge Ke. Seized by fear, he fell sick and died at the age of thirty-eight. He entrusted Sun Lin with the execution of matters after his death.”

14. On the day dinghai (October 19), Sun Jun died. The Wu appointed Sun Lin shizhong, wuwei jiangjun and dudu (Commander in Chief) of all the armed forces of the realm, and summoned Lü Ju, et al., to return. [2]

[14] From Sgz, Biography of Sun Liang.

[14.2] SGZ has: “His younger cousin, the pian Jiangjun Sun Lin was appointed shizhong wuwei jiangjun, and Commander of all the armed forces in the realm; and Lu Ju, et al., were summoned to return. Hearing that Sun Lin had succeeded Sun Jun, he was greatly enraged.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin states: “Sun Lin, zi Zitong, had the same paternal grandfather as Sun Jun. Sun Lin's father Sun Zuo was anmin duyu. At first, Sun Lin was pian jiangjun. After Sun Jun died, he became shizhong, wuwei jiangjun, Commander of all the armed forces of the realm, and served as regent.”

It appears from the genealogy of Sun Jun given in his biography in SGZ, that Sun Jian's younger brother Sun Jing begot Sun Song, who begot Sun Gong, whose son was Sun Jun. Since Sun Jun and Sun Lin had a common grandfather, Sun Song also must have been the father of Sun Zuo, father of Sun Lin. In short, Sun Jun and Sun Lin were second cousins, and they were in turn uncles to the young sovereign, Sun Liang.

15. On the day jichou (October 21), in Wu, the da sima Lü Tai died. He was ninety six years of age.

Lü Tai had befriended Xu Yuan (許原) of Wujun intimately. He was a man of grand spirit, talented, and with high aims. Convinced that he was a man of excellent parts, Lü Tai gave him a headgear and a robe as a gift, and exchanged views with him. Afterwards, he recommended him for office, having him appointed as a shiyu shi. By nature, Xu Yuan was loyal and high-spirited, and was found of speaking his mind. Whenever Lü Tai commited an occasional blunder, Xu Yuan always remonstrated with him and also spoke of it openly. Someone informed Lü Tai of this. Lü Tai sighed and said, “It is just for this very reason that I prize Deyuan {Xu Yuan's style name}.” When Xu Yuan died, Lü Tai bewailed him very bitterly and said, “Xu Deyuan (德源) is a friend advantageous to Lü Tai. Now he has died prematurely. Where shall Lü Tai [3] hear of his faults any more?” Those who spoke of it commended him. [4]

[15] Except for the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Lü Tai. Lü Tai is recorded to have died in the First Year of Taiping, at the age of ninety-six. In that case, he lived 161-256 AD.

[15.3] From the Lunyu: “There are three friendships which are advantageous, and three which are injurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship with the sincere; and friendship with the man of much observation—these are advantageous.”

[15.4] Lunyu has: “Unfortunately, his appointed time was short and he died; and now there is not such another.” Lü Tai knew his classics well.

16. Hearing that Sun Lin had succeeded Sun Jun as regent-guardian, Lü Ju was greatly enraged. [1] He and various other commanders and generals together signed a memorial to the throne recommending Teng Yin to be chengxiang. Sun Lin, however, had Teng Yin appointed as da sima, to succeed to Lü Tai's post in Wuchang. Lü Ju retreated with the army and sent a messenger to Teng Yin with a proposal that they should together expel Sun Lin.

Winter, tenth month. On the day dingwei (November 8), Sun Lin sent his elder cousin Sun Xian (孫憲) with troops to encounter Lü Ju at Jiangdu [4] and through the Imperial envoy (zhongshi) commanded Wen Qin, Liu Zuan, Tang Zi, et al., to strike together and seize Lü Ju. He also sent the shizhong and zuo jiangjun Hua Rong (華融) and the zhongshu cheng Ding Yan (丁宴) to tell Teng Yin to go speedily to his post in Wuchang

Thinking that disaster was about to befall him, Teng Yin detained Hua Rong and Ding Yan, and put his troops in order for his self-protection. He summoned the dianjun Yang Chong (楊崇) and the jiangjun Sun Zi (孫咨) and informed them that Sun Lin was making an insurrection. He forced Hua Rong and the others to write a letter to Sun Lin making accusations against him.

Sun Lin took no heed of it, but memorialized to the throne that Teng Yin had rebelled; with a promise of enfeoffment, he had the jiangjun Liu Cheng (劉丞) lead infantry and cavalry to attack and besiege Teng Yin. Teng Yin again coerced Hua Rong and the others to forge an edict mobilizing the army. Hua Rong and the others would not obey, so he killed them all.

Someone advised Teng Yin to go with his troops to the gate Cang Longmen: “Seeing Your Excellency, the generals and troops will be certain to leave Sun Lin and join your Excellency.” It was then already midnight. Teng Yin, relying on the appointment he had made with Lü Ju and, furthermore, because it was difficult to proceed with his troops to the palace, he proclaimed to his troops, “Lord Lü is already near at hand.” They therefore did not disperse and died on Teng Yin's behalf. Teng Yin did not change his facial expression, but talked and laughed as usual.

At that time there was a heavy wind. The day broke, but still Lü Ju did not come. Sun Lin's troops massed and eventually killed Teng Yin as well as tens of his generals and troops. He exterminated the members of Teng Yin's family to the third degree.

[16] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

[16.1] SGZ, Biography of Lü Ju appended to that of his father Lü Fan reads: “In the first year of Taiping, Lü Ju led an army and went to invade Wei. He had not yet reached the Huai, when it came to his knowledge that Sun Jun had died and his younger cousin, Sun Lin, had himself succeeded to his post. In great anger, Lü Ju retreated with the army and wanted to expel Sun Lin. Hearing of this, Sun Lin had the Imperial envoy carry an edict commanding Wen Qin, Liu Zuan, Tang Zi and the others to seize Lü Ju.”

[16.4] Sgz, Biography of Sun Liang, reads: “In winter, in the tenth month, on the day dingwei, he sent Sun Xian as well as Ding Feng and Shi Guan, et al., to go along with boat troops and encounter Lü Ju at Jiangdu. He also sent the jiangjun Liu Cheng to command a detachment of infantry and cavalry, and attack Teng Yin. Teng Yin was defeated, and he and his family were exterminated.”

SGZ, Biography of Lü Ju has: “Sun Lin also sent his elder cousin Sun Lu with the troops from the capital to encounter Lü Ju at Jiangdu.”

It must be remarked here that Sun Lu is an error; he was a son of Sun Quan and died years ago (see 232 AD). Sima Guang is right in rejecting this name.

17. On the day jiyu (November 10), a general amnesty was proclaimed and the reign title was changed to the first year of Taiping.

[17] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang where it reads: “On the day jiyu, a general amnesty was granted and the reign title was changed.”

18. There was someone who advised Lü Ju to flee to Wei. Lü Ju said, “I think it is shameful to become a deserter.” In the end, he committed suicide, and the members of his family were exterminated to the third degree.

[18] From SGZ, Biography of Lü Ju. It seems that Lü Ju meet his doom on November 12, as can e seen from SGZ Biography of Sun Liang: “On the day xinhai (november 12), Lü Ju was seized at Xinzhou.”

19. The sigong Zheng Chong was appointed situ and the shangshu zuo puyi Lu Yu sigong.

[19] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where the sentence is prefixed by the date, “In winter, in the tenth month (November 5-December 3).”

20. Lu Yu earnestly declined the appointment in favor of the piaoji jiangjun Wang Chang, the guanglu dafu Wang Guan and the sili jiaoyu Wang Xiang of Langye. The Emperor did not permit it.

[20] From SGZ, Biography of Lü Yu, which reads:

“After the Duke of Gaoguixiang had acceded to the throne, his enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Daliangxiang and one son of his was enfeoffed Lord of Gaoting. When Guanqiu Jian rebelled and the da jiangjun Sima Jingwang went out on an expedition, Lu Yu took charge of state business in his absence. He was given the additional title of shizhong. In the third year of Zhengyuan, he resigned because of ill health. He was promoted to the post of sigong. He earnestly declined the appointment in favor of the piaoji jiangjun Wang Chang, the guanglu da fu Wang Guan and the sili jiaoyu Wang Xiang. The Emperor, through a messenger, ordered him to accept the seal immediately. His enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Rongcheng with an appanage of two thousand and three hundred households. In the second year of Ganlu, he died, and was canonized Lord Cheng. His grandson LU Fan became his heir.”

21. Wang Xiang was by nature exceedingly filial. His stepmother, Ju, treated him inhumanly, but Wang Xiang served her the most respectfully and prudently.

When Wang Lan (王覽), the son born of Madame Ju, was only a few years old, he would always cry and hold his mother with his arms whenever he saw Wang Xiang beaten. When his mother sent Wang Xiang on inhuman errands, Wang Lan would always go with him. Having grown up, he married; and whenever his stepmother maltreated Wang Xiang's wife, Wang Lan's wife would also hasten to be with her. The step-mother was alarmed at this and desisted to some extent. Wang Xiang gradually became an object of praise in his time; profoundly annoyed at this, the stepmother tried to poison Wang Xiang secretly. Knowing this, Wang Lan rose up rapidly to take the wine, but Wang Xiang would not give it up. The stepmother made haste to seize the cup and pour the wine out. After this, whenever the stepmother gave food to Wang Xiang, Wang Lan would always taste it first. Afraid that Wang Lan might be poisoned, the stepmother desisted from her murderous attempts.

At the end of the Han dynasty, when the Empire was in turmoil, Wang Xiang lived in seclusion for more than thirty years, not accepting any provincial or prefectural appointment. After his stepmother died, he mourned her until he was emaciated; he could rise only with the help of a cane. The cishi (Governor) of Xuzou, Lü Qian appointed him his biejia, entrusting him with the administration of Xuzhou [12]. All of Xuzhou became peaceful and quiet, the good influence of his administration coursing magnificently. Men of the time sang of him, “The prosperity of the region between the sea and the Yi, we owe to Wang Xiang; that our country is not empty, is due to the merit of the biejia.”

[21] Paragraph 3 is from the Jin Shu, Biography of Wang Xiang. Paragraph 2 is from the Jin Shu. Wang Xiang's filial piety is celebrated in the ershisi xiao (Twenty-Four Instances of Filial Piety).

Jin Shu states: “Wang Xiang, zi Xiuzheng, was a man of Linyi in Langye; he was a descendent of the jianyi dafu of Han, Wang Ji. His grandfather Wang Ren was cishi of Qingzhou. His father Wang Rong was given a governmental appointment, but did not accept it. Wang Xiang was by nature exceedingly filial. He lost his mother very early. His stepmother named Ju was not motherly to him, slandering him time and time again. Hence he lost his father's affection; he was always ordered to gather cattle dung. But Wang Xiang served her the more respectfully and prudently.

When his father or stepmother was sick, he continued to wear his clothes, without loosening the belt; the boiled herbs he would taste first. Once his stepmother wanted to have live fish; at that time it was cold and the water was frozen. Wang Xiang took off his clothes and hammered at the ice to obtain the fish. Suddenly, the ice opened of itself and two carp jumped out. He carried them home. His stepmother also wanted to have roasted sparrows; this time also, several sparrows flew into his tent. These he again served his stepmother. People of his village marvelled at this and thought that it was all due to his filial piety. There was an apple tree with apples about to ripen; the stepmother ordered him to watch it. Whenever there was a storm, Wang Xiang stood with his arms around the tree. So sincerely was he filial.”

The Ca yu of Sun Sheng also gives the story of the fish in winter; otherwise there is no further information about it.

[21.12] Jin shu has: “The cishi of Xuzhou Lu Qian appointed him his biejia. Nearing the age of sixty, Wang Xiang earnestly declined the appointment; but Wang Lan persuaded him and provided a cart and oxen for him. And so, Wang Xiang accepted the appointment. Lu Qian entrusted him with the administration of Xuzhou.”

The Jin shu of Wang Yin states: “When Wang Xiang first became a government official, he was more than fifty years of age...he died in the fourth year of Taishi (268 AD) at the age of eighty-nine.” In other words, he lived 180-268 AD. According to the Jin shu, Wang Xiang was almost sixty or at least more than fifty, when he became biejia of Xuzhou. We may suppose his age at that time to be about fifty-five. That is, his appointment took place about 234 AD. In short, the events narrated in the present section happened sometime about 234 AD and earlier.

22. Eleventh month (December 4, 256 AD-January 2, 257 AD). In Wu, Sun Lin was prompted to the post of da jiangjun. Sun Lin, relying on his exalted position, was arrogant and haughty, doing many things contrary to the rules of propriety. Sun Jun's younger cousin Sun Xian had participated in putting Zhuge Ke to death. Hence, Sun Jun treated him liberally. He reached the official rank of you jiangjun, du (Commander) of the Wunan army, and Controller of the Nine Ministers of State. Sun Lin treated him less favorably than during Sun Jun's time. Sun Xian was enraged and with the jiangjun Wang Dun, plotted to assassinate Sun Lin, but the plot leaked out. Sun Lin put Wang Dun to death, while Sun Xian took poison and died.

[22] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

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Second Year of Ganlu (257 AD)
Shu: Twentieth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Taiping

1. Spring, third month (April 2-April 30). Lord Cheng of Daliang, Lu Yu, died.

[1] SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang has: “In the second month, the sigong Lu Yu died.”

Here Sima Guang errs: at the time of his death, Lu Yu was Lord of Rongcheng, and not of Daliangxiang.

2. Summer, fourth month (May 1-May 30). The sovereign of Wu betook himself to the Main Hall and granted a general amnesty; he began to rule in person. He raised objections to many of the proposals in Sun Lin's memorial. Furthermore, for his troops, he enlisted sons and younger brothers, between the ages of fifteen and eighteen, more than three thousand boys in all, and selected the brave and the muscular from among the sons and younger brothers of Great Generals and appointed them as commanders. He drilled them daily in his garden. He said, “I want to grow together with this army of mine.”

[2] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang.

3. And then, he often went out to the zhongshu (Chancellary) and inspected ancient documents from the time of Dadi. He interrogated his attendant officials, “The late Emperor often issued special edicts (at the request of others); but now, would the da jiangjun (Sun Lin), whenever he consults me, have me do nothing else but write, 'Approved?'”

Once, when he was eating unripe plums, he ordered a huangmen to fetch honey from the Palace Storehouse. IN the honey there was a mouse's excrement. He summoned and questioned the official in charge of the Storehouse, who knocked his head on the ground. The Sovereign of Wu said, “Did the huangmen demand honey for himself from you?” The official said, “He demanded, but I did not dare to give it to him.” The huangmen did admit that he did. The sovereign of Wu ordered that the mouse's excrement be broken open. [10] The inside of the excrement was dry. Thereupon he laughed noisily and said to his attendants, “If the excrement had been in the honey for a long time, it ought to be wet both on the inside and the outside, but it is actually wet on the outside and dry on the inside. This must be the huangmen's doing.” When he interrogated him, the culprit confessed. The attendants were all astonished and feared him. [15]

[3] From the Wu li.

[3.10] Wu li has: “The shizhong Diao xuan and Zhang Bin proposed that the huangmen and the official in charge of the storehouse, their words being in disagreement, ought to be arrested and the matter should be investigated exhaustively. Sun Liang said, 'It is easy to get to the truth.' He ordered that the mouse's excrement be broken open.”

[3.15] So also in the Wu li. With regard to the story here narrated, the Jiang biao zhuan reads: “Sun Liang had a huangmen carry a silver bowl with a lid to the official in charge of the Palace Storehouse and bring back the cane sugar offered from Jiaozhou. The huangmen had been harboring a grudge against the official in charge of the storehouse. Sun Liang summoned the official to come with the vessel containing the sugar. He asked, 'This vessel has a lid, and also is covered; there is no possibility of this mishap. Has the huangmen any grudge against you?'

The official knocked his head and said, 'He once asked me for a sedge mat used in the palace. The number of mats in the palace being fixed, I did not dare to give him one.' Sun Liang said, 'This must be it.' When he interrogated him again, the huangmen confessed. He then had the man's hair shorn off and had him flogged in his presence, and committed him in disgrace to an office outside the palace.”

Having quoted the two different version of the story, the commentator Pei Songzhi writes: “I think mouse's excrement, when fresh, is wet both inside and outside. Had the huangmen got hold of fresh excrement, there would have been no way to expose his trick. It happened to have been excrement which was dry (on the outside), hence Sun Liang was assisted in demonstrating his cleverness. But I am of the opinion that the Wu li story is not as reliable as the one given in the Jiang biao zhuan.”

It seems that the present folio, SGZ, Wu, must have been printed rather carelessly. There are three misprints.

4. The zhengdong da jiangjun, Zhuge Dan, was once a friend of Xiahou Xuan, Deng Yang and the others. When Xiahou Xuan and the others died, Wang Ling and Guanqiu Jian were put to death in quick succession and their families exterminated, and so Zhuge Dan was not at ease in his mind. [1] He therefore squandered all his fortunes in giving alms and gave illegal pardon to the condemned in order to win popularity. [2] He supported several thousand chivalrous men of Yangzhou, who swore loyalty to him unto death. When the Wu were about to proceed to the Xu dam, he seized this opportunity and requested one hundred thousand troops to guard Shouchun. [4] He also requested permission to construct fortifications along the Huai to prepare against the incursions of the Wu. [5]

[4] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan, where the following sentence precedes, “Zhuge Dan's enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Gaoping, with an appanage of three thousand five hundred households, and he was promoted to be zhengdong da jiangjun.”

Zhuge Dan's promotion is chronicled in SGZ, Chronicle of the duke of Gaoguixiang, under the second year of Zhengyuan, 255 AD: “In autumn, in the seventh month (August 20-September 17), the zhengdong da jiangjun Hu Cun was appointed wei jiangjun, and the zhendong da jiangjun Zhuge Dan was appointed zhengdong da jiangjun.”

[4.1] SGZ has: “Zhuge Dan had been most intimate with Xiahou Xuan and Deng Yang; then, when Wang Ling and Guanqiu Jian were exterminated in succession, he was afraid and ill at ease.” We may recollect that Deng Yang met his death in 249, Wang Ling in 251, Xiahou Xuan in 254 and Guanqiu Jian in 255 AD.”

[4.2] SGZ has: “He squandered his fortune in giving alms in order to win popularity.” The phrase “gave illegal pardon to the condemned” is Sima Guang's, rewritten from the Wei shu: “Zhuge Dan was inordinate in meting out rewards and distributing gifts: he acted against the law and gave pardon to those who had committed crimes punishable by death.”

[4.4] SGZ has: “In the first year of Ganlu (256 AD), in winter, the Wu rebels were about to proceed to Xu'a. Zhuge Dan, although the troops under his command were found to be sufficient to meet them, requested an additional one hundred thousand troops to guard Shouchun.” Xu'a (the Xu Dam) is identical with Xutang, situated east of Dongguan.

[4.5] SGZ also has: “He also requested permission to construct fortifications along the Huai to prepare against incursion, but his secret intention was to have Huainan in his power.”

5. When Sima Zhao first took control of the government, his changshi Jia Chong requested him to dispatch his subordinate officials to the four zheng to offer them thanks and also to observe their aims. Sima Zhao sent Jia Chong to Huainan. [1]

Jia Chong saw Zhuge Dan and discussed the politics of the day, on which occasion he said, “The worthy gentleman of Luoyang all desire the Emperor to abdicate in favor of a new Ruling House. This is what you yourself are aware of. What is your opinion on this point?” In a raised voice, Zhuge Dan said, “Are you not the son of Jia Kui, the Governor of Yuzhou? For two generations, your family has been receiving favors from the Wei; how is it possible that you wish to have the dynasty turned over to someone else? Should there be any such extraordinary happening in Luoyang, I shall die for the cause.” Jia Chong kept silent.

When he returned, he spoke to Sima Zhao, “Having been stationed in Yangzhou twice, Zhuge Dan has won the hearts of the troops and the people. [11] If you summon him now, he will be certain not to come, but he will speed his rebellion, and little harm will have been done. If you do not summon him now, his rebellion will break out tardily and the harm will be great. It is better to summon him now.” Sima Zhao followed his advice.

[5] Paragraphs 1 and 3 are from the Shiyu. Paragraph 2 is from the Wei mo zhuan. The sequence of these three paragraphs is first adopted in the Jin shu, Biography of Jia Chong. Sima Guang also follows the Jin shu here, some of the details (especially in paragraph 2) being identical with those in the Jin shu version.

[5.1] Shi yu has: “After Sima Wenwang took control of the government, his changshi Jia Chong maintained that he should dispatch his subordinate officials to the four zheng to offer them thanks, and so he sent Jia Chong to Shouchun.” The four zheng are the four da jiangjun with zhengdon, zhengxi, zhengnan, and zhengbei, respectively prefixed to their titles. They were stationed in the four quarters of the land, evidently wielding supreme military authority in their own areas.

Jin Shu differs radically from the Shi yu: “Afterwards Jia Chong became sima to the da jiangjun, who was Wendi (Sima Zhao), and was then transferred to be you zhangshi. Wendi had recently taken power in the Court and was afraid that the military commanders of the four quarters (i.e. the four zheng) might object to him; he had Jia Chong go to Zhuge Dan to consult him on an expedition against the Wu, but the secret intention was to find out how he was disposed toward him.”

[5.11] Shi yu has: “Zhuge Dan has been in Yangzhou twice, where he has earned a reputation for his prowess and popularity.” Jin Shu has: “Zhuge Dan has been in Yangzhou twice; he earned his reputation for prowess very early and has been able to secure the people's devotion to him unto death. As far as I can observe from his scheme, he is certain to rebel.” Zhuge Dan was stationed in Yangzhou, first as its cishi as well as zhendong jiangjun, and then as zhengdong da jiangjun.

6. On the day jiazi (May 24), the Emperor appointed Zhuge Dan as sigong and summoned him to the capital. Having received the Imperial edict, Zhuge Dan became all the more afraid. Suspecting that the cishi of Yangzhou, Yue Lin, was disloyal to him, he killed Yue Lin (樂綝). [3] He levied the government troops who had been engaged in husbandry in the military agricultural colonies in the various prefectures and districts in Huainan and Huaibei, some ten odd myriads of men, as well as those men in Yangzhou who had recently joined him and were able to bear arms, forty or fifty thousand men; he collected provisions, sufficient for a year, and thus planned to defend his position by closing all the city gates. He sent his changshi Wu Gang with his youngest son Zhuge Jing (諸葛靚) to the Wu to call himself a vassal and request help; he also requested them to make hostages of the sons and younger brothers of his yamen generals. [5]

[6] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the fourth month, on the day jiazi, the zhengdong dajiangjun Zhuge Dan was appointed sigong.”

[6.3] SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan states: “The court had some inkling that Zhuge Dan was suspicious; because Zhuge Dan was a senior official, it wanted to make him come to the capital, where measures might be taken against him. In the second year of Ganlu, in the fifth month (May 31-June 28), he was summoned to be sigong. Having received the Imperial edict, Zhuge Dan became the more afraid. In the end he rebelled and summoned his subordinate generals for an assembly. He himself led the troops, attacked the cishi of Yangzhou Yue Lin, and killed him.”

The discrepancy regarding the date of Zhuge Dan's appointment may be thus explained: the day jiazi of the fourth month must have been the day when the appointment was issued, while the indefinite day in the fifth mont must be that on which Zhuge Dan received the edict of appointment. On the other hand, the discrepencies regarding the date of Yue Lin's death cannot be explained this way. SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang states: “In the fifth month, on the day yihai (June 4), Zhuge Dan refused to accept the appointment; on the contrary, he mobilized troops and killed the cishi of Yangzhou Yue Lin.” But the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi states: “In summer, in the fifth month, on the day xinwei (May 31), the zhendong (sic) da jiangjun Zhuge Dan killed the cishi of Yangzhou Yue Lin.” Perhaps the erroneous title “zhendong” (it ought to have been zhengdong) may lead us to suspect the date also.

As for Zhuge Dan's suspicion of Yue Lin, the Shi yu states: “And so Sima Wenwang had him (Zhuge Dan) appointed as sigong. When th dispatch came, Zhuge Dan said, 'I ought to become a Ducal Minister only after Wang Wenshu (Wenshu is the zi of Wang Chang). Now, I am appointed as sigong, but they have not sent an envoy to me but a mere courier bearing a dispatch with the injunction that I turn over the command of my troops to Yue Lin. Yue Lin must be behind all this.'

He then led his attendants, several hundred of them, and went to Yangzhou. The people of Yangzhou wanted to close the city gates. Zhuge Dan scolded them and said, 'Are you not my former officials?' (Zhuge Dan once was cishi of Yangzhou). He forthwith entered the city. Yue Lin fled to the upper story of the building, where he was killed.”

[6.5] SGZ: “He sent the zhangshi Wu Gang along with his youngest son (Zhuge Jing) to the Wu to request help.” SGZ Biography of Sun Liang states: “In the fifth month (May 31-June 28), the zhengdong da jiangjun Zhuge Dan of Wei defended his position in the walled city of Shou Chun. He sent the jiangjun Zhu Cheng to call himself a vassal and send up a memorial to the throne. He also sent his son Zhuge Jing, his zhangshi Wu Gang, and the sons and younger brothers of his various yamen generals as hostages.”

The ZZTJ sentence is not exact. It was Zhu Cheng who was sent to the Wu on behalf of Zhuge Dan to offer allegiance, not Wu Gang.

7. The wives of Teng Yin and Lü Ju of Wu were both younger sisters of the du (Commander of Xiakou), Sun Yi (孫壹). [1] In the sixth month (June 29-July 28), Sun Lin had the chennan jiangjun Zhu Yi lead troops from Hulin and launch a surprise attack against Sun Yi. [2] When Zhu Yi came to Wuchang, Sun Yi, together with his troops and subordinates came over to the Wei. On the day yisi (July 4), the Emperor appointed Sun Yi as cheqi jiangjun and mu (Governor) of Jiaozhou, enfeoffed him as Lord of Wu, authorized him to open his own headquarters and appoint his own officials with the same status as the Three Ducal Ministers, and conferred on him a vestment consisting of a royal robe and crown, and red slippers, all on a munificent scale. [4]

[7] With regard to the event in this section, SGZ, Biography of Sun Huan states: “At the age of forty, Sun Huan died in the third year of Jiahe (234 AD). His son Sun Cheng succeeded him; in the capacity of zhaowu zhonglangjiang, he inherited command of his troops and the post of prefect. In the sixth year of Chiwu (243 AD), he died without a son. His younger half brother Sun Yi, born of his father's concubine, was appointed to be Sun Huan's heir. He succeeded to his father's post and became a jiangjun. When Sun Jun put Zhuge Ke to death, Sun Yi, together with Quan Xi and Shi Ji attacked Zhuge Ke's younger brother Zhuge Rong, the du (Commander) of Gong'an. Zhuge Rong committed suicide. Sun Yi was promoted from the post of zhennan jiangjun to that of zhenjun jiangjun, with Tally (jiajie), and du of Xiakou.

Afterwards, Sun Lin put Teng Yin and Lü Ju to death. Lü Ju and Teng Yin were both husbands of Sun Yi's younger sisters. Then again, Sun Yi's younger brother Sun Feng participated in the conspiracy of Teng Yin and Lü Ju, and committed suicide. Sun Lin sent Zhu Yi to march secretly and launch a surprise attack on Sun Yi. When Zhu Yi came to Wuchang, Sun Yi became aware that he was going to attack him; he led his troops and subordinates, more than one thousand persons, and fled to Wei, taking with him on the way Teng Yin's widowed wife. The Wei appointed Sun Yi as cheji jiangjun, with the same status as the Three Ducal Ministers, and enfeoffed him Lord of Wu; they gave him Lady Xing, a former guiren of the former Sovereign Cao Fang (i.e. the Prince of Qi) as wife.”

Sun Huan, father of Sun Yi, was a son of Sun Jing, the youngest brother of Sun Jian (father of Sun Quan). As Sun Lin was a grandson of Sun Song, the eldest son of Sun Jing (see 256 AD), Sun Yi was a first cousin once removed of Sun Lin and a cousin of Sun Liang, the ruling sovereign.

[7.1] IN 251 AD, it is said that Teng Yin married a princess; this princess must be the sister of Sun Yi. If this is true, Sima Guang was too hasty in writing that he was a son-in-law of the Sovereign of Wu Sun Quan.

[7.2] SGZ of Sun Liang states: “In the sixth month, Sun Liang had Wen Qin, Tang Zi, Quan Duan, et al., with thirty thousand foot soldiers and cavalrymen, give help to Zhuge Dan, and had Zhu Yi lead troops from Hulin and launch a surprise attack on Xiakou. The du of Xiakou, Sun Yi, fled to Wei.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhu Yi states: “In the first year of Jianxing (253 AD), Zhu YI was promoted to be zhennan jiangjun.”

[7.4] The munificent treatment accorded Sun Yi is already described in the General Note, but the ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the sixth month, on the day yisi, the Emperor issued an edict: 'The envoy from Wu, with tally (chijie), dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces at Xiakou, zhenjun jiangjun and Lord of Shaxian, Sun Yi, is a collateral relative of the rebel (Sun Liang), and his rank is that of a High General. Fearing Heaven and knowing its mandate, he has profoundly observed what is misfortune and what is blessing; turning over a new leaf, he has led his hordes and come to offer allegiance to us from afar.

The departure of the Viscount of Wei from Yin and the flight of Yue Yi to Yan cannot be more meritorious than this. Herewith shall Sun Yi be appointed a shizhong, juji jiangjun, with Tally (jiajie), mu (Governor) of Jiaozhou, and Lord of Wu; he is authorized to open his own headquarters and appoint his own officials, with the same status as the Three Ducal Ministers. In accordance with the ancient formality of the “Eight Appointments” of marquises and counts, he shall be given a vestment of a royal robe and crown, and red slippers, all on a munificent scale.'”

This farce was played, as Hu Sanxing writes, with the intention of inducing more men to come and surrender. We may note that the vestment of a royal robe and crown together with red slippers were what Sima Zhao had been given also.

8. Sima Zhao had the Emperor and Empress Dowager accompany him on his expedition against Zhuge Dan.

[8] From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi, where it reads: “In autumn, in the seventh month (July 29-August 26), Wendi (i.e. Sima Zhao) had the Son of Heaven and the Empress Dowager accompany him on his eastern expedition.”

SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang reads: “In the fifth month, on the day dingchou (June 6), the Imperial edict read: 'Zhuge Dan has revolted, and Yangzhou has fallen into his hands. Of old, when Jing Bu rebelled, Gaozu of Han, in person, conducted the campaign; when Wei Xiao disobeyed, Guangwudi led a western campaign. Also Liezu Minghuangdi (i.e. Cao Rui), in person, directed the expedition against the Wu and Shu. In all these, they were emphasizing their imperial ire and making their prowess illustrious. Now, it is proper that the Empress Dowager and I betake ourselves for awhile to the battlefield in order to quell the obnoxious rebel speedily and restore peace to East China quickly.”

The contents of this edict are reproduced in the Jin shu, where they are represented as Sima Zhao's memorial to the throne. Sima Zhao took these precautionary measures because he was afraid that, in his absence, someone might induce the Emperor and the Empress Dowager to form a plot against him.

9. When Wu Gang reached Wu, the Wu rejoiced greatly. They had the jiangjun Quan Yi, Quan Duan, Tang Zi, and Wang Zuo (王祚) lead a horde of thirty thousand men and, in unison with Wen Qin, give help to Zhuge Dan. They appointed Zhuge Dan as zuo duhu, with Tally (jiajie), da situ, piaoqi jiangjun, and mu (Governor) of Jingzhou, and enfeoffed him as Lord of Shouchun. Quan Yi was Quan Cong's son. Quan Duan was one of his nephews.

[9] From SGZ, biography of Zhuge Dan.

10. Sixth month. On the day jiazi (July 23), the Imperial carriages halted at Xiang. [1] Sima Zhao, leading various troops amounting to two hundred and sixty thousand men, advanced and halted at Qiutou. [2] The chennan jiangjun Wang Ji, appointed to act as chendong jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yangzhou and Yuzhou, and the andong jiangjun Chen Qian and the others, besieged Shouchun.

Wang Ji had just arrived and the siege was not yet complete, when Wen Qin, Quan Yi and the others took up an advantageous position on the hill at the northeast of the city and were thus able to rush into the city with their troops. [4]

[10] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan. There, Paragraph 1 is found after Paragraph 2.

[10.1] SGZ Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang: “On the day of jiazi, the imperial edict read: 'Now, the imperial carriages are halted at Xiang. The da jiangjun, reverently administering the Heaven-ordained punishment, is advancing towards the Huai. Of old, when the xiangguo (Sima Yi) and the da sima (Sima Shi) made their campaigns, they both went with the shangshu. It is proper that the ancient usage now be followed.' And so he ordered the sanji changshi Pei Xiu and the jishi and huangmen shilang Zhong Hui to go along with the da jiangjun.”

[10.2] SGZ has: “The da jiangjun Sima Wenwang, leading various troops from the metropolis and the provinces amounting to two hundred and sixty thousand men, proceeded towards the Huai to attack him. The da jiangjun halted at Qiutou.”

[10.4] SGZ has: “At this time, the zhennan jiangjun Wang Ji had just arrived and directed the various troops in the siege of Shouchun; the siege was not yet complete, when Tang Zi and Wen Qin and the others took...” ZZTJ replaces Tang Zi by Quan Yi, whom Sima Guang perhaps thought was more important than the former.

As for the hill mentioned, Hu Sanxing writes that outside of the city of Shouchun there is only Bagong Shan on its north.

11. Sima Zhao ordered Wang Ji to keep his troops back and fortify the encampments. Wang Ji repeatedly requested permission to advance and attack. It happened that Zhu Yi of Wu, leading thirty thousand men, advanced and halted at Anfeng, thus serving as Wen Qin's external reinforcements. [3] By an Imperial command, Wang Ji was ordered to lead his various troops and occupy the Northern Hill. Wang Ji said to his subordinate generals, “Now, our fortifications are getting stronger and our troops are on the point of being assembled; we have only to apply all our thoughts to guarding our positions, in the meantime preventing them from making a sortie and fleeing. Should we move our men and defend the defiles (of the Northern Hill), giving the enemy freedom of action, then even a man of the greatest wisdom will not be able to repair the consequences.”

Then, making a decision on his own authority, he sent up a dispatch to the throne, “Now that we are face to face with the enemy, we ought to be as immovable as a mountain. Were we to move our position to take the defiles, our troops would be perturbed; there would be a great diminution of our strength. The various troops are placed behind deep ditches and high walls, and the mind of the multitude is calm and composed; they should not be disturbed by moving them. This is the essence of the art of commanding an army.” When the letter was brought in, the Emperor gave his approval.

[11] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji, where the following passage precedes: “After Wen Qin and the others were quelled, Wang Ji was promoted to be zhennan jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yuzhou, and cishi (Governor) of Yuzhou, and was enfeoffed as Lord of Anlexiang. He sent up a petition to the throne requesting that he be allowed to cede two hundred households from his fief and confer it on Wang Qiao, son of his father's younger brother, and enfeoff him as a Guannei Lord. This he did as an act of gratitude to his paternal uncle who brought him up. The Emperor gave him special permission. When Zhuge Dan rebelled, Wang Ji, in his own official capacity, acted as zhendong jiangjun and dudu of all the armed forces in Yangzhou and Yuzhou. At this time, the main forces were at Xiang.”

[11.3] SGZ has: “It happened that the Wu had sent Zhu Yi to Ancheng to reinforce Zhuge Dan.” The ZZTJ sentence is partly from the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin: “The da jiangjun Zhuge Dan of Wei rebelled at Shouchun and defended his position in the city. He begged to surrender to the Wu. Sun Lin sent Wen Qin, Tang Zi, Quan Duan, Quan Yi, et al., with an army of thirty thousand men to reinforce him. The zhennan jiangjun Wang Ji of Wei besieged Zhuge Dan. Wen Qin and the others broke through the siege and entered the city. The Wei, with their entire forces, metropolitan and provincial, some twenty odd myriads in all, strengthened their siege of Zhuge Dan. Zhu Yi, leading thirty thousand men, halted at the city of Anfeng, thus serving as reinforcements to Wen Qin.”

With regard to the divergence in the name of the city, Zhao Yiqing writes that Ancheng is south of Shouzhou and the city of Anfeng southwest of Shouzhou; the two cities are quite near one another, hence the variations of the two passages.

12. Thereupon, Wang Ji and the others laid siege to the city from all sides, with double columns of men, and made ditches and ramparts exceedingly strong. Wen Qin and the others made repeated sorties against the siege, but were repulsed. Sima Zhao also had the fenwu jiangjun and Superintendent of all the armed forces in Jingzhou, Shi Bao, direct the cishi of Yanzhou, Zhou Tai, and the cishi of Xuzhou, Hu Zhi, et al., and selected picked troops who were organized into a mobile detachment against the enemy on the outside.

[12] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan.

13. Zhou Tai put Zhu Yi to rout at Yangyuan. Zhu Yi fled, but Zhou Tai pursued him, killing and wounding two thousand men. In autumn, in the seventh month (July 29-August 26), the da jiangjun Sun Lin of Wu marched out with a large force and halted at Huoli. He again sent Zhu Yi forth, with the jiangjun Ding Feng, Li Fei (黎斐) and the others, and fifty thousand men, to relieve Shouchun from the siege. Zhu Yi left baggage at Dulu and advanced to Liqiang, where he encamped. Shi Bao and Zhou Tai again struck at him and put him to rout. [6] The taishou of Taishan, Hu Lie, with an extraordinary detachment of five thousand men launched a surprise attack on Dulu, and burned all of Zhu Yi's provisions.

Leading the remnant of the troops and taking Pueraria leaves, Zhu Yi retreated in flight to Sun Lin's position. [8] Sun Lin ordered Zhu Yi to renew the battle and fight to the death, but Zhu Yi did not obey Sun Lin's order on the grounds that the troops lacked food. Sun Lin was enraged. IN the ninth month, on the day jisi (September 26), Sun Lin killed Zhu Yi at Huoli. [10] ON the day xinwei (September 28), he returned with the troops to Jianye. Sun Lin was, in the first place, unable to rescue Zhuge Dan and, in the second place, he lost his men in defeat, also killing, on his own authority, a general of renown. Hence all the Wu complained of him.

[13] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

[13.6] SGZ gives a more detailed account: “Zhu Yi sent the jiangjun Ren Du and Zhang Zhen, et al., to enlist six thousand volunteers and make a pontoon bridge six li west of the encampment. They crossed the river during the night and constructed a crescent moon shaped encampment (on the other side of the river). But they were put to rout by the Superintendent of troops of Wei, Shi Bao and Zhou Tai. The detachment retreated and took to an elevation. Zhu Yi furthermore constructed engines, with which he went and besieged the city of Wumu. Shi Bao and Zhou Tai again attacked Zhu Yi; Zhu Yi was defeated and retreated.”

[13.8] This sentence is not in SGZ. Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi has: “In the eighth month (August 27-September 25), the Wu general Zhu Yi led more than ten thousand men. He left luggage behind at Dulu and with light armed troops came to Lijiang. The Superintendent of troops Shi Bao and the cishi of Yanzhou Zhou Tai warded him off. Zhu Yi withdrew. The taishou of Taishan Hu Lie with an extraordinary detachment launched a surprise attack on Dulu, and burned his provisions. Shi Bao and Zhou Tai again advanced, struck at Zhu Yi, and put him to rout. The remnants of Zhu Yi's troops suffered from hunger; supporting themselves on Pueraria leaves, they fled. The Wu killed Zhu Yi afterward.”

Jin Shu, biography of Shi Bao states: “The Wu sent their Great Generals Zhu Yi, Ding Feng, et al., to fetch Zhuge Dan and the others. They left their baggage behind at Dulu and with light-armed troops crossed the Li River. Shi Bao, et al., encountered them, struck at them, and put them to rout. The taishou of Taishan Hu Lie with an extraordinary detachment employed a ruse and launched a surprise attack on Dulu, burning all of their provisions. Zhu Yi, et al., took the remnant of their troops and retreated.”

[13.10] SGZ has: “Sun Lin killed him at Huoli and sent his younger brother Sun En to give reinforcement to Zhuge Dan.” SGZ Sun Liang has: “Zhu Yi retreated because his troops lacked food. Sun Lin was greatly enraged. In the ninth month, on the day jisi, he killed Zhu Yi at Huoli. On the day xinwei, Sun Lin returned from Huoli to Jianye.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan states: “The Wu general Zhu Yi again came with his troops to fetch Zhuge Dan, et al., He crossed the Lijiang river. Zhou Tai, et al., encountered him and fought with him, each time foiling his attack. Sun Lin was angry at Zhu Yi's failure to advance in the fighting and killed him.”

The Wu lu states: “Sun Lin requested an interview with Zhu Yi. He was about to go, but was afraid. Lu Kang stopped him. Zhu Yi said, 'Zitong (i.e. Sun Lin) is like a member of my family. What is there I should be suspicious of him?' In the end he went. Sun Lin had a muscular man seize him during the interview. Zhu Yi said, 'I am a loyal official of the State of Wu. What crime have I ever committed?' In the end he was pounded to death by the muscular man.”

14. Sima Zhao said, “That Zhu Yi failed to reach Shouchun is not his fault. Yet the Wu killed him, the intention being no more than to excuse themselves to the besieged in Shouchun and to strengthen Zhuge Dan's determination, so that he may continue to hope for reinforcements. Now we ought to make the siege the more vehement and prevent them from sallying and fleeing, eluding them in various ways.” [3] Thereupon he let his spies loose to bring about dissension, proclaiming that the rescue party from Wu was soon to arrive and the main force of Wei, lacking provisions, was sending the weak and sick to Huaibei to have them fed there, and hence could not hold on for long. [4] Zhuge Dan and the others became the more off guard and careless in the consumption of food.

[14] From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi.

[14.3] Jin shu has: “If this is not the case, they ought to have broken through our siege and fought to the death. Or they may think that our forces cannot hold on for long, and are obliged to reduce the food ration and decrease the number of men; thus, they may hope for some change in our situation. As far as I can judge the enemy, he counts on no more than these three factors. Now we ought to elude them in various ways and prevent them from making a sortie and fleeing: this is the best of all plans.”

[14.4] Jin shu has: “And so he ordered that the siege be made complete and sent away the weak and sick to Huaibei to have them fed there, and rationed to the troops three sheng of beans per capita. Hearing of this, Wen Qin, as expected greatly rejoiced. Wendi displayed his weak position all the more. He let a large number of his spies loose to bring about dissension, proclaiming that the rescue party from Wu was soon to arrive.”

15. In a short time, there was a shortage of provisions within the city while reinforcements from the outside failed to arrive. The jiangjun Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi were both confidential advisors to Zhuge Dan. They said to Zhuge Dan, “Zhu Yi and the others came with a large force but were unable to advance, and Sun Lin first killed Zhu Yi and then returned to Jiangdong. Nominally, he makes a pretense of making a campaign but in reality he is waiting for the success or failure without his having to take active part in it. This can be seen from his retreat. Since our men are still resolute, and our officers and troops are willing to be employed, we ought to unite all our strength and make up our minds to die; We shall attack one flank of their position. We may not be able to win a complete victory, but we may still be preserved. There is no sense in meeting death by remaining indolent.”

Wen Qin said, “Jiangdong (i.e. Wu) has been enjoying prowess in victory for a long time; and there is no one in it who considers the Northern Region (i.e. Wei) to be difficult to subdue. Now, your Excellency, with a horde of some ten-odd myriads of men, has surrendered to Wu. I, Wen Qin, and Quan Duan, and the others are staying with you in a dangerous place. Our fathers and elder brothers, songs and younger brothers, are all south of the Jiang (i.e. Wu). Even if Sun Lin is unwilling to come, will the sovereign and his relatives listen to him? Furthermore, China Proper has not a single year without trouble; troops and civilians both are worn out. Now, we have been holding on for a year, and revolution is soon to break out in Wei. Why should discard this chance and run risk to court fickle fortune?” Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi persisted in their advice. Wen Qin was angry, and Zhuge Dan wanted to kill Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi. The two men were fearful, and in the eleventh month (December 24, 257 AD-January 21, 258 AD), they left Zhuge Dan and, scaling the city walls, came to surrender.

[15] Except for the first two sentences, the section is from the Han Jin chunqiu.

16. The sons of Quan Yi's elder brother, Quan Hui, and Quan Yi, were in Jianye. They had a family quarrel, taking along their mother and leading several tens of households of their subordinates and troops, they came to surrender. At this time, Quan Yi and his elder brother's son Quan Jing as well as Quan Duan's younger brothers Quan Pian and Quan Qi were all in the city of Shouchun as military commanders. Employing the plan of the huangmen shilang Zhong Hui, Sima Zhao secretly forged a letter to Quan Hui and Quan Yi, and had a trusted man of Quan Hui and Quan Yi bring it into the city and inform Quan Yi and the others that in Wu they were angry that Quan Yi had not been able to relieve Shouchun of the siege and were intending to exterminate the families of all the generals; hence they (the families) had fled and surrendered to Wei. In the twelfth month (January 22-February 19, 258 AD), Quan Yi and the others, with several thousand men, opened a city gate and came out to surrender. [5] Within the city they were shaken and afraid, not knowing what to do. The emperor appointed Quan Yi pingdong jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Linxiang. Quan Duan and the others were also appointed and enfeoffed properly. [7]

[16] From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui, where the following passage precedes: “Quan Cong, a Great General of Wu, was a relation by marriage of Sun Quan, and an important official of his. Quan Cong's son Quan Yi, his grandson Quan Jing, his nephews Quan Duan, Quan Bian and Quan Qi, all as commanders of troops, came to reinforce Zhuge Dan.”

The story of the present section is also given in the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi: “Quan YI's mother was a daughter of Sun Quan; she incurred displeasure in Wu. The sons of Quan Duan's elder brother, Quan Yi and Quan Yi came to surrender with their mother. Quan Yi's elder brother Quan Jing was at that time in Shouchun. Employing the plan of Zhong Hui, Wendi (i.e. Sima Zhao) forged a letter of Quan Yi and Quan YI and thus deceived Quan Jing. Quan Jing and his brothers, five altogether, came with their troops to surrender. In the city itself there was great astonishment.”

[16.5] SGZ has: “Quan Yi, et al., were seized in fear; in the end they led their troops and, opening the east gate, came out and surrendered. They were all enfeoffed as Lords.” The ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan: “The da jiangjun had spies bring about dissension. They persuaded Quan Yi, et al., by means of extraordinary expediency. Quan Yi and the others led their troops, several thousand men in all, and, opening a city gate, came out. Within the city they were shaken and afraid, not knowing what to do.”

the date is given in SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang and SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang. The latter has: “In the twelfth month, Quan Duan, Quan Yi, et al., went over to Sima Wenwang from the city of Shouchun.” The former has: “In winter, in the twelfth month, the Great Generals of Wu, Quan Duan, Quan Yi, et al., surrendered with their troops.”

[16.7] This sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Quan Cong, where it reads: “After Quan Cong died, his son Quan Yi became his heir. Afterwards he inherited his father's post and commanded troops. He went to reinforce Zhuge Dan at Shouchun, but came out of the city and was the first to surrender. The Wei appointed him pingdong jiangjun and Lord of Linxiang. The sons of Quan Yi's elder brother, Quan Yi, Quan YI, Quan Jing, et al., also surrendered to the Wei. They all became prefects and Lords.”

17. In Han, Jiang Wei, hearing that the Wei had taken a part of the troops in Guanzhong to Huainan, wanted to take advantage of their weak defense and proceed to Qinchuan. [1] He led tens of thousands of men through Luogu and reached Chenling. At this time, cereals were stored in great abundance at Changcheng, but the troops guarding the place were few. The chengxi jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yongzhou and Liangzhou, Sima Wang, as well as the anxi jiangjun Deng Ai, advanced with their troops and occupied it, and thus resisted Jiang Wei. [4] Jiang Wei encamped on the river Mangshui, from where he repeatedly challenged them to battle, but Sima Wang and Deng Ai did not take up the challenge. [5]

[17] From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei.

[17.1] SGZ has: “In the twentieth year of Yanxi, the zhengdong da jiangjun Zhuge Dan of Wei rebelled in Huainan. The Wei took a part of the Guanzhong troops to the east; Jiang Wei wanted to take advantage of...”

SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign states: “In the twentieth year, hearing that the da jiangjun (ought to have been zhengdong da jiangjun) Zhuge Dan had rebelled in Shouchun, Jiang Wei again led his troops through Luogu and reached the Mangshui.”

[17.4] SGZ has: “Hearing that Jiang Wei was coming, the troops were all seized by astonishment and fear. The da jiangjun Sima Wang resisted him. Deng Ai also came from Longyou. They both took up their positions at Changcheng.”

The title of Sima Wang is from the Jin shu, Biography of Sima Wang: “At that time, Jingdi and Wendi were acting as guardian-regents in turn, and they never paid respect to the Emperor in his court. The power went over to the future House of Jin. Sima Wang was indeed given favors but he always felt unsafe. Hence he requested to be appointed zhengxi jiangjun, with Tally (chijie), the dudu of all the armed forces in the two provinces of Yong and Liang. He remained in the post for eight years, during which his martial influence was illustrious and solemn.”

As for Deng Ai's title, SGZ Biography of Deng Ai states: “In the second year of Ganlu, he resisted Jiang Wei at Changcheng. When Jiang Wei withdrew, he retreated and was promoted to be zhengxi jiangjun. His appanage had been increased many times, in all amounting to six thousand and six hundred households.” As we see from 256 AD, Deng Ai's title at this time was zhenxi jiangjun, from which he was eventually promoted, after the expedition to Changcheng, to be zhengxi jiangjun. The title anxi jiangjun was given to Deng Ai before he became zhenxi jiangjun. The character an in the ZZTJ sentence must be a misprint, if not an actual mistake of Sima Guang's, for zhen.

[17.5] SGZ: “Jiang Wei advanced and halted at Wangshui (ought to have been “Mangshui”). He encamped along the mountain. Sima Wang and Deng Ai established strong camps by the side of the Wei river. Jiang Wei repeatedly challenged them to a battle but...”

18. At this time, Jiang Wei had been making repeated campaigns; the people of Shu were embittered at this. The zhongsan dafu Qiao Zhou wrote an “Essay on Hostile Nations” (Zhou Guo Lun) to express his view on the matter: {The essay is as follows}--

Someone asked, “What was the art that the ancients used and with which they were enabled to defeat the powerful although they themselves were weak?” [3]

The answer was, “I have heard that one who, occupying an important position without any worry to harass him, is in general prone to be insolent, while one who, occupying a minor position and beset with worries, is in general prone to remind himself of good conduct. If one is prone to be insolent, mischief will arise. If one is prone to remind oneself of good conduct, good rule will be engendered. This is only natural and reasonable. For instance, King Wen of Zhou nourished his people, and so he, destitute as he was, overthrew the rich Goujian, soothed his multitude, and so he, weak as he was, destroyed the strong. That was the art.”

The same person said, “In their days Xiang Yu was strong and Han weak; they fought with one another, without there being a single day of rest. Xiang Yu and Han made an agreement to demarcate their boundary at Hongkou, each returning to their respective domain and giving rest to their people. Zhang Liang thought that once the people became static in their minds, it would hardly be easy to move them. Gaozu of the Han, therefore, led forth his troops and pursued Xiang Yu, eventually destroying the Xiang. This being so, one must always follow the sole model of King Wen? The newly founded state is for the moment suffering from its internal ailments. We may utilize this opportunity to conquer their borders and overthrew them while their ailments grow worse.” [11]

The answer was, “During the times of Shang and Zhou, feudal princes were held in reverence generation after generation, and the relationship between sovereign and subject had been stabilized for a long time. To these the people had been accustomed. What is deeply rooted is difficult to pull out; what is firmly fixed is difficult to move. At that time, how could a Gaozu of Han wield his sword and whip his steed to conquer the empire? After the Qin had dismissed feudal lords and appointed governors in their stead, the people were all exhausted with the Qin corvee and the Empire crumbled like a mud wall. Every year saw a new sovereign and every month witnessed a new duke. Birds were astonished and quadrupeds were frightened, not knowing which way to turn. Thereupon, men of courage and strength contended with each other simultaneously, tearing like tigers and rending like wolves. Those who were fleet of foot captured much and those who were tardy were swallowed.

At present, we and they have a new generation of sovereigns. It certainly does not look like the end of the Qin dynasty when times were turbulent; rather it is more like the age of the Six States when they ruled in their own separate domains. One may become another King Wen; it is difficult to act the part of Gaozu of Han. When the people are exhausted with toil, disturbance will arise; when those on high are insolent and those below are lawless, the collapse of the State will be inevitable. The proverb states, 'It is better to aim accurately than to shoot at random and miss time and again.' Therefore, a man of wisdom does not alter his glance for petty profit nor does he change his steps because of a whim; he moves at proper times and acts on fitting occasions.

It was thus that the armies of Cheng Tang and King Wu won victory in a single battle,w ithout being compelled to fight one another. They indeed prized the people's toil and were accurate in measuring themselves with the time. Should we abuse our arms and indulge in waging campaigns, the Empire will crumble like a mud wall. Should we unfortunately meet disaster, the wisest man in the world will not be able to give us any counsel. As for having recourse to extraordinary strategems in all directions and making ingress and egress in the spaceless, breaking the billows and intercepting axletrees, surmounting valleys and climbing mountains, crossing the ford Mengjin without using boats, I, being a stupid person, really find it beyond my ability to discourse on.”

[18] From SGZ, Biography of Qiao Zhou

[18.3] SGZ has: “The ancient State was small and the newly founded State large; they both contended for hegemony and were hostile to one another. In the ancient State there was one called Gao Xianqing (Mr. Exalted Minister), who asked Fu Yuzi (Mr. Prostrate Stupid), 'At present our State is not in a settled condition, and high and low are cudgeling their brains. What was the art...?'”

[18.11] Omitted in ZZTJ. The newly founded State means Wei; the Shu held that their State was a continuation of the ancient dynasty of Han.
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Thu Jan 05, 2012 6:58 am

Third Year of Ganlu (258 AD)
Shu: First year of Jingyao
Wu: First year of Yongan

1. Spring, first month (February 20-March 21). Wen Qin said to Zhuge Dan, “Jiang Ban and Jiao Yi thought that we would not be able to make a sally, hence they fled; Quan Duan and Quan Yi also went out together with their troops and surrendered. This is a time when the enemy must be unprepared; so we may fight now.” Zhuge Dan, Tang Zi, et al., were all of the same opinion. [2]

[1] From the Han Jin Chunqiu.

[1.2] After this, Han Jin Chunqiu has: “And so they all went out with their entire forces to attack.”

2. And so they made instruments of attack in large number. [1] They then attacked the southern section of the siege day and night for five or six days, their intention being to break through the siege and come out. The various besieging troops, occupying a high terrain, hurled down stones from catapults and rockets, thus burning and destroying their instruments of attack. Arrows and stones rained down; the dead and wounded covered the ground, and blood flowed into ditches. They then withdrew to the city. Within the city, the food supply gradually ran low; tens of thousands came out and surrendered. Wen Qin wanted to send all the northerners out of the city, so that provisions might be saved, and defend the city firmly with the help of the Wu, but Zhuge Dan would not hear of it. And so they vied with, and hated, one another. There used to be some antipathy between Wen Qin and Zhuge Dan; it was only their common interest that had brought them together. Matters being pressing, they became more and more suspicious of one another. When Wen Qin paid a visit to Zhuge Dan to discuss some matter, Zhuge Dan killed Wen Qin.

Wen Qin's sons, Wen Yang and Wen Hu, had been stationed as commanders in the fortification serving as an annex to the city. Hearing of Wen Qin's death, they tried to take their troops and proceed to the city to avenge their father. But the troops refused to obey. And they two went alone, scaling the city walls, they went over to Sima Zhao. The officers of the army asked to put them to death. Sima Zhao said, “Putting Wen Qin to death cannot atone for his crime; his sons certainly ought to be put to death. But Wen Yang and Wen Hu have come to surrender because they are desperate; furthermore, the city is not yet taken. By killing them, we shall only be making them the more firm in their resolution.”

Then he pardoned Wen Yang and Wen Hu and had them command several hundred cavalrymen; they galloped around the city walls and yelled, “Even the sons of Wen Qin are not put to death. What have the others to fear at all? Furthermore, Sima Zhao memorialized the throne to appoint Wen Yang and Wen Hu as jiangjun and to grant them the ranks of Guannei Lords. In the city they all rejoiced at this, but they were suffering from hunger more and more every day. [14] Sima Zhao in person joined the siege; seeing that the archers on the city walls did not shoot, he said, “We may attack now.” [15] Thereupon he had his troops advance along four sides; simultaneously storming the city with drums and clamor, they scaled the walls. In the second month, on the day yiyu, he captured it. [17] Pressed hard, Zhuge Dan mounted his horse alone and, leading his subordinates, rushed through the annex-fortification to go out. [18] The sima Hu Fen directed his troops and struck at him. They killed him, [19] and the members of his family were exterminated to the third degree.

[2] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan.

[2.1] SGZ has: “In the third year of Ganlu, in the first month, Zhuge Dan, Wen Qin, Tang Zi, et al., made instruments of attack in large number.”

[2.14] SGZ: “In the city they rejoiced and also were disturbed. Added to this, they were increasingly harassed by hunger every day. Zhuge Dan, Tang Zi, and the others, were at the end of their wits and strength.”

[2.15] This sentence is not in the SGZ, but in the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi, where it reads: “Seeing that the archers on the city walls did not shoot, Wendi said to his subordinate generals, 'We may attack now.'”

[2.17] SGZ here has: “In the city there was none that dared to move forward.” The ZZTJ sentence is from the Jin Shu: “In the second month, on the day yiyu, he attacked and captured it.”

[2.18] SGZ has: “...rushed out through a gate of the annex-fortification.” This annex-fortification must be one where Wen Yang and Wen Hu had been stationed as commanders.

[2.19] Sgz has: “The sima to the da jiangjun Hu Fen directed his troops and struck at and killed Zhuge Dan. They sent his decapitated head to the Emperor.”

3. Zhuge Dan's subordinates, several hundred men, all stood in a row, each with their two hands raised and joined together before them, and did not surrender. [1] Each time one of them was beheaded, the others were told to surrender, but to the end they did not change their minds, and all perished. The people of the time compared him with Tian Heng. [3] The Wu general Yu Quan said, “That a man worthy of his name, having been commanded by his sovereign to rescue other people by means of troops, should first fail in his duty and then hold forth his bound hands to the enemy, is not what I care to commend.” Thereupon, he took off his helmet and rushed into the enemy's formation, where he died.

[3] From the Jin ji of Gan Bao.

[3.1] Jin ji has: “Several hundred men stood in a row, each with their hands raised and joined together before them.” The ZZTJ sentence is partly from SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan, which reads: “Zhuge Dan's subordinates, several hundred men, were denounced, but they did not surrender and were put to death. They all said, 'For the sake of His Excellency Zhuge Dan, we die without regret.' To such an extent did he win the hearts of men.”

[3.3] Omitted in ZZTJ. See the Shi ji, where it is said that five hundred men committed suicide for the sake of their master Tian Heng.

4. Tang Zi, Wang Zuo, et. al., all surrendered. [1] The Wu troops (who surrendered) numbered ten thousand; implements, weapons, and military provisions that were seized, were heaped up like a mountain.

[4] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan.

[4.1] SGZ has: “Tang Zi and Wang Zuo as well as the various secondary generals all came, with their hands bound at the back, to surrender.”

5. When Sima Zhao first besieged Shouchun, Wang Ji, Shi Bao, et al., all wanted to attack it immediately. [1] Sima Zhao was of the opinion, “The walls of Shouchun are strong and their troops are numerous; our strength is unequal to the task of attacking it. [3] Should the enemy come from the outside, we shall have to face them on the inside as well as on the outside; this is a dangerous way. At present the three rebels (Zhuge Dan, Wen Qin and Tang Zi) are gathered together in an isolated city; Heaven may perhaps bring them together to die. I ought to attack them with the purest of plans. [6]

We only have to set up a firm defense along three sides. When the Wu rebels come along the land route, their provisions will have to be meager; with mobile troops and light-armed cavalry, we shall cut off their convoy, and shall thus destroy them without fighting them. Once the Wu rebels are destroyed, Wen Qin and the others will be certain to be captured.”

Thereupon, he ordered the various troops to hold back their armor and keep on guarding their positions. IN the end, he destroyed the enemy without taking the trouble to attack them. [10]

[5] From sGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan. Paragraph 3, which is entirely missing there, is from the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi, under the second year of Ganlu, where also the first two paragraphs can be identified.

[5.1] SGZ has: “When Shouchun was first besieged, there were many who maintained that they should attack it immediately.” The two names in the ZZTJ sentence are from the Jin Shu: “Shi Bao and Wang Ji both requested permission to attack Shouchun.”

[5.3] SGZ: “The city is strong and their troops are numerous...” Jin Shu has: “Zhuge Dan's rebellious plot is not a matter of a single day or a single evening. He has been assembling provisions and rounding up his defense, and has concluded an alliance with the Wu. He thinks that he is equal to keeping Huainan under his sway. Wen Qian has joined him because their interest, wicked as it is, is similar; it is certain that he will not leave him so soon. Should we now attack them immediately, the strength of our mobile troops will be weakened.”

[5.6] The following sentence in SGZ concludes Sima Zhao's speech: “We may control them without actually doing anything.”

[5.10] This is Sima Guang's own sentence rewritten from SGZ, where it reads: “Zhuge Dan rose in rebellion in the fifth month of the second year (of Ganlu) and met his ruin in the second month of the third year. The Six Armies Armies of Wei held their armor back, deepening their ditches and heightening their ramparts; but Zhuge Dan found himself in distress. In the end he was defeated without their ever having taken the trouble of attacking him.”

6. Many persons now maintained that because Huainan had had rebellion after rebellion and the homes of the Wu troops were all south of the Jiang, they should not be let loose but all ought to be massacred. Sima Zhao said, “In conducting wars, the ancients considered it best to keep the enemy's state intact; they only killed the arch-criminals. [3] Allowing the Wu troops to return will serve perfectly to demonstrate China's magnanmity.” He killed none of them, but distributed them in the three He prefectures near the capital [5], and made them settle down.

[6] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan.

[6.3] Sun zi ji ju: “Sun Zi says--'In conducting a war, to keep the enemy's State intact is the best. To destroy it comes next.”

[6.5] Henan, where the capital was situated, and Hedong and Henei, which were near the capital.

7. He (Sima Zhao) had Tang Zi appointed as anyuan jiangjun and conferred titles and ranks on all the remaining secondary generals. The hordes all rejoiced and submitted. Those of the generals and under-officials as well as the common people in Huainan who had been coerced by Zhuge Dan to join him were all pardoned. [3] He permitted Wen Yang and his younger brother to take and encoffin their father's corpse; he gave them carts and oxen so that they might carry it to their family graveyard to hold the interment there.

[7] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan, where the passage given in 225 AD and then the following passage precedes: “After Zhuge Dan and Wen Qin met their death, Tang Zi was also captured alive. And so these three rebels were all seized. The Empire rejoiced.”

[7.3] SGZ: “Of these generals and under-officials, gentry and the people, in Huai, who had been coerced by Zhuge Dan to join him, only the chief rebels were put to death. The remainder were all pardoned.

8. Sima Zhao sent a letter to Wang Ji, “In the beginning there were various opinions, but a large number of persons advocated that the army should move. At that time, I was personally on the scene, hence I also agreed with them. You, jiangjun, profoundly pondered on the merits and demerits of that measure; you alone persisted in your opinion. Disobeying the command of the Emperor and refusing to listen to the opinion of the multitude, you finally have brought about our controlling the enemy and capturing the rebels. Not even the exploits recorded by the ancients can be superior to this.”

Sima Zhao wanted to send the various armies to make an incursion, with light-armed troops, far into the enemy's territory in order to fetch the sons and younger brothers of Tang Zi and the others, and to take the opportunity to exterminate the Wu.

Wang Ji remonstrated with him, “Of old, Zhuge Ke took advantage of his victory at Dongguan and, with his entire army from the other side of the Jiang (i.e. Wu), besieged Xincheng. He could not capture the city, while the greater half of his troops died. Jiang Wei took advantage of his success on the west of the Tao, and with his light-armed troops made an incursion far into our territory; provisions became deficient and his army suffered a defeat at Shanggui. After a great victory, the high and the low are inclined to take the enemy lightly; when one takes the enemy lightly, his concern with hardship is not intense. At present, the rebels, recently defeated from without and their trouble not settled within, are fully prepared and alert. Furthermore, our troops have been out more than a year, and everyone is thinking of returning home. Now we have captured and killed one hundred thousand men; 'the criminals were got and brought to justice.' [7] In the history of campaigns, there has never been such an absolute victory, with the army unharmed, as the recent one. When Wu Huangdi (Cao Cao) defeated Yuan Shao at Guandu, he thought that his success was quite great and did not pursue him. He was afraid of ruining his achievement.”

Thereupon, Sima Zhao desisted and had Wang Ji appointed zhengdong jiangjun and dudu (Commander-in-chief) of all the armed forces in Yangzhou, and had his enfeoffment advanced to that of Lord of Dongwu. [9]

[8] From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji.

[8.7] From the Shu jing: “He, the Duke of Zhou, resided accordingly in the east for two years, when the criminals were got and brought to justice.”

[8.9] SGZ has: “Thereupon, Sima Wenwang desisted. As Huainan was recently pacified, he had Wang Ji promoted to be zhengdong jiangjun...Lord of Dongwu. Wang Ji sent up a memorial in which he earnestly declined, attributing the merits to his subordinates. And so his changshi and sima, seven men, were all enfeoffed as Lords.”

9. Xi Zuochi says: “And so, the Empire feared his prowess and cherished his virtue. The superior man thinks that it can be said of the da jiangjun Sima Zhao that he was able, in this campaign, to attack the enemy by means of virtue. Those who achieve do so in different ways; each has a certain proclivity, which cannot coexist with the different proclivity of another. For instance, a hero who indulges in using arms will be overthrown through his lack of humanity, a State which preserves fairness will perish through faint-heartedness and shrinking back. Now, with a single campaign, he captured the three rebels, made prisoners of an immense number of the Wu hordes, and carried all with him on the banks of the Huai river; magnificent it is indeed.

Yet before he sat down to rest, he rewarded Wang Ji for his merits, sowed the seed of gratitude in the Wu, won the hearts of those of different sentiment. By favoring Wen Yang with permission to hold a funeral for Wen Qin, he demonstrated that he had forgotten the ancient disagreement; by abstaining from inculpating Zhuge Dan's men, he induced the region of Yangzhou to feel shame. His achievements were great, and everyone rejoiced in his success; his work was extensive, yet the enemy cherished his virtue. His military glory is propagated and his civil plans are realized. If he goes on acting in this way, who in the world will ever be able to stand in his way?”

[9] From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Dan.

10. IN Sima Zhao's conquest of Shouchun, Zhong Hui contributed many plans. Sima Zhao accorded him more and more honor daily, and entrusted him with the duty of a trusted adviser. People of the time compared him with Zifang. [3]

[10] From SGZ Biography of Zhong Hui.

[10.3] Zifang is the zi of the famous Zhang Liang, advisor to the first Emperor of Han. SGZ continues the sentence as follows: “After the army had returned, Zhong Hui was promoted to be taipu; he declined the appointment earnestly. And so, in the capacity of zhonglang he served as a jishi (Secretary) in the Headquarters of the da jiangjun and was entrusted with the duty of a trusted adviser.”

11. In Han, Jiang Wei hared that Zhuge Dan had died; he returned to Chengdu and was restored to the rank of da jiangjun.

[11] From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, where it reads: “In the first year of Jingyao, Jiang Wei heard that Zhuge Dan was destroyed and ruined, and so returned to Chengdu and was restored to the rank of da jiangjun.”

12. Summer fifth month (June 18-July 17). The Emperor appointed Sima Zhao to be xiangguo and enfeoffed him as Duke of Jin with an appanage of eight prefectures, conferring on him the Nine Gifts. Sima Zhao declined these honors nine times in all, after which the Emperor desisted.

[12] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In summer, in the fifth month, the Emperor appointed the da jiangjun Sima Wenwang to be xiangguo. Sima Wenwang declined...”

13. Autumn, seventh month (August 17-September 14). The Sovereign of Wu enfeoffed the former Prince of Qi, Sun Fen, as Lord of Chang'an.

[13] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang. Until this time, Sun Fen was a mere commoner. SGZ, Biography of Sun Fen has: “In the third year of Taiping, Sun Fen was enfeoffed as Lord of Chang'an.”

14. Eighth month (September 15-October 14). The Emperor appointed the piaoji jiangjun, Wang Chang, to be sigong.

[14] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where the date is more exact: “IN autumn, in the eight month on the day jiaxu (September 26)...”

15. The Emperor appointed the Guannei Lord Wang Xiang to be one of the “Three Aged” and the Guannnei Lord Zheng Xiaodong to be one of the “Five Experienced.” The Emperor betook himself, together with his various officials, to the Imperial Academy and practiced the ceremony of “Nourishing the Old and Begging them to Speak.” [2] Zheng Xiaodong was a grandson of Zheng Xuan.

[15] From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the eighth month, on the day bingyin (September 18), the imperial edict read: 'By means of 'nourishing the aged' and thus instituting instruction, the Three Dynasties planted good government and left a model to eternity. There ought to be the 'Three Aged' and the 'Five Experienced,' so that those who ought to be respected to the supreme degree might be revered. They were begged to speak, and their teachings were adopted and recorded by the 'faithful recorders.' Only thereafter will the universe follow the good influence which works on the people and thus induces good government. We ought to select men of virtuous conduct and appoint them to these posts. The Guannei Lord Wang Xiang practices benevolence and follows righteousness; his aims are pure and firm. The Guannei Lord Zheng Xiaotong is benign and reverent, filial and fraternal, and is not out of harmony with propriety. Herewith shall Wang Xiang be appointed one of the Three Aged and Zheng Xiaotong one of the Five Experienced.' The Emperor in person led his various officials and practiced the ancient ceremony.”

(The day bingyin is the fourth day of the eighth month, whereas the day jiaxu, mentioned in the Note to Section 14, is the twelfth. Accordingly, the present section ought to have been placed before the preceding one; for this wrong sequence, SGZ is responsible. It is not improbable that bingyin is an error for some other day.)

Li JI: “In feasting the three classes of the old and the five classes of the experienced in the Great college, he himself (the son of Heaven) had his breast bared and cut up the animals.”

Again Li ji: “Proceeding to the school on the east, he (i.e. the son of Heaven)--”

[15.2] This is also Sima Guang's own sentence. Jin Shu, Biography of Wang Xiang has: “Wang Xiang was promoted to be taichang and was enfeoffed Lord of Wansuiting. The Son of Heaven betook himself to the Imperial Academy and appointed Wang Xiang to be one of the 'Three Aged.' Facing the south and leaning on a cane, Wang Xiang posed as a tutor. Facing the north, the Son of Heaven begged him to speak. Wang Xiang instructed him by setting forth the essential points of good government as induced by sovereigns and subjects in times of enlightened kings and sage emperors. The hearers were all moved.” The ZZTJ sentence is derived from this passage and the SGZ passage given in the General Note.

Further, Li Ji: “In all their nourishment of the aged, the object of the Five Dis was to imitate their virtue, while the kings of the three dynasties also begged them to speak their lessons. The Five Dis taking them as models, sought to nourish their bodily vigour, and did not beg them to speak; but what good lessons they did speak were taken down by the faithful recorders. The three lines of kings also took them as models, and after nourishing their age begged them to speak. If they seemed to diminish the ceremonies of entertainment, they all had their faithful recorders as well to narrarate their virtue.”

16. In Wu, Sun Lin was filled with great fear because the Sovereign of Wu, who had begun to take charge of State business in person, put him to task by asking questions. After returning from Huoli, he therefore feigned illness and did not attend Court. He, however, had his younger brother, the weiyuan jiangjun Sun Ju join the palace guards at the gate Canglong Men and stationed his other younger brothers, the wuwei jiangjun Sun En, the pian jiangjun Sun Gan and the jiangshui jiaoyu Sun Kai in different barracks, his intention being to solidify his position.

[16] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

17. The Sovereign of Wu did not like it and so he inquired into how Princess Zhu came to her death. [1] Princess Quan was afraid and said, “ I really had nothing to do with it. It was all because Zhu's two sons, Zhu Xiong and Zhu Sun had accused her.” At this time, Zhu Xiong was du (Commander) of Hulin and Zhu Sun was du (Commander) of the barrack in the suburb of the capital. The Sovereign of Wu put both to death. [4] Zhu Sun's wife was a younger sister of Sun Jun.

Sun Lin remonstrated with him, but he would not listen to him. He then became the more afraid. The sovereign of Wu secretly planned with Princess Quan as well as the jiangjun Liu Cheng to put Sun Lin to death.

[17] Paragraph 1 is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu's consort named Zhu. Paragraph 2 is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, where the passage reads: “In his heart, Sun Liang disliked Sun Lin and so he inquired into how Luyu was put to death. He reproved and expressed anger at the du of Hulin Zhu Xiong and Zhu Xiong's younger brother, the du of the barrack situated in the suburb of the capital, for having failed to rectify Sun Jun; and so he ordered Ding Feng to kill Zhu Xiong at Hulin and Zhu Sun at Jianye. Sun Lin entered the palace and remonstrated with him, but he would not listen to him. In the end Sun Liang planned with Princess Luban, the taichang Quan Shang and the jiangjun Liu Cheng to put Sun Lin to death.”

[17.1] This sentence is partly from SGZ, where it reads: “During the Taiping period, Sun Liang came to know that Princess Zhu had met her doom at the hand of Princess Quan and inquired how Princess Zhu came to her death.”

[17.4] Sgz has: “Sun Liang killed Zhu Xiong and Zhu Sun.”

18. The father of the Empress Quan of Wu, Quan Shang, was taichang and wei jiangjun. [1] The sovereign of Wu said to Quan Shang's son, the huangmen shilang Quan Ji, “Sun Lin has been usurping my power, taking me lightly because of my youth. I formerly ordered him to land with all speed on the bank to give reinforcement to Tang Zi and the others, but he tarried in the lake and did not move one single step towards the bank. More than that, he attributed a crime to Zhu Yi, and so killed a meritorious official on his own authority, without first reporting the matter to me. He has built his residence on the south of the bridge [5] and no longer attends Court. These facts show how he lives as he pleases, without fearing anything. I cannot bear this for long and plan to seize him. Your father is dudu (Commander-in-chief) of the Central Army [6]; he shall equip his men and horses well and make them ready. I myself shall come out of the palace to the bridge; leading the palace guards, the 'Tiger' cavalry, and the Left and Right Wunan divisions, we shall besiege him in his residence all together. [7]

I shall produce my edict written on a tablet and therewith command the men under Sun Lin that they all disperse and not raise their hands against us. We shall take him in this way. You will now go and, whispering in his ear, convey my command to your father. But do not let your mother know. Being a woman, she does not understand matters; and furthermore she is an elder cousin of Sun Lin from the same paternal grandfather. Should the matter by any chance leak out, I shall be ruined beyond repair.” Quan Ji conveyed this command to Quan Shang. Quan Shang, lacking forethought, told Quan Ji's mother of it. His mother sent a messenger secretly to inform Sun Lin. [12]

In the ninth month, on the day wuwu, Sun Lin launched, during the night, a surprise attack on Quan Shang and seized him; he then sent his younger brother Sun En to kill Liu Cheng outside the gate Canglong Men. [13] At daybreak, he finally besieged the Palace. [14] The Sovereign of Wu was greatly enraged. He mounted his horse, took his bowcase about him, and seized his bow; about to go out of the palace, he said, “I, heir son of Da Huangdi (Sun Quan), have been reigning five years. Who is there that dares not follow me?” The shizhong and attending officials as well as his wet nurse all held him back and sopped him; he could not go out. He sighed and abstained from foot, and abused the Empress Quan. “Muddle-headed, your father has ruined my important cause.” He also summoned Quan Ji. Quan Ji said, “My father received your command but was not discreet and betrayed your confidence. I no longer have the face to see you.” And then he committed suicide.

[18] From the Jiang biao zhuan.

[18.1] This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang's consort named Quan states: “Sun Liang's consort named Quan was Quan Shang's daughter...Quan Shang succeeded Teng Yin as taichang and wei jiangjun.”

[18.5] The bridge must be Juqueqiao.

[18.6] In the capacity of wei jiangjun, Quan Shang commanded the Central Army.

[18.7] The bridge must be the same one as that mentioned in note 18.5.

[18.12] SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin states: “Sun Liang's consort was a daughter of an elder female cousin of Sun Lin; she informed Sun Lin of the plot.” Sun Sheng discredits this version, saying, “In Sun Liang's biography, Sun Liang is said to have been intelligent while still young. Here Sun Sheng is referring to the story given in 257 AD, the plan which he discussed with Quan Ji. The Jiang biao zhuan is more detailed on how the plot leaked out.”

[18.13] Jiang biao zhuan: “During the night, Sun Lin mobilized well equipped troops to dethrone Sun Liang.” The ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, where it reads: “Leading his troops, Sun Lin, during the night, launched a surprise attack on Quan Shang and sent his younger brother Sun En to kill Liu Cheng outside the city gate Canglongmen. In the end he besieged the palace.” The date is given in SGZ, Biography of Sun Liang, where it reads: “Because Sun Lin usurped power, Sun Liang planned with the taichang Quan Shang and the jiangjun Liu Cheng to put Sun Lin to death. In the ninth month, on the day wuwu, Sun Lin led his troops and seized Quan Shang and sent his younger brother to attack and kill Liu Cheng outside the gate Canglongmen. He summoned the Great Ministers to an assembly at the palace gate and demoted Sun Liang to be Prince of Kuaiji. At that time Sun Liang was sixteen years old.”

[18.14] Jiang biao zhuan has: “At daybreak, the troops had already besieged the palace.”

19. Sun Lin had the guanglu xun Meng Cong inform the Ancestral Temple and detrhoned the sovereign of Wu, making him Prince of Kuaiji. He summoned all the officials and addressed them, “The young Emperor is wild and sickly, unenlightened and disorderly; he should not occupy the throne. I have already informed the spirit of the late Emperor of his dethronement. If any of you, gentlemen, disagree, he may raise his objection.” All were shaken and afraid, saying, “We obey the jiangjun's command.” Sun Lin sent the zhongshu ling, Li Zhong, to seize the Imperial seal from the sovereign of Wu, and published the misdeeds of the Sovereign of Wu far and near. The shangshu Huan Yi refused to sign his name. In anger, Sun Lin killed him. [6]

[19] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

[19.6] The Han Jin chunqiu states: “Huan Yi was a younger brother of the shangshuling Huan Jie of Wei.”

20. The dianjun Shi Zheng advised Sun Lin to fetch the Prince of Langye, Sun Xiu, and enthrone him. Sun Lin approved. On the day jiwei (November 10), Sun Lin sent the zongzheng Sun Kai and the zhongshu lang Dong Chao/Zhao to fetch the Prince of Langye at Kuaiji. [2] He sent the jiangjun Sun Dan to escort the Prince of Kuaiji, Sun Liang, to his feudal State. At this time, Sun Liang was sixteen years old. He banished Quan Shang to Lingling, but soon thereafter had him pursued and killed him. He moved Princess Quan to Yuchang.

[20] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

[20.2] This sentence is not in SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, but in SGZ Biography of Sun Xiu, where it reads: “After Sun Liang was dethroned, on the day jiwei Sun Lin sent the zongzheng Sun Kai and the zhongshulang Dong Chao to fetch Sun Xiu.” (Sun Xiu had been stationed in Kuaiji until this time)

Instead of this sentence, SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, gives the following passage: “Sun Lin sent the zongzheng Sun Kai to take a letter to Sun Xiu, which read: 'A man of little talent, I was entrusted with an important duty, but have failed to serve as guardian to His Majesty. During the past months, he constructed many buildings, befriended Liu Cheng, and took pleasure in beautiful girls. He requisitioned women from the under-officials and the people, detaining in the palace those that pleased him. He took the sons and younger brothers of his troops, more than three thousand men below the age of eighteen, and trained them in his garden, throughout the day and also in the night, and they all created an uproar; they damaged more than five thousand lances and spears in the arsenal by playing with them.

Zhu Ju was an official of long standing under the Late Emperor; his sons Zhu Xiong and Zhu Sun both succeeded to their father's work, maintaining their positions by means of loyal service. It was through the elder Princess that the younger Princess was put to death some time ago. The Emperor did not investigate into the truth of the matter, but without any ado killed Zhu Xiong and Zhu Sun; he did not accept admonitions, so that his officials all held their breath. The Emperor constructed more than three hundred boats in the precincts of his palace, furnishing them with gold and silver, so that workers were engaged day and night without rest.

The taichang Quan Shang, whose family had been in favor with the throne for several generations, was not able to control the various members of his clan. Quan Duan and the others, with the city (they were defending) went over to the Wei. Quan Shang, whose position is too high, has not spoken a single word of admonition to His Majesty, but stood in contact with the enemy, conveying to them the secrets of our State. I feared lest the dynasty be endangered; and so I have overthrown the old regime, and Your Highness will rule as sovereign. On the twenty-seventh day of this month (on the same day this letter is dated, on the day jiwei), I captured Quan Shang and slaugtered Liu Cheng, and made the Emperor Prince of Kuaiji. I am sending Sun Kai to fetch you. The myriad officials all look forward to you and stand on the roadside to welcome you.'”

21. Winter, tenth month. ON the day wuwu (recte wuyin, November 29), the Prince of Langye came to Qu'a. There was an old man who intercepted the Prince and, knocking his head on the ground, said, “Matters will come to an unfavorable turn after some time. The whole Empire is looking forward to you. I wish that Your Majesty would proceed speedily.” The Prince acquiesced. On this day, he advanced to Busaiting.

[21] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, where the following passage precedes: “When he first heard, Sun Xiu was skeptical. Sun Kai and Dong Chao informed him in detail of Sun Lin's intention in sending them to fetch him. Having lingered one day and two nights, he started his journey.”

22. As the Prince of Langye had not yet arrived, Sun Lin wanted to enter and live in the palace. He summoned the myriad officials to an assembly; all were in panic and the color left their faces. They did no more than say, “Yes, yes.” The xuancao lang, Yu Si, said [2], “Your Excellency is another Yi Yin or Duke of Zhou for the State: you occupy the rank of a Commander-in-chief and Prime Minister, and alone possess the power of dethroning and enthroning. You were about to secure peace to the spirits of the Ancestral Temple on the one hand and show benefits to the people on the other; the high and the low are beside themselves with joy, thinking that another Yi Yin or Huo Guang has appared in your person. Now that the Prince for whom you have sent has not yet arrived, you would go into the palace. By acting thus, you perturb all your subordinates and make the mass suspicious; this certainly is not the way to persevere in loyalty and filial piety to the end of one's life nor to make one's name famous in later ages.”Sun Lin was displeased and desisted. Yu Si was a son of Yu Fan.

[22] From the Kuaiji dianlu, where the following passage precedes, “Yu Si, zi Shihong, was born in Nanhai. When he was sixteen years old, his father died and he returned to his native village.”

[22.2] Kuaiji dianlu has: “Yu Si addressed him...” Sima Guang derives the title from SGZ, Biography of YU Fan, where it reads: “Yu Fan had eleven sons; the fourth son, Yu Si, was the most renowned of all. At the beginning of the Yong'an period, from xuancaolang he rose to become a sanji zhongchangshi. Afterwards he became jianjun shizhe. In the campaign against Fu Yan, he contracted a disease and died of it.”

23. Sun Lin ordered his younger brother Sun En to act as chengxiang, in which capacity he was to lead the myriad officials and, with the Imperial carriage, proceed to Yongchangting to welcome the Prince of Langye. There they erected a palace: they turned a military tent into a temporary palace, in which they put a throne. On the day jimao (November 30), the Prince came to the temporary palace, but stopped in the eastern hall. [3] Sun En offered him the Imperial Seal and sceptre; the Prince declined three times and then received it. [4] The officials, one after the other, all paid him homage. The Prince then ascended into the Imperial carriage, and the myriad officials aligned themselves. Sun Lin, with one thousand troops, came to welcome him at Banye. He bowed to him on the roadside. The Prince alighted from his carriage and returned the bow. On the same day, he came to the Hall of State. He granted a general amnesty and altered the reign title to Yongan. [9]

[23] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu.

[23.3] SGZ has: “On the day jimao, Sun Xiu arrived. Observing the temporary palace, he stopped. He first sent Sun Kai to see Sun En. After Sun Kai came back, Sun Xiu mounted the Imperial carriage and advanced. The officials bowed to him twice and called themselves his subjects. Sun Xiu then ascended the temporary palace, but out of politeness he would not take the throne. He stopped in the eastern hall. The hucao shangshu stepped forward below the staircase and reported himself as Master of Ceremony for the occasion.”

[23.4] SGZ: “The acting chengxiang offered him the Imperial seal and sceptre; Sun Xiu declined three times and the officials offered them to him three times. Sun Xiu then said, 'Since the Commander-in-Chief and Prime Minister as well as the feudal Lords are all electing me, how can I dare not to accept the Imperial seal and sceptre?'”

[23.9] Sun Xiu, the new Emperor, was the sixth son of Sun Quan (see 252 AD). Sun Liang, his predecessor, was the youngest (see 250 AD). SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, under the seventh year of Yong'an (264 AD), states that at the time of his death, Sun Xiu was thirty years old (see 264 AD). In other words, he lived 235-264 AD. At the time of his accession, he was twenty-four years old.

24. Sun Lin called himself a “retired official” and came to the Court to send up a letter and return the seal, the Tally and the Axe, requesting permission to leave a vacancy in favor of a more capable man. The sovereign of Wu received him in audience and soothed him.

[24] SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, where the following passage precedes: “Sun Lin became more and more arrogant, insulting both men and spirits. Thus, he set fire to the temple of Wu Zixu at Daqiaotou, then destroyed Buddhist temples, and killed Daoist priests. Sun Xiu having acceded the throne, he called himself 'a retired official' and came to Court to send up a letter, '...(the main portion of the letter has only rhetorical interest)...I respectfully return the seal, the Tally and the Axe, and shall retire to my native village and leave a vacancy in favor of a more capable man.' Sun Xiu received him in audience and soothed him.”

25. Through an edict, the sovereign of Wu appointed Sun Lin to be chengxiang and mu (Governor) of Jingzhou, his appanage being increased by five districts, Sun En to be yushi dafu and wei jiangjun, serving as du (Commander) of the Central Army and enfeoffed as District Lord, Sun Ju, Sun Gan and Sun Kai were all appointed jiangjun and enfeoffed as Lords. He also appointed the zhangshui jiao yu Zhang Bu to be fuyi jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Yonggang.

[25] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, where it reads: “In the first year of Yong'an, in winter, in the tenth month, on the day renwu (December 3), an Imperial edict read: “To praise the virtuous and reward the meritorious has been an immutable principle throughout the past and the present. Herewith I appoint the da jiangjun Sun Lin to be chengxiang and mu of Jingzhou, with an additional appanage of five districts; the wuwei jiangjun Sun En to be yushi dafu and wei jiangjun, serving as du of the Central Army and enfeoffed as a District Lord; the weiyuan jiangjun Sun Ju (the text has Shou, evidently a misprint. For Sun Ju, see Section 16, and also infra) to be yu jiangjun, enfeoffed as a District Lord; the pian jiangjun Sun Gan to be a jiangjun of Miscellaneous Denomination, enfeoffed as a ting Lord. The changshui jiaoyu Zhang Bu has been assiduous as my guardian. I appoint Zhang Bu to be fuyi jiangjun and Lord of Yongkang. Dong Chao was one who offered me a welcome; I enfeoff him as a xiang Lord.'”

This edict is given in more detail in SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, “He furthermore issued an edict, 'Lacking virtue, I was living on the outside as a vassal prince. At this juncture, the ducal ministers and other high officials of the Court have elected me to continue the sacrifices to the Ancestral Temple. I am anxious, just as I would be were I crossing a pond. The da jiangjun has expressed his loyal counsel from his heart; he has rescued and fixed that which is about to be overthrown and brought security to the dynasty. His merits are brilliant. Of old, when the Emperor Xiaoxuan of Han succeeded to the throne, he heaped honors on Huo Guang. To praise the virtuous and reward the meritorious has been an immutable principle throughout the past and the present. Herewith, I appoint the da jiangjun to be chengxiang and mu of Jingzhou, with an appanage of five districts.'

Sun En was appointed yushi dafu and wei jiangjun, Sun Ju yu jiangjun, both being enfeoffed as District Lords. Sun Gan was appointed a jiangjun of Miscellaneous Denomination and was enfeoffed as a ting Lord. Sun Kai also was enfeoffed as a ting Lord. In Sun Lin's family, five members became Lords, each of them commanding palace troops, and their power encroached upon that of their sovereign. Since the foundation of Wu, there never has been such an instance of powerful officials.”

These two versions of the same edict indicate that the original text must have differed from them both.

26. Before this time, the taishou of Danyang, Li Heng had often incurred the displeasure of the Prince of Langye. [1] His wife Xi remonstrated with him, but Li Heng did not listen to her. The Prince of Langye sent up a letter to the throne begging to be transferred to another prefecture; the Emperor transferred him to Kuaiji.

When the Prince of Langye acceded to the throne, Li Heng was seized by fear and said to his wife, “Not listening to your words, I have come to this plight; I want to flee to Wei. What do you say to this?” His wife said, “It will not do. You were originally only of a plebeian family. The late Emperor gave you too high promotions. Having frequently acted rudely towards him, you would now anticipate the outcome and desert your post to save your life; if you return to the north in this manner, what face can you have to see the people of China proper?” Li Heng asked, “What shall I do then?” His wife said, “The Prince of Langye used to be fond of goodness and making his name renowned. For the moment he is bent on making himself prominent in the world. After all, he will not kill you because of his private grudge; this is clear. You may deliver yourself as a prisoner, listing all your former misdeeds and requesting to be punished. By this means, you will not only remain alive, but will also be given extraordinary favor.” Li Heng followed this advice.

The sovereign of Wu commanded in an edict, “Because of regrettable matters that happened in the past, the taishou of Danyang Li Heng has presented himself as a prisoner to the Minister of Crime. But 'cutting off the sleeve' and 'shooting of the buckle of the girdle' are done on behalf of the sovereign while the sovereign is there. Li Heng shall be sent back to his prefecture (i.e. Danyang) and should not harbor any doubt about his safety.” [8] He furthermore gave him the title of weiyuan jiangjun as well as a varnished halberd. [9]

[26] From the Xiangyang ji, where the following passage precedes: “Li Heng, zi Shuping, was originally a son from a military family of Xiangyang. At the end of the Han dynasty, he entered Wu, where he became a plebian of Wuchang. Hearing that Yang Dao had insight into human character, he went to visit him. After he left, Yang Dao said, 'In times of much trouble, the shangshu is an exigent office. He is fit to be a shangshulang.' At this time the Controller (jiaoshi) Lü Yi was abusing power. Great Ministers stood in fear of him, but did not dare to speak a word. Yang Dao said, 'Barring Li Heng, there is no one who can get the better of him.' And so he and others together recommended him as a shangshulang. Sun Quan received him in audience, on which occasion Li Heng set forth Lü YI's wickedness in thousands of words. Sun Quan felt shame. A few months thereafter, Lü Yi was put to death, and Li Heng received prominent promotions. Afterwards he used to be Zhuge Ke's sima, in which capacity he managed affairs in Zhuge Ke's headquarters. After Zhuge Ke was killed, he requested and obtained the post of taishou in Danyang. At that time, Sun Xiu was in the residence city of that prefecture. Li Heng frequently used the law to restrain him.”

[26.1] This sentence is not in the Xiangyang ji. Sima Guang derives it from the passage in 252, where it reads: “The taishou of Danyangjun Li Heng often oppressed Sun Xiu, who sent up a letter to the throne begging to be transferred to another prefecture. The Emperor transferred him to Kuaiji.”

[26.8] This passage is not in the Xiangyang ji, but is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu. Some of it the rhetoric is derived from the Zuozhuan: “He accordingly returned to Ts'oo {????}, reported the discharge of his mission, and then delivered himself a prisoner to the minister of Crime.” Also, Zuozhuan: “These men then presented themselves as prisoners to the Minister of Crime, saying...”

For “cutting off the sleeve” and “shooting of the buckle of the girdle,” see also Zuozhuang. The first refers to the eunuch Pi who attempted to kill Zhonger by order of the latter's father Duke Xian of Jin; the latter refers to Guan Zhong who shot at Duke Huan of Qi on behalf of the latter's brother Jiu. These two men later served their would-be victims.

[26.9] Xiangyang ji has: “As she told him, he suffered no disaster; he was furthermore given the title of weiyuan jiangjun as well as a varnished halberd.” The halberd in question was a kind of insignia that lent dignity to officials.

27. On the day jichou (December 10), the sovereign of Wu enfeoffed Sun Hao, a son of the late Prince of Nanyang, Sun He, as Lord of Wucheng.

[27] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, where it reads: “On the day jichou, Sun Xiu enfeoffed Sun Hao as Lord of Wucheng. Sun Hao's younger brothers Sun De and Sun Qian as Lords of Qiantang and Yong'an respectively.” SGZ, Biography of Sun He states: “After Sun Xiu had acceded to the throne, he enfeoffed Sun He's son Sun Hao as Lord of Wucheng; from Xindu he proceeded to his feudal state.”

28. The officials memorialized the throne to appoint the Empress and Crown Prince. The sovereign of Wu said, “Endowed with scanty virtue, I have succeeded to the Great Work; and I have just recently come to rule, so that my good deeds are not yet spread among the people. The bestowal of the titles of the Empress and the secondary consorts, and of the rank of an heir apparent, is not urgent.” The officials in charge earnestly made their request, but the Sovereign of Wu did not approve.

[28] From the Jiangbiao zhuan.

29. Taking a slain ox and wine, Sun Lin went to see the sovereign of Wu, but the sovereign of Wu would not accept the gift. He then took them to the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu. When he had some wine inside him, he uttered words of dissatisfaction, “When I dethroned the young Emperor, there were many who advised me to become Emperor myself. Thinking his Majesty to be wise and enlightened, I had him fetched. The Emperor could not have been enthroned without my help. Now, I offered him gifts, but he has refused them. This means that in his eyes I am not different from his ordinary officials. There is nothing left for me but to plan afresh.” Zhang Bu reported this to the Sovereign of Wu, who then hated him. Afraid that he, Sun Lin, might suspect this, he frequently conferred rewards and gifts on him.

[29] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

30. Eleventh month. On the day wuxu (December 19), the sovereign of Wu commanded in an edict [1], “The dajiangjun Sun Lin is in command of all the armed forces of the realm. His duties are too heavy. Herewith I confer on the wei jiangjun and Yushi dafu, Sun En, the additional title of shizhong, in which capacity he shall superintend various affairs of State together with the da jiangjun.

[30] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu.

[30.1] “On the day wuxu, he commanded in an edict,...” Sima Guang forgets here to prefix the first three characters. In SGZ, this section is put under the eleventh month. And as a matter of fact, there does not exist a wuxu in the tenth month, which is what the ZZTJ context implies.

31. There was someone who accused Sun Lin of harboring resentment, insulting the sovereign, and planning to rebel; the sovereign of Wu seized him and commmited him to Sun Lin, who killed him. From then on, he became the more fearful. Through the instrumentality of Meng Cong, he asked to be sent out to Wuchang as its commander; the Sovereign of Wu consented.

Sun Lin ordered that all the picked troops of the Central Army under his command, more than ten thousand men, be transported with him and also would take military implements from the arsenal; the sovereign of Wu ordered that they all be given to him.

[31] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, where the following passage precedes: “He also conferred the additional title of shizhong on Sun En, in which capacity, together with Sun Lin, he was to inspect State papers.”

32. Sun Lin asked to have two lang from the Zhongshu to take charge of the military affairs of Jingzhou. The official in charge memorialized that officials of the Zhongshu should not be sent out to the provinces. The Sovereign of Wu made an exception to this custom and gave him permission. He did not deny a single one of his requests.

[32] From the Wu li.

33. The jiangjun Wei Mo spoke to the sovereign of Wu, “If Sun Lin stays outside, he is certain to rebel.” The wuwei shi Shi Shuo also accused Sun Lin of planning a rebellion. [2]

[33] From SGZ

[33.2] SGZ continues: “Sun Xiu secretly asked the advice of Zhang Bu, who plotted with Ding Feng to kill Sun Lin in an assembly.”

34. The Sovereign of Wu, about to put Sun Lin to death, secretly asked the fuyi jiangjun Zhang Bu for advice. Zhang Bu said, “The zuo jiangjun Ding Feng is, to be sure, not versed in dealing with official documents, but he surpasses others in his counsels and is competent to manage affairs of importance.” The sovereign of Wu summoned Ding Feng and acquainted him with his intention, and furtherrmore asked him for his counsel. Ding Feng said, “The chengxiang (Sun Lin) and his younger brothers have formed a strong clique. I fear that our men are not united in their aims, hence we should not try to take him rashly. On the day of the La Assembly, we may let the palace guards put him to death.” The Sovereign of Wu approved. [6]

[34] From SGZ, Biography of Ding Feng, where the following passage precedes: “In the second year of Taiping (257 AD), the Wu besieged Shouchun on a large scale. First Zhu Yi, next Ding Feng and Li Fei, were ordered to relieve the city of the siege. Ding Feng sped along and took his position at Lijiang. He earned merit by fighting vehemently and was therefore appointed zuo jiangjun.” For this campaign, see 257 AD, Section 13.

[34.6] SGZ has: “Sun Xiu adopted his plan.” After this, SGZ continues, “He invited Sun Lin to this assembly. Ding Feng and Zhang Bu winked at the attendants, and they then killed him. Ding Feng was promoted to be da jiangjun with the additional title of zuoyu duhu.”

35. Twelfth month. On the day dingmao (January 17, 259 AD) [1], in Jianye, there circulated a ditty, “In tomorrow's assembly there will be a change.” Hearing of this, Sun Lin was displeased. During the night, a strong wind blew, pulling out houses and raising dust. Sun Lin was the more afraid. On the day wuchen (January 18, 259 AD), the La-assembly was held. Sun Lin pleaded indisposition and did not attend it. The Sovereign of Wu insisted on him coming; ten and more messengers were sent to him one after another. Unable to decline any more, Sun Lin was on the point of entering the palace, when his followers stopped him. Sun Lin said, “As the Emperor has sent me his orders so many times, I cannot decline any more. You may put the troops in order, and start a fire in my headquarters, which will oblige me to return soon.” Then he entered the palace. Soon afterwards, a fire broke out. Sun Lin asked permission to go out. The Sovereign of Wu said, “The troops out there are numerous; they can manage it without you, chengxiang, having to be disturbed.” Sun Lin rose and left his mat. Ding Feng and Zhang Bu winked to the attendants, who seized and bound him.

Sun Lin knocked his head on the ground and said, “I beg to be banished to Jiaozhou.” The Sovereign of Wu said, “Why did you not banish Teng Yin and Lü Ju to Jiaozhou?” Sun Lin then said, “I beg to be made a State slave.” The Sovereign of Wu said, “Why did you not make Teng Yin and Lü Ju slaves?” In the end, he killed him. He showed the decapitated head of Sun Lin to his followers and said, “All those who are accomplices of Sun Lin are given pardon.” Those who laid down their weapons numbered five thousand men.

Sun Kai took a boat with the intention of surrendering himself to the northerners. He was pursued and killed. The members of Sun Lin's family were exterminated to the third degree. [14] He opened up Sun Jun's coffin and took his official seal. Having chopped up the coffin, he reburied it. [15]

[35] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin.

[35.1] SGZ prefixes: “In the first year of Yong'an.” The day dingmao was the seventh day of the twelfth month; the La assembly was held on the day wuchen on the eight day.

[35.14] SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu states: “Sun Xiu heard that Sun Lin was plotting a rebellion and made a secret plan with Zhang Bu. In the twelfth month, on the day wuchen, on the day La, the myriad officials paid homage to him at Court, ducal ministers and other high officials ascending the hall. He ordered his men of arms to seize and bind Sun Lin, whom he killed on the same day.”

[35.15] After this, SGZ continues: “It was because he had killed Luyu (Princess Ju) and others. At the time of his death, Sun Lin was twenty-eight years old. Sun Xiu was ashamed to be of the same clan as Sun Jun and Sun Lin; he especially removed their names from the clan and referred to them as 'the late Jun' and 'the late Lin' (that is, without mentioning their surname Sun).” Sun Lin lived 231-258 AD.

36. ON the day jisi (January 19, 259 AD), the sovereign of Wu appointed Zhang Bu to be du (Commander) of the Central Army.

[36] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu: “On the day jisi, he commanded in an edict that, because the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu had punished the wicked minister, Zhang Bu be appointed du of the Central Army. He enfeoffed Zhang Bu's younger brother Zhang Dun as Lord of Duting and put him in command of three hundred troops, and appointed Zhang Dun's younger brother Zhang Xun to be a jiaoyu.” There is a slight confusion here. Zhang Bu was fuyi jiangjun while Ding Feng was zuo jiangjun. If it is not a confusion, the only possible explanation is that Zhang Bu had already been promoted to the post of zuo jiangjun, while the original zuo jiangjun Ding Feng had in the meantime became da jiangjun.

37. He reburied Zhuge Ke, Teng Yin, Lü Ju, et al and recalled all those who, involved in the affairs of Zhuge Ke and the others, had been banished to distant places.

[37] From SGZ, Biography of Sun Lin, where it reads: “He (Sun Xiu) also issued an edict, 'Zhuge Ke, Teng Yin, and Lu Ju were all killed, though they were innocent, by Sun Jun and his younger brother Sun Lin (who was actually a younger cousin). It is a lamentable matter. I order that they shall all be reburied and sacrifices be offered to each one of them. All those who, involved in the affairs of Zhuge Ke et al., had been banished to distant places, shall be recalled.'”

38. There was a court official who begged that a stele be erected for Zhuge Ke. The boshi Sheng Zhong held that such should not be. The Sovereign of Wu commanded in an edict, “In the hottest time of the summer, he led the troops out and caused them injury, without achieving anything whatsoever.--He cannot be said to have been competent. Having been entrusted with the guardianship of the young sovereign, he died at the hands of a mere boy.--He cannot be said to have been wise. Sheng Zhong is right in his view.” And so the matter came to nothing.

[38] From the Jiang biao zhuan.

39. Formerly, when the Emperor Zhaolie of Han stationed Wei Yan in Hanzhong, he filled the various encampments with troops and thus warded the enemy off; when the enemy came to attack, they were prevented from entering the territory. At the battle of Xingshi, when Wang Ping offered resistance to Cao Shuang, this strategem was again adopted. When Jiang Wei came to direct affairs, he proposed, “These various encampments indeed conform to the Zhou Yi's principles of the defense of the double gates, but are only sufficient to ward off the enemy. They do not bring us any extraordinary victory. A better plan is this: Hearing of the approach of the enemy, we should withdraw our troops from these various encampments and assemble our grain in the two cities of Hancheng and Luocheng [5], to which the troops should also retreat, and allow the enemy to enter the plain [6]; we should strengthen our garrison in the passes and thus ward the enemy off.

On the day were are invaded, we should order the mobile detachments to make a simultaneous sally and look for the weak positions in the enemy's line. The enemy may attack but will not capture our passes; finding no stray grain in the field and having to transport their provisions from a distance of one thousand li, they will naturally be reduced to extremity and fatigue. On the day they retreat, we should then let our troops from these two cities make a simultaneous sally and, uniting their strength with the mobile detachments, strike at the enemy. This is the art of exterminating the enemy.”

Thereupon, the sovereign of Han ordered the commander of Hanzhong Hu Ji to withdraw to Hanshou, and stationed the jianjun Wang Han at Luocheng and the hujun Jiang Bin at Hancheng. He also placed encampments at Xi'an, Jianwei, Wuwei, Shimen, Wucheng, Jianchang and Linyuan.

[39] From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, where no date is given.

[39.5] Zhuge Liang had built these two cities; see 229 AD, Section 13.

[39.6] SGZ gives just the opposite account: “And prevent the enemy from entering the plain.”
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