Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Best threads of the SGYYS, for your viewing pleasure.

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 9:37 am

Chapter 20
Third Year of Jingchu (239 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (January 22-February 20). Sima Yi came and was received in audience. The Emperor grasped his hand and said, “I entrust you with the care of affairs after my death. You and Cao Shuang will act as guardians over my young son; now I can bear to die. I have been delaying the approach of death waiting for you. Now that I am able to see you, there is nothing more for me to regret.” [1]

He then summoned the two Princes of Qi and Qin, whom he showed to Sima Yi. Pointing his finger at the Prince of Qi, Cao Fang, he said to Sima Yi, “This is he. Look at him carefully and do not make any mistake.” He also made the Prince of Qi step forward and embrace Sima Yi's neck. Sima Yi knocked his forehead on the floor and wept.

2. On this day, the Prince of Qi was appointed Crown Prince, and the Emperor died soon afterward. [2]

3. The Emperor was grave and firm of purpose, perspicacious and nimble-minded. He acted in accordance with the dictates of his mind. [1] He measured and selected the meritorious and competent, nor did he allow the true and false to be confused. He put aside and did away with superficial show. When he employed his armies in campaigns, or discussed and decided important matters of State, his counselors, ministers and generals without exception wondered at his great mind. By nature he possessed a particularly tenacious memory. The service records, personal character, and the fame and accomplishments of his meanest attendants, as well as the names of their fathers and elder brothers, their sons and younger brothers—once he chanced to hear or read these, he did not forget them to the end. He was patient with disagreeable and vexing things, and would admit straightforward admonitions. He listened patiently to his officials and to the common people. He allowed his gentry and commoners to send in letters, even to the amount of tens and hundreds in a month. Even when their style and diction was unpolished and vulgar, he would still read them to the end, without being bored with them.”

4. Sun Sheng would remark, “I have heard from the elders that Mingdi of Wei possessed an unsurpassingly fine physical appearance. His hair reached to the ground when he stood up. He stammered, and spoke seldom, but he was grave and firm of purpose, and good at making decisions. In his early days, Their Excellencies the various officials served as his guardians and tutors in accordance with the edict of the Late Emperor; but the Emperor gave them provincial employments, he himself ruling the State. [But] he showed especial respect to Ministers of State; he was open to and tolerant of good, straightforward admonitions. Even when they displeased him by excessive admonition, he did not crush or kill them. His tolerance was that majestic, worthy of a Sovereign over men. But he did not think of planting his virtue and disseminating good influence, nor did he consolidate the 'fortified wall,' [3] with the result that the great power of the state was only partially invested and the foundation of the Imperial House lacked protection. What a pity!”

5. The Crown Prince ascended the throne, aged eight. He granted a general amnesty and reverenced the Empress as Empress-Dowager. [1] He added the title shizhong to Cao Shuang and Sima Yi, conferred on them the Plenipotentiary Tally and the Yellow Axe, and made them Directors of all Military Affairs and lu shangshu shi. [2] The work of constructing palaces was all to be stopped, by posthumous edict of the late Emperor. [3] The male and female slaves belonging to the government who were aged sixty and more were to be freed to become commoners. Cao Shuang and Sima Yi commanded three thousand soldiers each, and in rotation stayed in the palace as guard. [5]

6. Because Sima Yi was high both in age and in rank, Cao Shuang used to serve him as if he were his own father; he consulted him on every matter and did not dare to act on his own authority.

7. At first, Bi Gui of Dongping, the zishi (Governor) of Bingzhou [1], as well as Deng Yang, Li Sheng, Hu Yan, and Ding Mi, were well known as men of talent, but precipitous in seeking for riches and honor. They kept up with the powers-that-be of that time and leaned on influential personages. Mingdi had disliked their superficial show; he had suppressed them all and had not employed them. Cao Shuang used to be intimate with them [2], and when he came to assist in the government as a guardian, he gave them sudden promotions and made them his confidants. Hu Yan was Hu Qin's grandson. Ding Mi was Ding Fei's son.

8. Hu Yan and others all stood for Cao Shuang's interests and maintained that heavy power should not be entrusted to anyone else. Ding Mi schemed in the interest of Cao Shuang; he had Cao Shuang speak to the Emperor in favor of an edict transferring Sima Yi to be taifu (Grand Preceptor). Externally he would thus honor him by conferring on him a higher title; internally, however, he intended to make all the memorials sent in from the shangshu, pass through his hands first so that he might exercise his influence over them. Cao Shuang followed this suggestion.

9. On the day dingchou, Sima Yi was appointed taifu.

10. Of Cao Shaung's younger brothers, Cao Xi was appointed zhong lingjun, Cao Xun wuwei jiangjun and Cao Yan san qi changshi shiqiang. His other younger brothers all became imperial attendants in the capacity of feudal lords. They went in and out of the palace; their honors and favors were unequalled.

11. Cao Shuang indeed served the taifu with due respect, but he seldom consulted him on the measures he introduced.

12. Cao Shuang demoted Lu Yu, the libu shangshu, to be Puyi, replacing him by Hu Yan. He appointed Deng Yang and Ding Mi to be shangshu, and Bi Gui to be sili xiaoyu.

13. Hu Yan and others abused their power in their official functions; those who adhered to them were promoted. Those who disagreed with them were dismissed. Inside and outside, all came under their sway and there was none who dared to go counter to their wishes.

14. Fu Jia, the huangmen shilang, said to Cao Shuang's younger brother Cao Xi, “Hu Pingshu is calm externally but fierce internally. He is sharp and avaricious, not attending to what is fundamental. I am afraid he will first of all delude you and your brothers; good men will keep away and State affairs will be neglected.” Hu Yan and the others, as a result, were antagonistic toward Fu Jia, and on a trifling matter had him dismissed from office.

15. They also ousted Lu Yu from the inner circle of the court to become tingyu. Bi Gui further made a false charge against him in his memorial and had him dismissed. The general opinion of the time defended him, so they reinstated him in office as guanglu xun.

16. Sun Li was straight and uncompromising in character. Cao Shuang was not at ease in mind, and sent him away from Court as Zishi of Yangzhou.

17. Third month (March 22-April 20). Man Chong, the chengdong jiangjun, was appointed Taiyu.

18. Summer, fourth month (April 21-May 19). Yang Tao, the dujun shizhe, attacked the garrison commanders of Liaodong, captured the people, and left.

19. After Jiang Wan of Han had become the da sima, Yang Xi of Jianwei was appointed dong cao yuan. He was by nature simple and unpolished. When Jiang Wan conversed with him, sometimes he would not answer. Some one said to Jiang Wan, “Your Excellency spoke to Yang Xi but he did not answer. He is extremely insolent.”

Jiang Wan said, “Men's minds are as different as their faces. [5] To accord with a man to his face and criticize behind his back [6], is something the ancients warned against. If Yang Xi had wished to agree with me, it would have been against his conviction. If he had wished to disagree with me, it would have showed up his fault. Hence he kept silent. This is commendable of Yang Xi.”

Then again, Yang Min, the dunong, once slandered Jiang Wan, saying, “In managing things, he is muddle-headed. He certainly is not the equal of his predecessor.” Some one reported this to Jiang Wan, and an official responsible for such matters requested him to refute and punish Yang Min. Jiang Wan said, “ I really am not an equal of my predecessor. I cannot refute him.” [8]

The official, attaching importance to his basis for declining to make a refutation, asked him in what way he was muddle-headed. Jiang Wan said, “If I am not the equal of my predecessor, things will not be well-regulated. If things are not well regulated, then I am certainly muddle-headed. What more is there to be said?”

Later, Yang Min was incriminated and committed to prison. Everyone feared he was sure to be put to death. But Jiang Wan's mind was superior to personal issues. Yang Min was able to escape the heaviest punishment.

20. Autumn, seventh month (July 18-August 16). The Emperor for the first time appeared in Court and listened to the reports of the ministers. Eighth month (August 17-September 14). A general amnesty was granted.

21. Winter, tenth month (October 15-November 12). In Wu, the taichang Pan Jun died. [1] The Sovereign of Wu appointed Lü Tai, the chennan jiangjun, to succeed him together with Lu Xun to take charge of the political affairs of Jingzhou. At this time, Lü Tai was already eighty years old. He had always been strong in body and participated in person in the administration of state affairs. He united his heart with Lu Xun's and worked in cooperation. When anything commendable was done, they would attribute the credit to each other, for which the people of the southern region praised them.

22. Twelfth month (December 13, 239-January 11, 240). [2] Liao Shi, a Wu general, killed Yan Gang, taishou of Linhe, and others, and proclaiming himself pingnan jiangjun, he attacked Lingling and Guiyang and shook the various jun in Jiaozhou. There were several tens of thousands under him.

Lü Tai sent in a petition to the throne and proceeded immediately, going on day and night. The Sovereign of Wu sent a messenger after him to appoint him mu (Governor) of Jiaozhou. He also dispatched Tang Zi and other generals to him one after another with reinforcements. He carried on the punitive campaign a year and destroyed them, putting to death Liao Shi and his followers. The region was entirely pacified. Lü Tai then returned to Wuchang.

22. Zhou Yin, the Lord of Duxiang in Wu, who was in command of a thousand soldiers and stationed at Gong'an, was banished to Luling because of a misdeed. Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi interceded for him. The Sovereign of Wu said, “As my confidant and one who formerly earned merit, and as one who cooperated with me, Gongjin (Zhou Yu) fully deserves credit. Formerly, Zhou Yin, who had in those days earned no merit, was given command of select troops, enfeoffed as Lord and made a general. This was all because my memory of Gongjin was applied to him. But Zhou Yin, relying on this, indulged in wantonness and disorder. Many a time I admonished him, but he never reformed. I am disposed toward Gongjin just as you are two gentlemen. How can my wish to see Zhou Yin become a success in life have abated? Because of the offenses he has committed, it would not be proper to have Zhou Yin recalled immediately from banishment. Besides, my intention is only to torment him to make him aware of his crimes himself. Now, you two gentlemen mention the oath of Han Gaozu at Taishan and the Huanghe. I feel ashamed. But though my virtue does not equal his, still I intend to emulate him more or less in my deed. Therefore, it is not for me to comply with your wishes. Zhou Yin, being a son of Gongjin, if you two gentlemen are able to reform him, what need to worry?

23. The Pian Jiangjun Zhou Jun, son of Zhou Yu's elder brother, died. Quan Zong requested that Zhou Hu, Zhou Jun's son, be appointed to command his father's troops. [1] The Sovereign of Wu said, “The repulse of Cao Cao and the opening of Jingzhou were both the achievements of Gongjin. I have never forgotten them. On hearing of Zhou Jun's death, I first thought of using Zhou Hu. But I have heard that Zhou Hu is of a dangerous nature. If I use him it will only bring calamity upon him. Therefore I have changed my intention and desisted. How could my memory of Gongjin have abated?”

24. Twelfth month (December 13, 239-January 12, 240). By imperial edict, the month of yin was restored as the first month of the year.


Chapter 20 Notes
Third Year of Jingchu (239 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Chiwu

1. Adapted from several sources.

1.1 This paragraph is from a passage in SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, from Weilue and Wei shi chunqiu, and from Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi.

SGZ reads: “Third year of Jingchu, spring, first month. On the day dinghai (January 22), Sima Xuanwang, the taiyu, returned to Henei. The Emperor sent a post-horse to summon him, he let him enter his bedroom, and grasping his hand said to him, 'I am gravely ill and entrust you with the care of things after my death. You and Cao Shuang are to act as guardians for my young son. Now that I am enabled to see you, there is nothing for me to regret.' Xuanwang knocked his forehead on the floor and wept.”

The emperor's conversation is partly derived from Jin Shu, which reads: “Sima Xuanwang was led into the bedroom in the Jiafutian and mounted the Imperial bed. IN tears, he asked about the illness. The Son of Heaven grasped his hand, and glancing at the Prince of Qi said, 'I entrust you with the care of things after my death. Now I can bear to die.”

The Wei shi chunqiu account is quite different. “At this time the Crown Prince Cao Fang was eight years old, and the Prince of Jin nine. They were both at the Emperor's side. The Emperor grasped Sima Xuanwang's hand, and glancing at the Crown Prince said, 'Now I can bear to die. I have been delaying the approach of death waiting for you. You and Cao Shuang are to act as guardians for him [my heir.]'

Sima Xuanwang said, 'Your Majesty is surely aware that the late Emperor entrusted Your Majesty to me?'”

2. Summarized from SGZ, Chronicles of Mingdi and the Prince of Qi.

2.2 SGZ, Wei reads: “On the same day, the Emperor died in Jiafutian. He was then aged thirty-six. On the day guichou (February 17), he was buried in the Gaoping Ling.”

Concerning the Emperor's age, Pei Songzhi remarks in his commentary to this passage that thirty-six is an error; the Emperor must have been born in the tenth year of Jian'an (205 AD), for it was in the eighth month of the ninth year (September 12-October 11, 204 AD), that Cao Cao conquered Ye, when the Emperor Wendi took Lady Zhen as his wife. As the first month of this year is in reality the twelfth month of the last year (the Jingchu Calendar, pushed one month ahead), the Emperor died, to be exact, at the age of thirty four.

3. Except the first sentence, which is from Chen Shou's “Comment” at the end of SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, the entire section is from the Wei Shu. Wei shu reads: “The Emperor's physical appearance was worth beholding; he appeared august and solemn. While in the Eastern Palace, he did not make friends with the officials of the Court, nor did he make any inquiries about the government; he devoted himself solely to books. After he ascended the throne, he showed respect to the Great Ministers. He measured...”

3.1 Chen Shou's comment reads: “Mingdi was grave and firm of purpose, and resolute in making decisions. He acted in accordance with the dictates of his mind. IN the main he possessed qualities worthy of a Sovereign over men. In his time the people were in distress and the Empire torn to pieces. He did not set as his foremost task the glorifying of his ancestors by widening the foundation of the dynasty. Instead he rashly imitated Qin Shihuang and Han Wudi in occupying himself with the building of palaces. Measured by the counsels of the ancients, was he not quite defective?”

4. From the passage quoted in SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi commentary.

4.3 The relevant Shi Jing quote reads: “The circle of the King's relatives is a fortified wall.” As Hu Sanxing remarks, Sun Sheng's meaning is that the Emperor was jealous of his relatives and would not make them powerful.

5. From SGZ and Jin Shu.

5.1 SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, reads: “The Prince of Qi was named Fang, with the zi Lanqing. Mingdi did not have a son; he adopted and brought up the Prince as well as Cao Xun, the Prince of Qin, in the palace. The matter was so concealed that no one knew of his provenience...”

Here the commentary quotes Wei shi chunqiu, which reads, “Some said he was a son of Cao Kai, the Prince of Rencheng.” Cao Kai, who was Cao Zhang's son, was a first cousin to the Emperor. To resume the text proper:

“In the third year of Qinglong (235 AD), he was made Prince of Qi. In the third year of Jingchu, first month, on the day dinghai, the Emperor became gravely ill and appointed him Crown Prince. On the same day, he ascended the throne. He granted a general amnesty and honored the Empress as Empress Dowager.” For the age of the Prince of Qi, see Note 1.1.

5.2 With regard to Sima Yi's additional rank and offices, Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi states: “When the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, he was promoted to be a shizhong, was given the Plenipotentiary Tally, and made director of all military affairs, and a lu shangshu shi.”

As for Cao Shuang, Sima Guang is slightly erroneous. SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang reads: “When he had fallen ill, the Emperor Mingdi summoned Cao Shuang to his bedroom and apppointed him da jiangjun, conferred on him the Plenipotentiary Tally, and made him director of all military affairs and a lu shangshu shi. Together with the Sima Xuanwang, he received the edict and became a guardian of the young Sovereign. When Mingdi died and the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, Cao Shuang was given the additional rank of a shizhong.”

5.3 From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, at the end of the Imperial edict. Hu Sanxing writes that the chinese character here used as “through” indicates that there was no edict actually ordering the stopping of the work.

5.5 Jin Shu continues the passage given above in Note 5.2: “He and Cao Shuang commanded 3000 soldiers each. Together they took charge of the government and kept guard in rotation of the palace.”

6. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

7. From ibid., which reads: He Yan, Deng Yang and Li Sheng, all of Nanyang, Ding Mi of the State of Pei and Bi Gui of Dongping, had all earned renown and were esteemed by their contemporaries. The Emperor Mingdi suppressed them all because they were men of superficial show. When Cao Shuang took up the government, he again promoted them and made them his confidants.”

7.1 Wei lue has: “When the Emperor ascended the throne, Bi Gui was promoted to be cishi of Bingzhou.”

7.2 Weilue states: “Cao Shuang used to be intimate with him (Ding Mi).” Ding Mi, zi Yanjing's father was Ding Fei, zi Wenhou.”

8. Except the first sentence, Section 8 is from SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

9. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi has: “On the day of dingchou, the Emperor said in an edict, '...The taiyu shall be appointed taifu, commanding troops in the capacity of a holder of the Plenipotentiary Tally (chijie), and retaining his position as a director of all military affairs.” This edict is also given, in more detail and with some variations, in the Han Jin chun qiu.

10. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

11. From an anonymous book quoted in SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang. Pei Songzhi omits the title of the book. This omission has been suggested as a case of lacunae. The quotation: “On the ground that Cao Shuang was as lungs and viscera to the House of Wei, Sima Xuanwang first made a point of putting him before himself. Because Sima Xuanwang enjoyed great renown, Cao Shuang also became humble towards him. Their contemporaries commended them both. Ding Mi, Bi Gui, and others, after they had been given employment, several times said to Cao Shuang, 'Xuanwang is ambitious, and the people are fond of him. You should not submit to him with sincerity.' From then on, Cao Shuang was always on his guard against him. He served him indeed with due respect, but he no more consulted with him on the measures he would introduce. Being weaker in power to contend, Sima Xuanwang, who was also afraid of drawing calamity on him{self}, avoided him.” SGZ adds that Sima Yi feigned ill health to avoid Cao Shuang.

12. SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, reads: “He then appointed He Yan, Deng Yang and Ding Mi to be shangshu. He Yan taking charge of the selection of officials, Bi Gui was appointed sili xiaoyu and Li Sheng the Yin (Prefect) of Henan.

SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu, reads: “When the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, he was given the rank of a feudal lord without fief (Guannei hou). At this time, Cao Shuang held the power in his hands and was building up his faction. He demoted Lu Yu to be puyi, replacing him with the shizhong He Yan.”

Lu Yu had been appointed a shizhong in the third year of Qinglong (234 AD), in which office he remained for three years, finally to be promoted to libu shangshu.

13. The first sentence is by Sima Guang, based on the abuse of power by Cao Shuang's partisans as shown in his biography. The second sentence is taken almost intact from the same source, which however reads “the officials” in place of “inside and outside.”

14. From SGZ, Biography of Fu Jia, which begins, “At the beginning of the Zhengshi period, he was appointed shangshulang, then promoted to be huangmen shilang. At this time, Cao Shuang took the power in his hands, and He Yan became libu shangshu. Fu Jia said...” He Yan's zi was Pingshu.

15. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu, which continues the passage given in Note 12.

16. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Li, which reads: “When Mingdi was about to die he appointed Cao Shuang da jiangjun. He thought a competent helper should be appointed, at his bedside, for the latter, and by the provisions of his posthumous edict, Sun Li was appointed zhangshi to the da jiangjun, with the additional title of sanqi changshi. Sun Li was straight and uncompromising...”

17. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

18. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which reads: “In the spring of the second year [of Chiwu], third month (April 21-May 19)-by order of Sun Quan-the dujun shizhe Yang Dao, [the xuanxin xiaoyu] Zheng Zhou and the jiangjun Sun Yi proceeded to Liaodong where they attacked the Wei garrison commanders Zhang Chi and Gao Lu, capturing men and women.

Sima Guang's “fourth month” is in accord with the Jingchu calendar. He gets Yang Dao's title from SGZ, Biography of Sun Ba. Zheng Zhou's title as given above is supplied by the translator from the Wenshi zhuan, quoted in the commentary.

19. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wan. IN putting the two episodes showing Jiang Wan's great heart under this year, Sima Guang seems to follow the Huayang Guozhi which, more or less abridged from the SGZ passages, begins: “In the second year of Yanxi, spring, third month (fourth month of the Qingchu Calendar, April 21-May 19), Jiang Wan, the da jiangjun, was appointed to be da sima. He opened his tribunal (kaifu) and appointed Yang Yi [which can also be Yang Xi since the characters for those ming are noted in ancient times to be interchangeable] of Jianwei the chizhong congshi, to be dongcaoyuan [of his tribunal]....”

SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign reads: “In the second year, spring, third month, Jiang Wan's rank was raised to da sima.”

19.5 Zuozhuan: “Men's minds are different just as their faces are.”

19.6 Shu jing: “When I [Shun] am doing wrong, it is yours [Yu's] to correct me;--do not follow me to my face, and when you have retired, have other remarks to make.”

19.8 Jiang Wan's predecessor refers to Zhuge Liang.

20. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

21. From SGZ, Biography of Lü Tai, which reads, “When Pan Jun died, Lü Tai succeeded him in charge of the political affairs of Jingzhou. He was stationed at Wuchang together with Lu Xun and, as formerly, directed the affairs of Puchi. Soon afterward, Liao Shi rose in rebellion, attacking and besieging walled towns; various jun such as Lingling, Cangwu and Yulin were disturbed. Lü Tai sent in a petition...(here follows the third paragraph of Section 21)...

At this time, he was already eighty years old, but was strong in body and participated in person in the administration of State Affairs. Zhang Cheng, the feiwei jiangjun, wrote Lü Tai a letter saying, “Anciently when Dan (Duke of Zhou) and Shi (Duke of Zhao) served as support to the House of Zhou, the two Nan were sung. Now you and Master Lu would surpass each other in serving loyally and bestowing the credit with modesty, with the restul that work is accomplished and good rule conforms to the Way. The superior man admires your virtue and the mean man is pleased at this fine trait....'”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, reads: “Winter, tenth month. The jiangjun Jiang Bi had been campaigning in the south against rebel barbarians. His subordinate, Liao Shi, a dudu, had killed Yan Gang, taishou of Linhe, and others, and had proclaimed himself pingnan jiangjun. Together with his younger brother Liao Qian, he had attacked Lingling and Guiyang and shaken the various jun in Jiaozhou, such as Cangwu and Yulin. There were several ten thousand men under him.

Sun Quan sent the generals Lü Tai and Tang Zi on a campaign against him. After more than a year, they destroyed them.”

21.1 SGZ, Biography of Pan Jun reads: “In the second year of Chiwu, Pan Jun died.” The date, “winter, tenth month” seems to be taken from the beginning of the passage narrating Liao Shi's rebellion in SGZ, But since Sima Guang adopted the Jingchu calendar for the years 237-239 AD, he should have written eleventh month here.

21.2 SGZ writes “tenth month,” corresponding to the eleventh month of the Jingchu calendar. Sima Guang's “twelfth month” is not justifiable.

22. From SGZ, Biography of Zhou Yin appended to that of his father Zhou Yu, which begins: “Zhou Yu had two sons and one daughter. The daughter was married to Crown Prince Sun Deng; Zhou Xun, who married a princess of the blood and was appointed qiduyu, had the spirit of Zhou Yu, but died young. Zhou Xun's younger brother, Zhou Yin, was first appointed xingye duyu and married a girl of the Imperial clan. He was given a thousand soldiers and stationed at Gong'an. In the first year of Huanglong (229 AD), he was enfeoffed as Lord of Duxiang. Later he was banished to Luling because of a misdeed. In the second year of Chiwu, Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi joined their named and memorialized the throne...”

Sima Guang omits this long memorial and merely writes that they interceded for him. The SGZ also notes, “The letter of Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi had barely arrived when Zhu Ran and Quan Cong also set forth their petition in behalf of Zhou Yin. Sun Quan then conceded to them. It happened, however, that Zhou Yin died of illness.”

23. From SGZ, Biography of Zhou Yu.

23.1 SGZ reads: “Zhou Jun, son of Zhou Yu's elder brother, because of Zhou Yu's great merit was also given an appointment as a pian jiangjun, commanding under-officials and soldiers to the number of a thousand men. When Zhou Jun died, Quan Cong memorialized to have Zhou Hu, Zhou Jun's son, appointed to be their general.

24. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, reads: “In the twelfth month, the Imperial edict read: '...The month of yin shall become the first month of the first year of Zhengshi (i.e. the following year); the month of chou shall become the “second twelfth month of this year.”

The short lived Jingchu calendar, which caused considerable inconvenience and some confusion in Sima Guang's chronology for the years 237-239 AD, is thus abandoned and the Sifen calendar used formerly, reinstated.
Last edited by Jordan on Tue Jul 29, 2014 8:15 am, edited 1 time in total.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 9:52 am

Chapter 21
First Year of Zhengshi (240 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Yanxi
Wu: Third Year of Chiwu

1. Spring. Drought in Wei.

2. The Man barbarians of Yuehui several times had risen in rebellion against the Shu-Han and had killed the taishou. Thereafter, no taishou ever dared proceed to the district to take his office. The seat of the taishou's residence was moved to Anding[-xian], more than eight hundred li from the district. The Sovereign of Han appointed Zhang Yi of Baxi as taishou of Yuehui. Zhang Yi appeased and soothed those of the barbarians who had recently offered allegiance, and punished those who were disobedient and unruly. The Man barbarians feared him and submitted. The district was thus completely pacified and the former seat of residence was recovered.

3. Winter. In Wu, famine.


Chapter 21 Notes
First Year of Zhengshi (240 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Yanxi
Wu: Third Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

2. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, has: “In the spring of the third year of Yanxi, the Second Sovereign had Zhang Yi, the taishou of Yuehui, pacify Yuehuijun.” This passage led Sima Guang to put these events under the spring of this year. The contents of the narrative, however, are derived from the following passage in SGZ, Biography of Zhang Yi: “Now in Yuehuijun, since the Prime Minister Zhuge Liang led a punitive campaign against Gao Ding, the Sou (i.e. Shu) barbarians had risen in rebellion several times, killing in succession the two taishou Gong Lu and Jiao Huang. Thereafter no taishou ever dared proceed to the district, but took as residence Anding-xian, more than eight hundred li from the distrct. The district merely retained the name (Yuehui-jun) and no more. Opinion of contemporary officials was in favor of restoring the former district.

Zhang Yi was appointed taishou of Yuehui, and with his subordinates Zhang Yi proceeded to the district. He attracted the barbarians through his kindness and trustworthiness, and the Man barbarians all submitted, a large number of them offering allegiance. The Zhuoma on the Northern borders were most powerful and would not obey his commands. Zhang Yi led a punitive campaign against them and captured their leader, Wei Lang, but released him with the admonition to go and make his clan submissive; also he had the Second Sovereign appoint Wei Lang lord of the city. More than three thousand households of the tribe all became contented with their residence and served the state. Hearing of this, the other tribes gradually submitted...”

Zhang Yi's biography in SGZ notes, “Zhang Yi, zi Boqi, was a man of the state of Nanchong in Baxijun.” It is not certain that he was given his appointment in this year. Sima Guang probably could not decide on a definite date.

3. SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan has: “That winter, in the eleventh month (November 1- December 30), the people suffered from famine; Sun Quan commanded that the State granaries be opened to relieve the poor.”
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 12:01 pm

Chapter 42
Second Year of Chengshi (241 AD)
Shu: Fourth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Fourth Year of Chiwu

1. The Wu were about to lead a campaign against the Wei. Yin Cha [2], taishou of Lingling, said to the Sovereign of Wu: “Now Heaven has forsaken the Cao clan; its punishment in the form of death [of the Wei Sovereigns] has manifested itself repeatedly. This is a time for tigers to contend against each other, yet a mere boy is administering the State of Wei. Your Majesty should don armor, 'take from the disorderly and deal summarily with those going to ruin,' [4] and become absolute master of the regions of Jingzhou and Yangzhou. Let appropriate use be made of the strong and the weak: the strong shall carry lances, the weak shall transport supplies. In the west, let the troops of Yizhou (Shu) be ordered to march to Longyou. Let Zhuge Jin and Zhu Ran command the hosts and march directly to Xiangyang while Lu Xun and Zhu Huan lead a separate expedition to Shouchun. The Great Carriage (the Sovereign of Wu) should enteri Huaiyang [6] and then go through Qingzhou and Xuzhou. Then Xiangyang and Shouchun will be harassed meeting the enemy {Wei will be harassed contending with Wu's armies}, and the region west of Chang'an will be occupied with warding off the Shu troops, so that the multitudes of Wei at Xuchang, Luoyang, etc. will be isolated

If we [Wu and Shu] advance simultaneously, attacking from both directions [8], the people [of Wei] will join us from within. Their generals will differ among themselves and thus they may commit mistakes; should one army of theirs be defeated, all their armies will lose heart. We will have then but to feed our horses, grease the axles of our chariots, and go on to trample on their walled cities, and take advantage of our victory to pursue the enemy. Thus shall we conquer China proper.

If we start the campaign without mobilizing our entire armies, and make light-hearted moves as we did formerly, it will be inadequate for the great undertaking, and occasion only frequent retreat. The people will be fatigued and our martial renown will vanish, opportunity will be gone and our strength will be exhausted. This is not the best plan.”

The Sovereign of Wu was unable to adopt this advice.

2. Summer, fourth month (April 28-May 27). Quan Zong of Wu conquered Huainan and broke open the dike Sha-po. Zhuge Ke attacked Liu'an. Zhu Ran besieged Fan and Zhuge Jin attacked Zuzhong.

3. Wang Ling, the zhengdong jiangjun, and Sun Li, Governor of Yangzhou, fought against Quan Zhong at Sha-po. Quan Zong was defeated and fled.

4. Hu Zhi, Governor of Jingzhou, proceeded with light-armed troops to the aid of Fan. Some one said that an enemy so powerful, they should not approach too closely. Hu Zhi said, “The city wall of Fan is low and the troops there are scanty, so we must advance our troops and reinforce them from outside, else the situation will become dangerous.”

He thereupon took command of his troops and proceeded to the besieged city. The city was thus relieved of danger.

5. Fifth Month (May 28-June 25). Sun Deng, the Wu Crown Prince, died.
6. The Wu troops were still in Jingzhou. The taifu Sima Yi said, “In Zizhong the Chinese people and the barbarians number a hundred thousand; south of the water they wander and roam without a master over them. Fancheng has been under attack more than a month without relief. This is a precarious situation. I ask to lead a campaign myself.” [4]

7. Sixth month (June 26-July 25). The taifu Sima Yi directed the various troops and saved Fan. [1] Hearing of this, the Wu troops fled by night. Sima Yi pursued them to Sanzhoukou. Having taken many captives, he returned. [3]

8. Intercalary [sixth] month (July 26-August 23). The Wu da jiangjun, Zhuge Jin, died. Zhuge Jin's heir Zhuge Ke had been made a Lord. The Sovereign of Wu had Zhuge Jin's younger brother Zhuge Rong inherit his father's enfeoffment and succeed to his troops and functions, and stationed him in this capacity at Gong'an.

9. The Han da sima Jiang Wan observed that formerly, Zhuge Liang made sallies several times to Qinchuan, but due to difficulties transporting supplies, never achieved any success. He therefore built a large number of boats, with the intention of sailing down to the east on the Han and Mien {rivers?} for a surprise attack on Weixing and Shangyong. It happened that he was attacked by his old ailment and could not immediately execute his plan.

The Han all thought that if the affair should end in failure, the retreat would be very difficult, and that consequently the plan was not the best. Therefore, the Sovereign of Han sent the shangshu ling Fei Wei, the Zhong Jianjun Jiang Wei and others to convey his instructions.

Jiang Wan then proffered his view: “To set aside filth and quell troubles is my duty. It is already six years since, by your instruction, I stationed myself in Hanzhong. Unenlightened andd weak by nature, I am harassed by ailments, so that I have not accomplished my duties; morning and night, I am worried and sorrowful.

Now the Wei are astride the Nine Provinces. Their foundation is broad and wide; it will not be easy to destroy them. If East and West (i.e. Wu and Shu) work together and attack from both head and tail, though we may not speedily accomplish our aims, yet we may divide up their territory and gradually eat it up, crush to pieces their support. However, our expectations of the Wu being uncertain, we have not been able to act with determination. Glancing up and down, I observe only difficulties; indeed I forget my food and sleep in anxiety. When I consulted with Fei Wei and others, we decided that Liangzhou is a strategic point on the borders of the barbarians, a place we can depend on for both advance and retreat [and which the Wei rebels value]. Furthermore, that the Qiang barbarians long for us Han as if they were thirsty. Formerly, when a subsidiary army entered it, Guo Huai was put to rout. After comparing advantages and disadvantages, we deem it [the occupation of Liangzhou] a matter of primary importance.

We should appoint Jiang Wei zishi of Liangzhou. When Jiang Wei proceeds on his expedition and controls the region west of the He, I shall lead the army and serve as Jiang Wei's support.

Now Fou is a place connected with the four quarters by land and water; it is necessary to take it speedily. Should any misfortune occur in the northeast, it will not be difficult to cope with the situation from this place. I request to move headquarters to Fou.”

The Sovereign of Han gave his approval.

10. The Court wished to open up more lands for growing grain in the regions of Yangzhou and Yuzhou, and so had the shangshu lang Deng Ai of Runan make a tour of inspection through the region east of Chen[-xian] and Xiang[-xian] as far as Shouchun. Deng Ai held that excellent soil with scanty water would not fully bring out the benefit of the land, and that they ought to dig canals for irrigation and thereby store up large quantities of military provisions and furthermore that the system of transportation by water should be facilitated. He therefore wrote the Ji He Lun (Discussion of River Utility), in which he set forth his views.

He further maintained as follows: “Formerly, Taizu's (Cao Cao's) destruction of the Yellow Turbans was due to his instituting the tuntian (military agricultural colonies) by which he stored up grain in the capital Xu, in this manner controlling the four quarters. Now three quarters of the Empire are settled, and only the region south of the Huai is troubled.

Whenever a large force goes out on an expedition, more than half the army consists of transport troops. The expense amounts to millions of cash, and this is considered a serious item.

In the region of Chen and Cai, the terrain is low and the land good. We may spare the various rice fields around Xuchang and descend to the east following the course of the water. Have twenty thousand men settle in military agricultural colonies north of the Huai, and thirty thousand men south of the Huai. Of these, put two tenths on leave [in turn], so that there will always be forty thousand to attend to agriculture and to garrison duty. Let us dig more and more canals, thus increasing irrigation and facilitating water transportation. Deducting the various expenses, we will still get five million hu of grain to serve as military stores. Within six or seven years we shall be able to store up thirty million hu on the Huai—tantamount to five years' provisions for a host of a hundred thousand. If with this at our disposal we fall on the Wu, victory is guaranteed.”

The taifu Sima Yi commended and put into practice all of his proposal. In this year, transport canals were first dug extensively. Whenever there was any campaign in the southeast, a large force was levied and sent down by boats to the Jiang and the Huai. Provisions were more than ample, and there were no floods. This was all Deng Ai's work.

11. Guan Ning died. [1]Guan Ning was a man noble and pure in fame and deed, one to whom the people looked up.** He appeared to be distant and unapproachable, but when one approached him, he was found to be gay and affable. He was able to induce other people, on adequate occasion, to do good; there was none who did not change and submit. When he died, there was no one throughout the Empire, whether or not acquainted with him, who did not lament.


Chapter 22 Notes
Second Year of Chengshi (241 AD)
Shu: Fourth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Fourth Year of Chiwu

1. Except for the first sentence, the section is from the Han Jin chun qiu.

1.2 Lu Mingkai thinks that the name should be Yin Li. This name occurs in the biography of Zhang Wen and in that of Gu Shao, where he is mentioned as taishou of Lingling.

1.4 Hu Sanxing writes in his commentary that this is from the Shu Jing. “Take their states from the disorderly, and deal summarily with those going to ruin.”

1.6 Hu Sanxing writes that as the Huaiyang region of the Former Han times had been renamed Chenjun during the reign of Zhangdi of Later Han, the term Huaiyang should be understood as the region south of the Huai region.

1.8 Literally, “By taking the horns and the feet of a deer (here meaning the Wei), advance simultaneously.” Han Jin chunqiu has: “...cause the Wei to crumble down like tiles.”

2. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “That summer, in the fourth month, the wei jiangjun Quan Cong, by his order conquered Huainan, broke open the dike Shaopo, and set fire to the palatial buildings of Ancheng, taking under protection the people of the city. The weibo jiangjun Zhuge Ke attacked Liu'an...the juqi jiangjun Zhu Ran besieged Fan, and the da jiangjun Zhuge Jin captured Zuzhong.”

3. SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, has: “Quan Cong fought with the Wei general Wang Ling at Shaopo, at which time the zhonglangjiang Qin Huang and others, more than ten in all, died in battle.”

SGZ, Biography of Gu Tan has: “At this time, Quan Cong, as Commander-in-Chief (dadudu), fought against the Wei general Wang Ling at Shaopo; he was unsuccessful. The Wei took advantage of their victory to trap the troops of Qin Huang, the General of the Wuying.”

SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling has: “At the beginning of Zhengshi, Wang Ling was appointed zhengdong jiangjun, and as a Plenipotentiary in Military Affairs (jiajie) became Commander-in-chief in charge of the various military affairs in Yangzhou. In the second year, Quan Cong, a Great General of Wu, with several ten thousand men, invaded Shaopo. At the head of the various troops, Wang Ling met and attacked them and contended with the enemy for the dike. He fought arduously several days; the enemy withdrew and fled.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Li has: “Sun Li was straight and uncompromising. Cao Shuang, because he was not convenient to him, had him appointed cishi of Yangzhou, with the additional title of fubo jiangjun and the rank of a lord without fief (Guannei hou). Quan Cong, a Great General of Wu, led several ten-thousand men in an invasion. At this time, the troops of Yangzhou were being given leave (xiushi), and the number of those on the spot was very small. Sun Li in person directed the guards and warded off the enemy; he fought at Shaopo from morning to evening. More than half of his officers and common soldiers were killed or wounded. Sun Li trampled down drawn swords and his horse received several wounds; he held the drum stick in his hand and beat the battle drum, rushing along without thinking of his own safety. The enemy hosts then retreated.”

Quan Cong's biography in SGZ, Wu does not give an account of this battle.

4. From Hu Zhi's biography in SGZ, Wei, which reads: “He was promoted to be cishi of Jingzhou, with the title of chenwei jiangjun and a Guannei Lord (without a fief). Zhu Ran, a Great General of Wu, besieged Fancheng (also simply called Fan). Hu Zhi with light armed troops proceeded thither.”

5. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan. Sun Deng lived 209-241 AD.

6. From Gan Bao's Jin Ji, which begins: “The Wu general Quan Cong invaded Shaopo. Zhu Ran and Sun Lun, with fifty thousand men, besieged Fancheng. Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi invaded Zuzhong. Quan Cong had already been routed, but the siege of Fan was very pressing. Sima Xuanwang said...”

6.4 Jin ji continues, “Those who discussed the matter all said that the enemy, coming from afar, were besieging Fancheng, which they could not capture; that they were being crushed down under the strongly fortified city walls; and that since they were bound to come to defeat by themselves, consequently recourse should be taken to some other excellent plan. Sima Xuanwang said, 'It is written in the Jun zhi that to curb a general when he is competent, is to waste the army; to let a general command when he is not competent, is to annihilate the army.' Now there is uproar within the state and the people are doubtful in their hearts. This is a great worry for the foundation of the state.'”

7. From the Jin Ji, continuing the narrative from the passage given in Note 6.4.

7.1 The Jin ji writes: “In the sixth month, Sima Xuanwang directed the various troops in a southern expedition. The Emperor bade him farewell outside the city gate of Jinyang. Because the southern climate was hot and damp and hence unsuitable for a long drawn-out campaign, Sima Xuanwang had his light cavalry challenge the enemy. Zhu Ran dared not take action. Thereupon Sima Xuanwang ordered all his troops to rest and bathe; he selected a picked force and enlisted volunteers who would climb the city walls before others and issued commands and instructions, showing that he was persisting in launching an attack.”

Sima Guang's sentence is not altogether satisfactory, for it does not enable the reader to understand the meaning of “Hearing of this” in the next sentence.

7.3 Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi states, “He returned after having killed and captured more than ten thousand men, and seized their boats and provisions.”

With regard to the date given at the beginning of this section, the following passage from SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, is more explicit: “Summer, fifth month. The Wu general Zhu Ran and his men were besieging Fancheng in Xiangyang. Sima Xuanwang, the taifu, led the hosts to its defense.

Sixth month. On the day xinchou (July 24), he withdrew.”

Comparing these accounts, one may summarize as follows. The Jin ji and Sima Guang say that Sima Yi began and ended the campaign during the sixth month; SGZ on the other hand says he began it on the fifth month and withdrew on the twenty-ninth day, the day xinchou, of the sixth month. SGZ is consistent in its account; the biography of Sun Quan in SGZ Wu reads: “In this fifth month, Sima Xuanwang, the taifu of Wei, relieved Fan. In the sixth month, his troops withdrew.”

Sima Guang may find a corroboration of his date in the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi, which prefixes the date “Summer, fifth month” to the Jin ji passage given above in Note 6, and says that Sima Yi began the campaign in the sixth month.

8. First sentence from SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, Wu, where “Wu” and “Zhuge” are omitted; second sentence from Zhuge Jin's biography in SGZ, Wu, which tells us that he died at sixty-eight-hence he lived from 164-241 AD.

9. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wan.

10. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai, which begins: “Deng Ai was promoted to be shangshulang. At this time, they wished to open up more lands.” The SGZ biography of Deng Ai notes, “Deng Ai, zi Shicai, was a man of Jiyang in Yiyang. While young, he lost his father. When Taizu (Cao Cao) conquered Jingzhou, he migrated to Runan, where he became a cowherd for a farmer.”

11. Derived more or less from the Fu zi.

11.1 This statement is Sima Guang's own. It is by no means certain that Guan Ning died in this year. His biography in SGZ, Wei, says that in the second year of Zhengshi, a number of officials recommended him to the Emperor, who arranged to invite him to the Court, but that it so happened that he died at the age of eighty-four. It is not impossible that there elapsed some time between the recommendation and the Imperial invitation. Granting that he died in this year, we may conclude that he lived 158-241.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 12:38 pm

Chapter 23
Third Year of Zhengshi (242 AD)
Shu: Fifth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Fifth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (February 17-March 18). Jiang Wei of Han, leading the subsidiary army, returned from Hanzhong to Fou and quartered there.

2. The Sovereign of Wu named his son Sun He Crown Prince, granting a general amnesty.

3. Third month (April 17-May 16). Man Chong, the Illustrious Lord of Changyi, died.

4. Autumn, seventh month. On the day of yiyu (September 1), the lingjun jiangjun Jiang Ji was appointed taiyu.

5. The Sovereign of Wu dispatched the general Nie You and the xiaoyu Lu Kai in command of thirty thousand soldiers to attack Tan'er and Zhuyai.

6. Eighth month (September 12-October 11). The Sovereign of Wu enfeoffed his son Sun Ba as Prince of Lu. [1] Sun Ba was Sun He's younger brother by the same mother. [2] He enjoyed special favor and affection no less than Sun He. [3]

7. The shangshu buyi, Shi Yi, was at the same time charged with tutoring the Prince of Lu. He sent in a memorial to the throne with the recommendation: “Your servant presumes to think that the Prince of Lu was born with unusual endowment. He is a person of excellent virtue and of qualities adequate alike in peace or in war. As far as the needs of the time are concerned, he ought to take his position in one of the four quarters of the realm, where he would be a vassal and a support to the throne. He should have a chance to unfold and make renowned Your Majesty's virtue and admirable qualities, to spread and make illustrious Your Majesty's prowess and awe. Such is the proper and normal procedure for the State, and what the people of the empire expect. But my words are boorish and unpolished, and inadequate to fully express my thoughts.

Furthermore, the two princes, (i.e. the Crown Prince and the Prince of Lu) ought to be demoted in order to rectify the distinction between high and low and make clear the foundation of good rule.”

He {Shi Yi} sent in his memorials three or four times. The Sovereign of Wu paid no heed.


Chapter 23 Notes
Third Year of Zhengshi (242 AD)
Shu: Fifth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Fifth Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, where it reads: “Spring, first month. The jianjun Jiang Wei, directing the subsidiary army, returned from Hanzhong to Fou-xian and encamped there.” Hu Sanxing notes that at this time, Jiang Wan was in command of all the Shu forces; hence Jiang Wei had only a subsidiary army under him.

2. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan: “Spring, first month. He appointed his son He Crown Prince and granted a general amnesty. Hexing was renamed Jiaxing.” The place Hexing was renamed out of respect for the new Crown Prince; the place's name being homophonous to the Prince's ming, it had to be avoided. According to his biography in SGZ, the Crown Prince at this time was nineteen years old.

3. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi. “Third month. The taiyu Man Chong passed away.” According to his biography in SGZ, Man Chong was enfeoffed as Lord of Changhe when the Emperor ascended the throne, in 226 AD, and was canonized 'Illustrious' Lord posthumously.

4. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

5. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

6. From two SGZ Biographies.

6.1 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

6.2 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Ba, which reads: “Sun Ba, zi Ziwei, was Sun He's younger brother by the same mother.”
6.3 From the biography of Sun Ba, where this statement is preceded by another: “When Sun He became Crown Prince, Sun Ba became Prince of Lu. He enjoyed...”

7. From SGZ, Biography of Shi Yi, which reads: “Later Shi Yi was appointed shangshu puyi. The Crown Prince and the Prince of Lu had been newly appointed. Shi Yi, retaining his regular office, was concurrently charged with the tutoring of the Prince of Lu. Shi Yi was uneasy because the two princes were so intimate. Therefore he sent in a memorial to the throne...”
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 1:27 pm

Chapter 14
Fourth Year of Zhengshi (243 AD)
Shu: Sixth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Sixth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (February 7-March 7). The Emperor was capped. He distributed gifts to the multitude of officials differently in accordance with their ranks.

2. Zhuge Ke of Wu, launched a surprise attack on Liu'an. Having seized the people of the place, he departed.

3. Summer, fourth month. On the day yimao (May 29), Lady Chen was made Empress. A general amnesty was granted. The Empress was the granddaughter of Chen Yan, elder brother of the Brilliant Empress, Consort of Wendi.

4. Fifth month. On the first day [renxu] (June 5), the sun was completely eclipsed.

5. Winter, tenth month (October 30-November 28). Jiang Wan of Han returned from Hanzhong to Fou and stationed himself there. His illness became more and more acute. [2] Wang Ping, the taishou of Hanzhong, was appointed qian jianjun and chenbo da jiangjun, in which capacity he was to direct the military affairs of Hanzhong. [3]

6. Eleventh month (November 29-December 28). The Sovereign of Han appointed the shangshu ling Fei Wei to be da jiangjun and lu shangshu shi.

7. Gu Yong, the chengxiang of Wu, died.

8. Zhuge Ke of Wu had sent his spies afar to reconnoiter strategic points, intending to take Shouchun. The taifu (Sima Yi) led his troops into Shu, from which he intended to attack Zhuge Ke. The Sovereign of Wu was about to dispatch reinforcements when a geomantist held it to be unprofitable, so he transferred Zhuge Ke to Chaisang and stationed him there.

9. Bu Zhi and Zhu Ran each sent in a memorial to the sovereign of Wu, saying, “Those who have returned from Shu all say that [the Han of] Shu were intending to break the covenant and were in contact with Wei; that they were constructing large numbers of boats and ships and repairing walls. Furthermore, Jiang Wan, who had been defending Hanzhong, on hearing of Sima Yi's southward march, did not start a campaign to take advantage of the enemy's unguardedness and cooperate with us in attacking him from both sides. Instead he left Hanzhong and returned to a place near Chengdu. The thing is now all too apparent; there can be no room for any doubt. We ought to prepare against them (i.e. the Han).

The Sovereign of Wu answered, “We have treated the Han of Shu decently. We have exchanged envoys, made a covenant and taken oaths. We have not betrayed them. How can this be possible? Furthermore, formerly Sima Yi came forward and entered Shu but retreated in ten days. How can Shu, ten thousand li distant, know of our danger, to start a campaign? Formerly, when the Wei troops were intending to enter Hanchuan, we indeed did take guard, but did not start any move. Hearing of the retreat of the Wei troops, we desisted. Could Shu remember this and harbor suspicion towards us? Then again, what is there to prevent other people from constructing boats and ships and repairing walls as part of their state business? Are we preparing against Shu when we train our troops? Rumors are certainly not to be believed. I guarantee [Shu{Han's loyalty to the alliance}] at the expense of ruining my house.” [7]

10. Wang Chang, the zhengdong jiangjun [1] and Director of the Military Affairs of Yangzhou and Yuzhou [2], sent in his advice: “States have their fixed number of troops, but battles do not always result in victory. The terrain has its fixed number of natural strongholds, but defense is not confined to fixed measures. Now, my headquarters is in Wan, more than three hundred Li from Xiangyang. The troops are scattered here and there and boats are moored at Xuanchi. In case or urgency, they cannot come to help each other. Thus his headquarters was transferred to Xinye. [7]

11. Cao Xiong, a member of the Imperial clan, sent in his advice to the throne: “I have heard that the Kings of antiquity set up those of their own clans to show clearly their affection for their relatives and raised those of other clans clearly to honor the worthy. Therefore the Zuozhuan says, 'Employ the meritorious, show affection to relatives, cultivate the acquaintance of those near at hand, honor the worthy.' [3] The Shu says: 'He was able to make the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine classes of his kindred.' And the Shi says: 'The cherishing of virtue secures repose; The circle of the King's relatives is a fortified wall.'

Thus looked at, without the worthy there is no way to achieve things, and without relatives there is no way to secure assistants for rule. Now, as for the way of showing affection to one's relatives, if favoritism is used, the evil will be weakness. As for the way of honoring the worthy, if discrimination is resorted to, the defect will be usurpation. The sages of old knew this, hence they sought extensively among their relatives and non-relatives, employing both classes. Near at hand, there was consolidation through covenants made by the members of the clan, and the bulwark of their service as vassals; farther away there was the assistance and support given by the able and the worthy. In flourishing times, they shared good rule; in times of decay, they helped to keep the land safe. In peace they partook of prosperity, in precarious times they shared the calamity. This being so, they therefore could preserve their States and preserve their Altars. The line of succession continued long and the scions of the clan spread out for a hundred generations.

Now our Wei is indeed perspicacious about 'honoring the worthy,' but the way of 'showing affection to one's relatives' is not yet made complete. Does not the Shi say, 'There is a wagtail on the level height; Brothers are in urgent difficulties?' [9] Thus seen, brothers helped each other in times of death and disorder, and united their hearts against worries and calamities. Though they might be vexed enough to wage internal war, they did not forget to oppose insults from without. [10] And why was this so? Because they shared worries and disasters. But now things are different. Sometimes employment is given them, but never an important one; sometimes they are deposed and unemployed. Should alarm be sounded one day within the territory, or disobedience and revolt occur at the border, the 'legs and arms' will not lend help, the 'chest and heart' will be unprotected.

I think on this and do not find ease even in sleep. I have thought of offering my sincerest view and submitting to the throne my suggestions. Respectfully I have put together what I have heard (from history), discussing merits and demerits. My discussion reads:

Long ago Xia, Shang and Zhou lasted through tens of generations, but Qin perished in only two generations. The cause was that the rulers of the Three Dynasties shared the people with the whole Empire, which therefore shared their worries also. The Kings of Qin monopolized the people; therefore ruin was imminent and no rescue came to them. Now if one shares joy with the people, others will be sure to rescue him from danger. The Former Kings were aware that autocracy could not long endure, hence they shared their rule with others. They were aware that sole government could not be solid, hence they shared their government with others. They employed both their relatives and non-relatives and made rulers of both those who were similar to them and those who were dissimilar. Thus the powerful and the less powerful stabilized each other, relatives and non-relatives protected each other. The means for encroachment and seizure were obstructed; disobedience and unruliness did not arise. At the time of the fall of Zhou, Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin became guardians of the rites. When the tribute of covered cases of the three-ribbed rush was not rendered to the King of Zhou, the Qi army led a punitive attack on Chu. When Song did not wall Chengzhou, Jin put its Minister of State to death. [16]

The royal sway, which had become weakened, was restored. The feudal lords, who had been overbearing, became respectful. But after the two hegemons died, aggression prevailed. Wu and Chu, relying on the Jiang and Fangcheng respectively, coveted the nine tripods of the House of Zhou, [17] but being in fear of the royal Ji clan, no sooner had they harbored the thought than their unruliness dissipated and their plot for usurpation vanished as soon as they mouthed it. Was this not due to the fact that the Zhou trusted and held important their relatives, and appointed and employed the worthy and competent, so that the branched flourished luxuriantly for the root and stem to rely on? After this, there was a succession of attacks and campaigns. Wu was annexed by Yue, Jin was divided into three, Lu was destroyed by Chu and Zheng was annexed to Han. Coming to the Warring states period, the Ji became weak, only Yan and Wei surviving; even these two were weak and small, pressed by the powerful Qin on the west, terrified by Qi and Chu in the south; in fear of destruction they had no leisure for mutual aid. Even when King Nuan was deposed to be a commoner,[18] the branches and the stem still held together, so that he was able to occupy the throne nominally, but for more than forty years the Empire did not have a Sovereign.

The Qin, relying on their favorable terrain, and making free use of deceit, made campaigns against the region east of the Pass (i.e. Dongguan), gradually devouring nine states. Coming to the reign of the First Emperor, Shihuang, the Heaven conferred rule was established. So long had the matter been left undecided, and such had been the energy expended, was it not because the root had been deeply and solidly laid down? The Yi says: 'We may perish! We may perish!' So shall the state of things become firm, as if bound to a clump of bushy mulberry trees.' The fortune of the Zhou describes just this.

The Qin, considering the weakness of the Zhou to be that it had little power and hence became a prey, did away with the ranks of five degrees and appointed officials for the jun and xian, put aside the teachings of rites and music, and employed harsh administration, so that the Sovereign's sons and younger brothers were given credit for fragmentary achievement and meritorious officials did not receive a particle of fief. Internally there was not a relative, who might have served as support. Externally there was not a feudal lord, who might have served as protection. No benevolent spirit was applied to the relatives of the blood or by marriage, no gratifying influence was exercised on the branches and leaves. It was like cutting off the legs and arms, relying solely on the chest and belly, like throwing away oars when floating on the Jiang or the Ocean. Onlookers shivered in their hearts, but the First Emperor was at ease, considering the land within the Pass, encompassing a thousand li fortified as if by iron walls, a legacy for his descendants to rule for ten thousand generations. Was this not a fallacy?

As Chunyu Yue admonished, 'I have heard that the Kings of Yin and Zhou enfeoffed their sons and younger brothers, as well as meritorious officials, with more than a thousand cities. Now Your Majesty rules over the Empire, but your sons and younger brothers remain mere commoners; should there be officials like Tian Chang and the six Ministers, where will you obtain rescue, since there is no protection? I have never heard of an instance when anything long endured without following the ancient usages.' The First Emperor listened to the one-sided views of Li Si and disapproved this view. The result was that when he was about to die, he had no one to whom he could entrust (the empire): he entrusted the Empire, a great thing, to the hands of a mediocre man and gave to the mouth of a treacherous minister the power to enthrone or depose, so that men like Zhao Gao put to death members of the Imperial clan.

Huhai had learned in his youth the teaching of harsh rule and when he grew up followed the work of his cruel father. He was not able to alter the institutions and change the laws, so that his brothers might have been given important employment. Instead he was tutored according to Shen Buhai and Lord Shang (Shang Yang), and consulted Zhao Gao. From his secluded palace he entrusted the government to calumnious ruffians. When his own person was thus brought to ruin and his hopes shattered, how could he even become a commoner when he wanted to do so? In the end, the provinces were estranged and the multitudes rose in revolt. Chen Sheng {or Chen She} and Wu Guang started the rebellion, Liu Bang and Xiang Yu continued it.

Had the First Emperor in his day accepted Chunyu Yue's advice and suppressed Li Si's opinions, and divided his territory to enfeoff his sons and younger brothers as princes, enfeoffed the descendants of the Three Dynasties, and rewarded the toil of meritorious officials, so that the gentry could have their permanent rulers and the people fixed lords—branches and leaves supporting each other and the head and the tail serving each other—then even when his descendents committed evil deeds and the men of the time were not as worthy as Tang or King Wu, the rebellious plot still could not have been formed and the rebels could have been put to death long ago. Such insignificant men as Chen Sheng and Xiang Yu could not have done anything.

Therefore the founder of the Han dynasty swung his three-foot sword, gathered the rabble together, and laid the foundation of a dynasty within five years. Since the beginning of the world, there never had been an instance where achieving the Imperial task was as easy as it was with the founder of the Han dynasty. The fact is, one who would hew down a deep root will hardly succeed in his attempt, but one who would crush a decayed one will easily achieve his end. This is only natural.

Taking a lesson from the defects of the Qin, the Han enfeoffed their sons and younger brothers. When the Lü usurped power and endangered the Liu, the reason the Empire was not shaken thereby and the people did not swerve in their loyalty was simply that the feudal lords were powerful, solid as rocks, The Lords of Dongmou and Zhuxu receiving commands from within and the Princes of Qi, Dai, Wu and Chu serving as protection from without. Had Gaozu followed in the footsteps of the defunct Qin and neglected the regulations of the former Kings, the Empire could not have remained in the hands of the Liu. However, in conferring fiefs, Gaozu overstepped the ancient regulations. The larger fiefs each combined several provinces and prefectures, and the smaller ones tens of cities. There was no distinction between high and low, and their power equaled that of the Emperor.

Therefore there was the trouble with the Seven Feudal States of Wu, Chu, etc. Jia Yi maintained: 'The feudal lords, once powerful, will cause trouble and initiate wickedness. Now, for bringing about peace and good rule in the Empire, nothing is so good as appointing feudal lords in large number but with little power, so that the Emperor can wield the Empire as a body wields the arms and the arms wield the fingers. Then there will be no rebellious thought on the side of the lords and no necessity of punishing them on the side of the Emperor.

Wendi did not accept this advice. Eventually the Emperor Xiaojing without forethought used the scheme of Zhao Cuo and deprived the feudal lords of their power. The result was the trouble with the Seven States. [28] The origin of this was laid down by Gaozu, and Wendi and Jingdi encouraged it. It was because the initial leniency went beyond the regulations, and the consequences were hurried precipitously. This fits the saying, 'Great branches are sure to break the roots; a great tail cannot be moved about.' The tail is a part of the body, yet it sometimes becomes disobedient. How then can a tail that does not even belong to the body be moved about? Wudi, following the plan of Zhufu Yan, decreed that the fiefs be divided among the various sons of each lord. From then on, Qi was divided into seven smaller states, Zhao into six, Huainan was thrice divided, Liang and Tai five times. Finally disruption was reached—the descendents became weak and were clothed and fed on the State revenues alloted to them without participating in the government. Some states were spared from having their fiefs reduced through bribery; some were discontinued because there was no heir.

Coming to the times of Chengdi, Wang Mang monopolized the government. Liu Xiang admonished the Emperor: 'I have heard that the royal clan is the branches and leaves of the state. If branches and leaves fall, the root lacks protection. At present those of the same surname as the Emperor are treated as strangers, and those of the Empress' clan monopolize the government. Members of the Imperial clan are kept at a distance and the royal clan is alone and weak. This is not the way to preserve the foundation of the dynasty and consolidate the continuation of the throne.' His words were profound and to the point, quoting many allusions, but although he grieved and sighed, Chengdi was unable to follow them.

Coming to the time of Aidi and Pingdi, Wang Mang held power. He pretended to follow the precedent of the Duke of Zhou, but caused the trouble of Tian Chang. In ease and comfort, he usurped the throne, suddenly bringing to subjugation the territory within the four seas. The members of the Imperial clan and the feudal princes and lords of Han, even those who returned their fiefs and brought tribute to the throne, were in fear of not remaining in their position as subjects. Some made Heaven conferred commands (fu-ming) and eulogized Wang Mang's graciousness and virtue. Was this not sad? Looked at thus, it was not that the sons of the Imperial clan were loyal and filial only during the times of Huidi and Wendi and became rebellious during the reigns of Aidi and Pingdi. It was merely that their power was small and their influence weak. They were incapable of remaining constant. Due to the peerless ability of the Emperor Guangwu, Wang Mang was captured at his height and the interrupted dynasty was revived. Was this not due to the influence of a son of the Imperial clan? And yet he did not take warning from the evils of the Qin, and did not follow the ancient institutions of the Zhou. He followed in the traces of fallen dynasties, hoping for the endless continuation of his dynasty.

Reaching the reigns of Huandi and Lingdi, eunuchs ruled. In the court there was not a single official who would die for the royal cause, outside it there was not a single state that would share the worry. The Sovereign stood alone on the one hand and the ministers abused power on the other; root and branches could not control each other, body and head could not use each other. And so the empire was in tumult; treacherous persons contested against each other, the imperial ancestral temple was burnt to ashes, palaces were turned into thickets of hazelnut bushes. Living in the territory comprising the Nine Provinces, the Imperial personage had no place to put himself at ease. Alas!

The Emperor Wu, Taizu of Wei {Cao Cao}, had in his person sage and brilliant talents with which he combined divinely martial scope. He was ashamed that the royal sway was broken off, and pitied the House of Han its fall. He flew like a dragon in Qiao and Pei, soared like a phoenix in Yan and Yu, brushing off the cruel and rebellious and destroying the unprincipled. He brought the Emperor back from the west and fixed the capital at Ying. His virtue moved Heaven and Earth. His justice touched men and Gods. The Han, in accord with the will of Heaven, transmitted the throne to our Great Wei.

It has been already twenty-four years since our Great Wei arose. Observing the vicissitudes of the five dynasties (Xia, Yin, Zhou, Qin and Han), we do not employ their best methods. Gazing at the capsizing of the cart before us, we do not alter our track. The sons and younger brothers are enfeoffed as Princes of insignificant districts, so that the lords have people whom they could not make serve. Members of the Imperial clan conceal themselves amongst the people and do not hear of the government of the land. Their power equals that of commoners, their influence is the same as that of the people. Internally there is no consolidation of a deep root that cannot be eradicated; externally there is lacking the assistance of rock-like covenants with the members of the Imperial clan. This is not the way to put the foundation of the state at ease and accomplish a work for ten thousand generations.

The mu of the zhou (provinces) and the heads of the jun (prefectures) of today are like the fangbo, or feudal lords of antiquity, all ruling over territories of a thousand li and wielding the military power. Here, several contiguous states are in their hands; there, brothers occupy the regions simultaneously. But of the members of the Imperial clan, and the sons and younger brothers, not a single one is placed among them to serve as a counter-influence. This is not the way to strengthen the stem and weaken the branches, as a precaution against any eventuality. At present, men of talent are made use of by special promotions; some are appointed lords of famous cities, some become commanders of armies. But members of the Imperial clan are limited to being magistrates of small districts, if they have talent for civil administration, or being commanders of a hundred men, if they are military, so that men of high mind find their pleasure in retirement, men of talent being ashamed to associate with the wrong crowd. This is not the way to encourage the worthy and able, and make prominent members of the Imperial clan.

Now when the fountain is exhausted the stream becomes dry; when the root is decayed, the branches wither. Luxuriant branches protect the root, falling branches leave the stem solitary. Hence the saying, 'A reptile with a hundred feet does not lie prostate even in death; this is because the number of its supporters are numerous.' This is a trifling matter, but it can be applied to bigger things.

Again the foundation for a city wall cannot be made all of a sudden, nor can great fame be earned in a single morning; these are achieved gradually, or constructed steadily. To draw an illustration from tree planting: with the elapse of time the root becomes deep and solid, the branches and leaves luxuriant; if suddenly a tree is transplanted to a mountain or replanted within the precinct of a palace, one may bank it up with black soil and warm it with the spring sun, yet it will not be saved from withering. How can it ever grow luxuriant? Now, trees are like one's relatives, and the soil is like the gentry and the people. If for some time they are not planted, they become arrogant. Even in times of peace one must fear that they might desert and revolt. What shall then be done in times of emergency?

For these reasons the sage Kings while at ease did not forget danger, nor destruction while they were being preserved. [41] Thus, though a strong wind might blow suddenly there was no anxiety for breaking or uprooting; though a convulsion might occur in the Empire, there would be no such calamity as destruction.”

Cao Xiong was a descendent of Cao Shuxing, and an elder brother of the Zhong Changshi. [42] He was a great uncle of the young Emperor (the Prince of Qi). At this time, the Emperor was young. Cao Xiong wished to make Cao Shuang the wiser by this discussion of his, but Cao Shuang was {NOT} able to make use of it.*

*-The book actually says “Cao Xiong wished to make Cao Shuang the wiser by this discussion of his, but Cao Shuang was able to make use of it.” As this makes absolutely no sense, I am about 90% positive that it is meant to read “Cao Shuang was not able to make use of it.”


1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi. The Emperor was born in 233 AD.

2. SGZ, Chronicle of Sun Quan has: “Sixth year of Chiwu, spring, first month. Zhuge Ke made an expedition against Liu'an; he defeated the Wei general Xie Shun and seized the people of the place.” SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke has, “Zhuge Ke petitioned to lead his men in an operation in Huankou in Lujiang; on this occasion he launched a surprise attack with lightly armed troops on Shu; having seized the people of the place, he returned.”

3. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi and SGZ, Biography of the “Brilliant” Empress Zhen.

4. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

5. From SGZ Biography of Jiang Wan and SGZ Biography of Wang Ping

5.2 From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wan, which reads: “And so Jiang Wan returned to Fou and took up his station there. His illness became more and more acute and in the ninth year he died.”

5.3 SGZ, Biography of Wang Ping, reads: “In the sixth year of Yanxi, Jiang Wan returned to Fou and took up his station there; Wang Ping was appointed qian jianjun and chenbo da jiangjun, in which capacity he controlled the military affairs of Hanzhong.” The biography says that Wang Ping was appointed taishou of Hanzhong when Wu Yi was stationed there.

6. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign and SGZ, Biography of Fei Wei [or Fei Yi]

7. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

8. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Ke.

9. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which begins: “In this year, Bu Zhi, Zhu Ran, etc. each sent a memorial.” Chronologically this belongs under the following year. Sima Guang apparently regarded it as intimately connected with Sima Yi's campaign, and so put it under this year.

9.7 After this, SGZ continues, “Shu in the end had not formed any insidious plot. It was just as Sun Quan calculated.”

10. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Chang, which reads, “During the Zhengshi period, he was transferred to Xuzhou. He was enfeoffed Lord of Wuguan Ting and appointed zhengnan jiangjun as well as Director of the Military Affairs of Jingzhou and Yuzhou. Wang Chang maintained...”

10.1 Error. Should be zhengnan jiangjun, as mentioned above.

10.2 Yangzhou and Yuzhou should read Jingzhou and Yuzhou.

10.7 In place of this sentence, SGZ reads: “So he advised the throne to transfer his headquarters to Xinye and train the marine troops at Sanzhou. He extended agriculture, reclaiming and planting; grain filled the state granaries.”

11. From the Wei shi chunqiu.

11.3 From the Zuouzhuan: “And to employ the meritorious, to show affection too one's relatives, to cultivate the acquaintance of those near at hand, and to honor the worthy:--these are the greatest of virtues.”

11.9 Shi jing: “There is the wagtail on the level height;-When brothers are in urgent difficulties, Friends, though they may be good will only heave long sighs.”

11.10 See Shi jing, “Brothers may quarrel inside the walls, but they will oppose insult from without.” This passage is quoted in the Zuozhuan.

11.16 Jin seized the Song minister Zhongji because he refused to wall Chengzhou, the capital of Zhou; it is not mentioned however that he was put to death. Furthermore, the incident happened in the third year of the reign of Duke Ding of Jin, 509 BC. Duke Wen had ruled 635-628 BC.

11.17 The King of Chu asked about the size and weight of the Zhou tripods, the emblem of royal reign. The insolence of the Jin is not definitely stated in the Zuozhuan. Perhaps the demand for “a hundred sets of animals” might be taken as one instance of it.

11.18 King Nuan surrendered to the Qin in 256 BC and the latter unified China in 221 BC. The “more than forty years” mentioned below is not exact.

11.28 Instead of this summary statement, Wei shi chunqiu reads: “Those who were near at hand and intimate were discontented and those at a distance were shaken with fear; Wu and Chu became the ringleaders of the rebellious plot, five other states following in their suite.” This disturbance is chronicled in ZZTJ 16, third year of the reign of Jingdi (154 BC).

11.41 Instead of this sentence, Wei shi chunqiu reads: “Therefore the sage Kings were not idle while they were at ease, for they thought of danger; they took precaution while they were whole, for they feared destruction.”

11.42 The zhongchangshi refers to Cao Teng, the adoptive father of Cao Cao's father Cao Song. See the Xu Han shu.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 1:54 pm

Chapter 25
Fifth Year of Zhengshi (244 AD)
Shu: Seventh Year of Yanxi
Wu: Seventh Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (January 27-February 25). The Sovereign of Wu appointed the shangda jiangjun Lu Xun his chengxiang (premier) {prime minister}. As for his position as mu (governor) of Jingzhou and as you duhuo in charge of Wuchang, he retained them as before.

2. The zhengxi jiangjun, Xiahou Xuan, commander-in-chief at the head of military affairs in Yongzhou and Liangzhou [1], was the son of a paternal aunt of the da jiangjun Cao Shuang. Xiahou Xuan had appointed Li Sheng his Changshi [3]. Li Sheng and the shangshu Deng Yang, wishing to have Cao Shuang establish a military renown in the Empire, advised him to lead a campaign against Shu. Cao Shuang followed their advice. The taifu Sima Yi attempted to stop him, but did not succeed.

3. Third month (March 26-April 24). Cao Shuang went west to Chang'an [1]. Levying a hundred-odd thousand soldiers, together with Xiahou Xuan, he entered Hanzhong from the Luo [2] Valley. The Shu troops guarding Hanzhong did not number thirty thousand. [3]Their generals were all frightened and wanted to make their defense in walled cities without venturing out, awaiting the arrival of forces from Fou. [5]

Wang Ping said, “I disagree. Hanzhong is nearly a thousand li from Fou. If the enemy takes the city of Guan, it will be an overwhelming disaster for us. At this point, the thing to do is first to send the hujun Liu Min and the canjun Tu to occupy the mountain xingshi, while I defend the rear. If the enemy sends out a force toward the Huangjin [valley] I will personally lead a thousand men to meet it. The troops from Fou will arrive soon. This is the best plan.

All the generals were dubious except the hujun Liu Min, who was of the same opinion as Wang Ping. So he led his detachment and together with Wang Ping [13] occupied Xingshi, displaying large numbers of banners and deploying his troops contiguously over a distance of more than a hundred li.

4. Intercalary [third] month (April 25-May 23). The Sovereign of Han sent the da jiangjun Fei Wei to direct the Han forces and save Hanzhong.

5. As he was about to leave, the guanglu da fu Lai Min visited Fei Wei to see him off, and proposed a game of chess (weiqi). At the time, wooden slips with feathers attached (military dispatches) were arriving in quick succession, men and horses were being girded with armor, and the cars {carts? Military vehicles?} were all harnessed and ready. Fei Wei played the game [4] with Lai Min without showing in his face any sign of tension. Lai Min said, “I have only been testing you. You really can be called a man! You certainly will be able to take care of the enemy.”

6. Summer, fourth month. On the day pingchen (May 24), first day of the month, the sun was eclipsed.

7. The troops of the da jiangjun (Cao Shuang) were near Xingshi but were unable to advance. [1] The people within the pass [2], the Di and the Qiang, were supplying and transporting provisions but could not amply meet the demand; their cattle, horses, mules and asses died in large numbers, so that both the Chinese populace and barbarians moaned and wept on the roads. The forces from Fou and the troops of Fei Wei arrived in succession.

8. Cao Shuang's canjun Yang Wei set forth the general situation to Cao Shuang, holding that the Wei troops had better return in haste or they would meet with defeat. Deng Yang and Li Sheng [2] opposed Yang Wei in Cao Shuang's presence. Yang Wei said, “Deng Yang and Li Sheng are going to bring the state to ruin. They should be put to death.” Cao Shuang was displeased. [3]

9. The taifu Sima Yi sent a letter to Xiahou Xuan saying, “In the Chunqiu the severest reproofs are given those of greatest virtue. Formerly Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) twice entered Hanzhong and came close to being badly defeated, as you know. Now the mountain Xingshi is very steep, and the Shu troops have already occupied it. If we advance and fail to take it, our retreat will be cut off, and the army will certainly be annihilated. How are you going to take such a responsibility?”

Xiahou Xuan grew afraid and told Cao Shuang to lead his troops back.

10. Fifth month (June 23-July 21). Cao Shuang led his troops back.

11. Fei Wei moved forward and occupied three ridges [2] to intercept Cao shuang. Cao Shuang struggled up the steep terrain, fighting bitterly. In the end he barely got away after suffering heavy losses in dead and missing, and as a result Guanzhong was exhausted. [3]

12. Autumn, eighth month (September 15-October 18). Cao Xun, Prince of Qin, died.

13. Winter, twelfth month (January 15-February 13, 245 AD). Cui Lin, the Filial Lord of Anyang, died.

14. In this year the Han da sima Jiang Wan, due to illness, insisted on resigning his Yizhou office in favor of the da jiangjun Fei Wei. The Sovereign of Han made Fei Wei governor (zishi) of Yizhou, and appointed the shizhong Dong Yun, who was at the same time the acting shou shangshu ling, to be Fei Wei's deputy.

15. At this time, with the country at war, there was much to do, official tasks being numerous and arduous. Fei Wei, as shangshu ling, had surpassing powers of understanding. When he read a state document, a quick glance would suffice for him to grasp the idea—his quickness was many times that of others, nor did he forget. He used to take care of matters during breakfast, along with interviewing guests, eating and drinking and amusing himself, even playing chess. He always satisfied everyone, and never neglected business.

When Dong Yun replaced Fei Wei as shangshu ling, he wished to emulate Fei Wei's way of doing things. Within ten days, affairs in many instances slowed down and were left unattended to. Dong Yun sighed and said, “This shows how men's capacities differ! Here is something I cannot attain to. Even attending to affairs all day long, I have not enough time for them.”

16. The Sovereign of Wu decreed: “To kill the wives of commanding generals who have deserted is to have wives leave their husbands and sons throw away their fathers. This is much contrary to moral teachings. Henceforth they shall not be killed.”


Chapter 25
Fifth Year of Zhengshi (244 AD)
Shu: Seventh Year of Yanxi
Wu: Seventh Year of Chiwu

1. From the biographies of Sun Quan and Lu Xun in SGZ.

2. From two biographies, Cao Shuang's and Xiahou Xuan's, and commentary:

2.1 SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Xuan, attached to that of his father Xiahou Shang, has: “Soon afterward Xiahou Xuan was appointed zhengxi jiangjun, a Plenipotentiary in Military Affairs, and Commander-in-Chief in charge of military affairs in Yongzhou and Liangzhou. Together with Cao Shuang, he initiated the campaign of Luogu. People of the time criticized them.”

2.3 Weilue has: “When Xiahou Xuan was appointed zhengxi jiangjun, he made Li Sheng his changshi. Xiahou Xuan had been favorably disposed toward Li Sheng. The suggestion for the campaign of Luogu originated with Li Sheng.”

3. From the SGZ Biographies of Cao Shuang, Wang Ping and Liu Min.

3.1 From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, which reads, “In the fifth year of Zhengshi, Cao Shuang...”

The date “third month” is uncertain. The closest date one can find is: “Spring, second month (February 26-March 25). The Emperor ordered the da jiangjun Cao Shuang to lead troops on a punitive expedition against Shu.”

3.2 With regard to the number of troops levied, SGZ Biography of Cao Shuang gives a different account: “He levied troops on a large scale, sixty to seventy thousand men and entered from Luogu.”

3.3 This sentence and most of the following ones are from SGZ, Biography of Wang Ping, which begins: “In the spring of the seventh year of Yanxi, the Wei da jiangjun Cao Shuang, leading over a hundred thousand infantry and cavalry, advanced towards Hanzhong. His vanguard had already reached Luogu.”

3.5 SGZ, Biography of Wang Ping reads: “Some said, 'At present our strength is not sufficient to ward off the enemy. We ought to make a strong defense of the two walled cities of Hancheng and Luocheng. When we meet the enemy, we will let him penetrate into our territory. Soon the forces from Fou will be sufficient to come to our aid.'”

SGZ, Biography of Liu Min, amended to that of Jiang Wan, reads: “The Wei sent the da jiangjun Cao Shuang to attack Shu. Among those who discussed the matter some said that they need only make their defense in walled cities and not venture out, whereupon the enemy would certainly retreat of themselves.”

3.13 The biography concludes the whole passage with: “Only the hujun Liu Min was of the same opinion as Wang Ping; he immediately went into action.”

4. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, under the Seventh Year of Yanxi reads: “In the intercalary third month, the Wei da jiangjun Cao Shuang, Xiahou Xuan, etc., proceeded towards Hanzhong. The zhenbo da jiangjun Wang Ping was defending Xingshi, which was besieged. The da jiangjun Fei Wei directed the various forces and proceeded to relieve them. The Wei troops withdrew.”

5. From SGZ, Biography of Fei Wei, which begins the passage: “In the seventh year of Yanxi, the Wei troops were quartered at Xingshi. Fei Wei was made a Plenipotentiary in Military Affairs (jiajie) and was sent to the place to ward off the enemy.

5.4 SGZ continues, “When Fei Wei came, the enemy withdrew. He was enfeoffed as Lord of Chengxiang.”

6. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

7. Mostly from SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

7.1 The biography reads: “By the time he entered the vally of Luogu and had proceeded several hundred li, the rebels had fortified themselves by taking up their position on mountainous terrain, and he could not advance.”

7.2 The region west of the Dongguan.

8. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

8.2 SGZ mentions only Deng Yang. Sima Guang adds the name Li Sheng, evidently because he is also mentioned in Yang Wei's accusation.

8.3 After this sentence, SGZ has: “And so he withdrew with his troops.”

9. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “Fifth month, on the day bingwu (July 13), the da jiangjun Cao Shuang returned to the capital with his troops.”

11. From the Han Jin chunqiu, continuing the narration given in Section 9.

11.2 I.e Chenling, Yaling and Fenshuiling.

11.3 Rewritten from Han Jin chunqiu, which reads: “Almost all the cattle and horses he had levied for transport either died or were lost. The Qiang barbarians grumbled and the region to the right of the pass (i.e. Guanzhong) was completely exhausted.”

12. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

13. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi. Cui Lin's biography in SGZ says that he had been enfeoffed Lord of Anyang Ting and was canonized “Filial Lord” after his death (6a).

14. Rewritten from the following three sources:

a) SGZ, Biography of Fei Wei: “Jiang Wan insisted on vacating his position of governor of Yizhou and Fei Wei became cishi of Yizhou.”

b) SGZ, Biography of Dong Yun: “In the seventh year of Yanxi, Dong Yun, as shizhong and concurrently acting shangshuling, became deputy to the dajiangjun Fei Wei.

c) Huayang Guozhi: “Autumn, ninth month...The da sima Jiang Wan, due to illness, insisted on vacating his position as governor of Yizhou in favor of Fei Wei and Dong Yun. Thereupon Fei Wei was in addition appointed cishi of Yizhou.”

15. From the Fei Wei bie zhuan.

16. This passage, omitted by Sima Guang, is in the Jiangbiao zhuan as quoted in SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, commentary to the seventh year of Chiwu.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 4:43 pm

Chapter 26
Sixth Year of Zhengshi (245 AD)
Shu: Eighth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Eighth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (February 14-March 15). The piaoqi jiangjun Zhao Yan (趙儼) was appointed sigong.

2. In Wu, the Crown Prince Sun He and the Prince of Lu shared the same palace and the etiquette due them was identical. Many of the officials spoke of it. The Sovereign of Wu therefore ordered them to live in separate palaces and have separate staffs. The two sons thereafter harbored ill-feeling{s} against one another.

3. The wei jiangjun Quan Cong had his son Quan Ji enter the service of the Prince of Lu, and informed the chengxiang Lu Xun of this in a letter. Lu Xun replied, “If our sons and younger brothers really have talent, we need not worry ourselves about their not finding employment, and should not surreptitiously find a career for them to obtain glory and gain. Should they be not worthy, we would be courting eventual disaster. Then again, I am told that the two princes match one another in power, so partisanship is bound to occur. The ancients were very wary of this.”

True to anticipation, Quan Cong's son Quan Ji ingratiated himself with the Prince of Lu and frivolously intrigued and plotted. Lu Xun wrote another letter to Quan Cong saying, “If Your Excellency will not emulate Jin Ridi but lets Master Ji have his way, eventually your entire family will meet with disaster.”

Quan Cong not only did not reply to Lu Xun's letter, but harbored ill-feelings against him.

4. The Prince of Lu was bent on cultivating friendship with famous men of the time. The pian jiangjun Zhu Ji (朱績) was renowned for his courage and bravery. [2] The Prince in person paid a visit to his office and sat down, wishing to make friends with him. Zhu Ji came down to the floor and remained standing, refusing to sit face to face with him on the ground that he was not entitled to do so. Zhu Ji was the son of Zhu Ran.

5. Thus attendants, retainers and on down were divided into two camps, each showing animosity and hatred to the other party, which also infected the ministers of the state. [2] Metropolitan and provincial officials, ministers of state and generals, all within the state were divided. [4]

6. Hearing of this, the Sovereign of Wu, giving the Princes' intensive devotion to study as his reason, forbade their retainers to have anything to do with them. The dujun shizhe Yang Dao proffered a memorial to the throne, “I have heard that your illustrious command has deprived the two princes of their attendants, kept their retainers away, and made the four quarters unable to demonstrate respect to the two princes any more. Far and near, all are fearful; high and low, all are disheartened. Some may say the two princes have not followed forms of propriety. Even if it is as suspected, we still have to examine into things and take everything into account, in order to give people no opportunity, far or near, to make queer remarks. I fear that accumulated suspicions will bring about calumny, which with time will spread. The two borders, western and northern (Shu and Wei), which are not far distant from our state, will say that the two princes have committed the transgression of disobedience to you. How are you going to explain it away?”

7. The eldest daughter of the Sovereign of Wu, Sun Luban, had married the zuo huojun Quan Cong; [1] the younger daughter, Xiaohu, had married the piaoqi jiangjun Zhu Ju. [2]

8. Princess Quan harbored ill-feeling towards Lady Wang, mother of the Crown Prince. The Sovereign of Wu wished to make Lady Wang Empress, but the Princess hindered him. [2] Fearing that the Crown Prince, when he should ascend the throne, might hate her, she was uneasy in mind. Several times she slandered the Crown Prince to the Sovereign of Wu and put him in danger. The Sovereign of Wu during his illness had the Crown Prince pray for him at the shrine of the “Magnificent” Prince of Changsha. [6] Zhang Xiu, a younger brother of the father of the Crown Prince's consort, lived near the shrine, and invited the Crown Prince to visit him on the way. Princess Quan had a man spy on him, and told the Sovereign of Wu that the Crown Prince had not been in the shrine, but had spent the whole time with the family of his consort, plotting. She also said that Lady Wang, upon seeing the Sovereign ill, showed a pleased look. The Sovereign of Wu burst out in anger. The furen Wang died of grief; the Crown Prince's place in the Sovereign's affection declined more and more.

9. The partisans of the Prince of Lu, such as Yang Zhu (楊竺), Quan Ji, Wu An (吳安), Sun Qi (孫奇), all slandered the Crown Prince, and the Sovereign of Wu was deluded. Lu Xun, proffering a memorial to the throne, admonished: “The Crown Prince is the successor to the throne; his position ought to be strong as rock. The Prince of Lu is a vassal; favors and ranks he receives should be lower. If these two enjoy their due positions, then high and low will obtain peace. Knocking my forehead on the floor till blood pours down, I submit this letter respectfully.”

He sent up three or four memorials, in language sincere and to the point. He further wished to come to the capital to set forth orally the distinction between an heir-apparent and a younger son. [5] The Sovereign of Wu was displeased. [6]

10. The taichang Gu Tan was a son of Lu Xun's sister. He also proffered a letter to the throne, saying, “I have heard that those who rule over a state or a family should be clear about the distinction between an heir-apparent and younger sons, differing the treatment accorded to those of high position and those of low position, so that high and low are differentiated and gradations made distinct. In this way, good relationships within the family will be maintained and the hope of pretensions will vanish.

Formerly Jia Yi set forth plans for securing good rule and peace. Discussing the relative powers of the feudal lords, he maintained that one of great power, even though a near relative of the sovereign, would incur calamity by becoming disobedient and arrogant; while one of little power, even though not a near relative, would continue secure in his fief. Therefore the Prince of Huainan, a younger brother of Wendi, did not enjoy his fief to the end because he had the misfortune to be powerful. Wu Rui, a subject who was not a near relative, had his fief continued at Changsha because he had the advantage of not being powerful. Formerly, Han Wendi let Lady Shen share the same seat with the Empress. Yuan Ang had the lady's seat relegated elsewhere. The Emperor was angered, but when Yuan Ang discoursed on the distinction between high and low and explained the warning given by the 'pig-woman,' the Emperor became pleased and the furen also understood the matter. In this exposition I hold no partiality. I am only hoping to make things secure for the Crown Prince and to help the Prince of Lu.

From then on, the Prince of Lu harbored ill feelings towards Gu Tan.

11. In the battle of Shao'po, Gu Tan's younger brother Gu Cheng (顧承) and Zhang Xiu had both earned merit. Quan Cong's sons, Quan Duan and Quan Xu (全緒), disputed with them about their merit, and slandered Gu Cheng and Zhang Xiu to the Sovereign of Wu. The Sovereign of Wu banished Gu Tan, Gu Cheng and Zhang Xiu to Jiaozhou, and ordered Zhang Xiu, while he was on the way, to commit suicide.

12. Wu Can, the taifu (Grand Perceptor) to the Crown Prince, requested that the Prince of Lu be sent out to be stationed at Xiakou, and that Yang Zhu and men of his kind be sent out of the capital. He also communicated frequently with Lu Xun. The Prince of Lu and Yang Zhu both slandered him, and the Sovereign of Wu, angered, arrested Wu Can and sent him to prison, where he was put to death. Imperial messengers one after another were sent to reprimand Lu Xun. Lu Xun died in indignation.

13. His son Lu Kang became jianwu xiaoyu, succeeded to Lu Xun's troops, and brought his remains back to the east for interment. The Sovereign of Wu questioned Lu Kang on twenty items of Zhu's accusations against Lu Xun. Lu Kang answered item by item. The Sovereign of Wu was then a bit eased in mind.

14. Summer, sixth month (July 12-August 9). Zhao Yan, the “Affable” Lord of Duxiang, died.

15. Autumn, seventh month (August 10-September 8). Ma Mao (馬茂), a Wu general, plotted to murder the Sovereign of Wu and his ministers and thus to betray the state to Wei. The plot leaking out, he and his associates were all put to death.

16. Eighth month (September 9-October 7). The taichang Gao Rou was appointed sigong.

17. The Han Empress Dowager Gan died.

18. The Sovereign of Wu sent Chen Xun (陳勳), a xiaoyu, to direct thirty thousand military colonists and laborers in building road through Gourong from Xiaoqi to Xicheng in Yunyang, putting up markets, and constructing palatial buildings.

19. Winter, eleventh month (December 6, 245 to January 4, 246). The Han da sima Jiang Wan died.

20. Twelfth month (January 5-February 2, 246). Fei Wei of Han reached Hanzhong, where he had the regions defended by fortifications.

21. The Han shangshu ling, Dong Yun, died, and the shangshu Lü Yi was appointed shangshu ling. [1]

Dong Yun was just and equitable; he recommended the practicable and set aside the objectionable. He served loyally and beneficently to his utmost capacity. The Sovereign of Han stood very much in awe of him. Huang Hao, a eunuch, was glib in tongue and nimble in mind. The Sovereign of Han loved him. Above, Dong Yun admonished the Sovereign with solemn countenance; below, he reprimanded Huang Hao repeatedly. Huang Hao was afraid of Dong Yun and dared not do wrong. To the end of Dong Yun's life, Huang Hao's rank did not go beyond huangmen cheng. [2]

Fei Wei had the xuancao lang, Chen Zhi (陳祇) of Runan succeed Dong Yun as shizhong. Chen Zhi was solemn, august, and of awe-inspiring mian; he had many skills and was versed in numbers. For these reasons, Fei Wei thought highly of him and gave him an extraordinary promotion by this appointment. [4]

Chen Zhi was in league with Huang Hao. Huang Hao began to participate in government, and finally was promoted to be zhongchang shi. Wielding and abusing power, he eventually brought the State to destruction. [5]

After Chen Zhi became a favorite of his, the sovereign of Han resented the late Dong Yun more and more every day, believing the latter had belittled him. This was because Chen Zhi flattered and pleased him while Huang Hao gradually insinuated his slanders and estrangements.


Chapter 26 Notes
Sixth Year of Zhengshi (245 AD)
Shu: Eighth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Eighth Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, where the date is given as “Spring, second month...On the day pingzi (April 9)...”

2. The Yin ji tong yu reads: “Sun Quan had made Sun He Crown Prince and had also enfeoffed Sun Ba as Prince of Lu. After their appointment they at first continued to share the same palace and the ceremonial due them was not differentiated. The various dignitaries were critical, maintaining that between the Crown Prince and the feudal Prince there ought to be some distinction in rank and their ceremonial should be different. Thereafter, they lived in separate palaces and had separate staffs, and therewith ill-feeling started.”

3. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun, which begins: “Before this time, the two princes both lacked personnel. Many of the metropolitan and provincial officials sent sons and younger brothers to enter their service. Quan Cong wrote a letter to Lu Xun [informing him of his intent]. Lu Xun thought...”

4. From SGZ, Biography of Zhu Ji

4.2 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ has: “Under the taichang Pan Rui, Zhu Ji made a campaign against the Man barbarians of Wuqi, for which he became renowned for his courage and bravery. He was promoted to pian jiangjun.”

5. From the Yin ji tong yu, continuing from the passage quoted in Note 2 above.

5.2 Between this sentence and the next is given the list of the officials who stood for the cause of the Crown Prince and those for the Prince of Lu.

5.4 Yin ji tong yu goes on: “Sun Quan was worried about this,” and then continues the narration quoted in 250 AD.

6. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Ba, which begins: “Sun Ba, zi Ziwei, was Sun He's younger brother by the same mother. When Sun He became Crown Prince, Sun Ba became Prince of Lu. He enjoyed unusual favor and affection from Sun Quan, differing not at all in this respect from Sun He. After some time, words of the enmity between Sun He and Sun Ba reached Sun Quan's ears. Sun Quan forbade their retainers to have anything to do with the two princes, giving their intensive devotion to study as his reason.”

Sima Guang not only abridges Yang Dao's memorial but slightly alters the sequence of the sentences. The original passage reads: “The dujun shizhe Yang Dao proffered a memorial to the throne, saying: 'I have heard that in ancient times, those who ruled over the Empire first prominently distinguished between the heir-apparent and younger sons. They enfeoffed their sons and younger brothers; in this way they paid respect to their ancestors and secured vassals for the State. The appointment of the two Princes is accepted as right and just by the Whole Empire; this is the foundation for the flourishing of our Great Wu. Recently I have heard that the two princes have both cut off relations with their retainers.

Far and near, all are fearful; high and low, all are disheartened. From my mean position I happen to be acquainted with the general opinion of the day: every one says that the two princes, advanced in wisdom and full of manliness, during the three years since they were appointed with appropriate titles, have shown inner virtue and earned exterior praise. The two borders, western and northern, have been submissive to them, saying that Your Majesty should comply with the wishes of far and near, upon which they will offer you allegiance and service. The retainers of the two princes are even from the distant regions of the four quarters; foreign lands, hearing of them, will gladly become your subjects. Now you did not attend to this but issued your illustrious command and have deprived the two princes of their attendants, kept their retainers away and made the four quarters unable any more to demonstrate respect.

Indeed, Your Majesty is thereby honoring the ancient ways, only wishing to let the two princes devote their minds exclusively to study and not pay attention to petty things, so that they may cherish their old knowledge and widen their knowledge of things. But this is not what your subjects ardently wish for. Some may say that the two princes have not followed the forms of propriety. This is what makes me uneasy even in my rest. Even if you are unable to explain it away to foreign lands, you will also have no means of explaining it away within the State. Within the State, doubts will persist; in foreign lands, calumny will arise. This is not the way of magnificently guarding the foundation of the State. I would wish Your Majesty to issue a favorable command soon, letting the two Princes serve the forms of propriety as they did formerly. Then Heaven will be clear and earth peaceful—a great boon.”

7. In the biography of Lady Bu, consort of the Sovereign of Wu, we read: “Lady Bu gave birth to two daughters. The elder was Sun Luban, zi Dahu, who first married Zhou Yu's son Zhou Xun, and later married Quan Cong. The younger was Sun Luyu, zi Xiaohu, who first married Zhu Ju and later Liu Zuan (劉纂).”

The Wu li reads: “Liu Zuan had first married Sun Quan's second daughter. She died early, hence he took Xiaohu as his second wife.”

7.1 Quan Cong's biography in SGZ has: “In the first year of Huanglong (229 AD), he was promoted to wei jiangjun, zuohujun and mu (Governor) of Xuzhou. He married a princess.”

7.2 Zhu Ju's biography in SGZ, says: “In the first year of Huanglong (229 AD), when Sun Quan moved his capital to Jianye, he summoned Zhu Ju and gave him to wife a princess of the blood, appointing him zuo jiangjun and enfeoffing him as Lord of Yunyang. In the ninth year of Chiwu, he was promoted to piaoqi jiangjun.” Sima Guang here anticipates this promotion by a year.

8. Mostly from SGZ, Biography of Sun He. Partly from SGZ Biography of Lady Wang, wife of Sun Quan.

8.2 SGZ, Biography of Wang furen, reads: “Lady Wang, a consort of Sun Quan, the Sovereign of Wu, was from Langye. She was one of those selected to enter the palace. During the Huangwu period (222-229 AD), she received Sun Quan's attention and gave birth to Sun He. She stood next to Lady Bu in Sun Quan's affection. After Lady Bu died, Sun He was appointed Crown Prince. Sun Quan was about to make this furen his Empress, but Princess Quan, who disliked the furen, rather slandered and compromised her. When Sun Quan was ill, she said that she (Lady Wang) looked pleased. So Sun Quan gravely reprimanded her and showed anger toward her. She died of grief. When Sun Hao, a son of Sun He, ascended the throne, he honored the furen with the title 'Empress of Great Virtue' and enfeoffed her three younger brothers as Lords.”

8.6 This and the following sentences in this paragraph are from SGZ, which reads: “While Sun Quan was ill, Sun He offered sacrifice at a shrine. Zhang Xiu...”

The “Magnificent” Prince of Changsha is the posthumous title which Sun Quan in 222 AD gave his elder brother Sun Ce.

Sima Guang evidently derives the identity of the shrine from Du Yu's Tongdian. “Sun Quan erected the shrine of his elder brother Ce, the Magnificent Prince of Changsha, at a place south of the Juquemen in Jianye. When he was ill, Sun Quan had the Crown Prince pray there for him.”

9. Except for the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun, which, continuing from the passage here incorporated in Section 3, begins: “When the Crown Prince's position became precarious, Lu Xun proffered a memorial....”

9.5 SGZ Wu has: “Then he petitioned to come to the capital, wishing to discuss in person the distinctions between an heir-apparent and a younger son so that matters might be put right.”

9.6 SGZ has: “Sun Quan did not heed him nor give him permission to come to the capital; and Lu Xun's sisters' sons, Gu Tan, Gu Cheng and Yao Xin, were unjustly banished because they took side with the Crown Prince.”

10. Except for the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, Biography of Gu Tan, which begins: “A few months after the death of his grandfather, Gu Yong, he was appointed taichang and succeeded Gu Yong as ping shangshu shi. At this time, Sun Ba, Prince of Lu, was receiving great favors from Sun Quan and was the equal of the Crown Prince Sun He in importance. Gu Tan tendered his memorial to the throne...”

11. SGZ, Biography of Gu Tan, Wu, continues thus the passage given in Section 10: “At this time, Quan Ji, a son of Quan Cong, husband of the eldest Princess, was a retainer of Sun Ba. Quan Ji was known as a man of intrigue, and Gu Tan did not esteem him. Before this, both Gu Tan's younger brother Gu Cheng and Zhang Xiu had joined the northern campaign to Shouchun...Zhang Xiu and Gu Cheng exerted themselves to repel the Wei troops, and stopped the Wei army. At this time, Quan Cong's other sons, Quan Xu and Quan Duan were also serving as generals. When the enemy was in retreat, they advanced and attacked; Wang Ling's army then withdrew.

When achievements were discussed and rewards given, it was held a great achievement to stop the enemy and a small one to make the enemy withdraw, so that Zhang Xiu and Gu Tan both became zahao jiangjun, Quan Xu and Quan Duan only generals of secondary rank. Quan Ji, his brothers, and their father hated Gu Tan more and more, and all plotted against him. Gu Tan was brought to trial and banished to Jiaozhou.”

SGZ, Biography of Gu Cheng has: “After the battle of Shaopo, Gu Cheng was promoted to fenwei jiangjun; he was then sent out from the capital as jingxia du. Some years afterward, together with his elder brother Gu Tan and Zhang Xiu, he was banished to Jiaozhou.”

SGZ Biography of Zhang Xiu, appended to that of his father Zhang Zhao reads: “Zhang Xiu was promoted to yangwu jiangjun. He was slandered by the faction of Sun Ba, the Prince of Lu. He, as well as Gu Tan and Gu Cheng, were incriminated in the affair of discussing achievements at the battle of Shaopo. Zhang Xiu and Gu Cheng were in league with the dianjun Chen Xun and had their achievements falsely augmented. They were all banished to Jiaozhou. The zhongshuling Sun Hong (孫弘) was a man of intrigue and falsity, and Zhang Xiu hated him. Taking the present opportunity, Sun Hong slandered him and secured an edict ordering him to commit suicide. At that time, he was forty years old.”

12. SGZ, Biography of Wu Can, reads: “He was promoted to be taifu to the Crown Prince. When he met with the troubles between the two princes, he was elevated in his words about maintaining the distinction between an heir-apparent and a younger son. He wanted Sun Ba, the Prince of Lu, to be sent out and quartered at Xiakou and Yang Ju to be sent away from the capital. He also communicated frequently with Lu Xun. At this time, Lu Xun was stationed at Wuchang. He sent in several memorials to admonish the throne on the subject. Because of all this Wu Can was the object of slander by such as Sun Ba and Yang Ju. He was committed to prison where he was put to death.

SGZ, Biography of Lu Xun, continues the passage here given in Section 9, thus: “Wu Can, taifu to the Crown Prince, was incriminated for having frequently communicated with Lu Xun, and was committed to prison, where he died. Sun Quan sent imperial messengers one after another to reprimand Lu Xun. Lu Xun was filled with indignation and so came to die. At this time he was sixty-three years old. He left no property to his family.”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, reads: “IN the eighth year of Chiwu, spring, second month, the chengxian Lu Xun died.”

13. SGZ, Biography of Lu Kang, Wu, reads: “Lu Kang, zi Yujie, was a son of Sun Ce's daughter. At the time of Lu Xun's death he was twenty. Appointed jianwu xiaoyu, he succeeded to Lu Xun's five thousand troops and brought his remains back to the east for burial. Sun Quan questioned Lu Kang on the twenty items of Yang Ju's accusation against Lu Xun. Prohibiting him from receiving any visitors, he sent an Imperial messenger to obtain his replies on the spot Lu Kang had no one to consult with, but answered item by item. Sun Quan became slightly eased.

14. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi has: “Summer, sixth month. Zhao Yan passed away.” According to his biography in SGZ, Zhao Yan was enfeoffed Lord of Duxiang when Mingdi ascended the throne in 226 AD and canonized after death as “Affable” Lord.

15. SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan has: “That autumn, in the seventh month, the general Ma Mao and his men plotted treason. They were put to death, together with the members of their clans to the third degree.” A passage from the Wu li, quoted in the commentary recounts the miscarried plot in detail: “Sun Quan was in the habit of practicing archery in the garden in the company of high officials and generals. Ma Mao and three other men plotted to kill him when he was alone in the garden, before the entry of these attendants, who were to be bound at the entrance.”

16. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which specifies the day dingmao (September 27). SGZ, Biography of Gao Rou states: “He was in office as tingyu for twenty-two years, then was transferred to be taichang; within ten days he was promoted to be sigong. Later he was transferred to be situ.

17. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, reads: “In the eighth year of Yanxi, autumn, eighth month, the Empress Dowager passed away. Sima Guang is careless here. As Hu Sanxing notes, the Empress Dowager who died in this year was not surnamed Gan but Wu. Lady Gan, mother of the Second Sovereign and later given the Title of Empress, had died some years ago at Nanjun. The biography of Empress Wu (canonized 'Affable' Empress) in SGZ, Shu, expressly states that she died in the eighth year of Yanxi.

18. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which begins: “In the eighth month, Sun Quan granted a general amnesty. He sent Chen Xun...”

19. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, has almost the same wording: “In the ninth year, winter, eleventh month (November 28-December 24, 246 AD), the da sima Jiang Wan died.” Sima Guang naturally adds the qualification “Han” to the title, but inadvertently cuts short the man's life by entering his death in the eighth instead of ninth year of Yanxi. The ninth year is also specified in Jiang Wan's biography.

20. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, which reads “the da jiangjun Fei Wei” instead of “Fei Wei of Han.”

21. From SGZ, Biography of Dong Yun.

21.1 “In the seventh year of Yanxi, Dong Yun, as shizhong, and also acting shangshuling, became deputy to the da jiangjun Fei Wei. In the ninth year (246 AD) he died.”

Sima Guang again kills off his man a year too soon. The Hua yang guozhi also places his death in the eleventh month of the ninth year. As for Lu Yi's appointment, his biography says he “was summoned to the capital, where he became a shangshu. He succeeded Dong Yun as shangshuling.

21.2 This paragraph is rewritten from the biography: “In his attitude toward affairs Dong Yun emphasized preventive measures, and was exhaustive in the duty of rectification. The Second Sovereign often wanted to procure girls to fill his seraglio; Dong Yun argued that anciently the Son of Heaven had no more than twelve persons comprising his wife and concubines, that now the number of concubines had reached that sum, hence it would be improper to increase the number. To the end he was adamant and would not hear of it; The Second Sovereign stood all the more in awe of him...Gradually, growing up, the Second Sovereign loved Huang Hao, a eunuch. Huang Hao, glib in tongue and nimble in mind, wished to be the True Sovereigns's confidant. Above, Dong Yun often admonished the Sovereign with solemn expression; below, he reprimanded Huang Hao repeatedly. Huang Hao was afraid of Dong Yun.”

21.4 ibid.? “Chen Zhi was solemn, august, and of awe-inspiring mian; he had many skills and was versed in the science of numbers. Fei Wei admired him exceedingly, and therefore by extraordinary promotion had him succeed Dong Yun as a neishi.”

21.5 ibid.? “Chen Zhi was in league with Huang Hao. Huang Hao began to participate in the government. After Chen Zhi died, Huang Hao was promoted from huangmenling to zhongchangshi and given the title juqi duyu. Wielding and abusing power, he eventually brought the State to destruction.”
Last edited by Jordan on Tue Jan 10, 2012 6:03 am, edited 1 time in total.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Mon Jan 02, 2012 5:42 pm

Chapter 27
Seventh Year of Zhengshi (246 A.D.)
Shu: Ninth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Ninth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, second month (Mar. 5 – Apr. 2). The Wu zhuji jiangjun Zhu Ran invaded the Tsu-chung {???}; killed or captured several thousand persons, and departed.

2. The King of Gaogouli, Weigong, having rebelled several times and made incursions, Guanqiu Jian, Governor of Yu-zhou, commanding various forces, comprising ten thousand infantry and cavalry to Xuantu and attacked. The King of Gaogouli Weigong (位宮) [1] led twenty thousand infantry and cavalry to the banks of the Fei-liu River and fought a severe engagement at Liang-kou. Weigong was defeated and took to flight. Guanqiu Jian in the end massacred the people of the Gaogouli capital Wandu [2] and took prisoner a thousand chiefs. A Gaogouli official named Delai (得來) had repeatedly advised Weigong against rebellion, but Weigong would not accord. [3] Delai sighed and said, “Very soon we shall see wild grass growing in this place.” He finally abstained from food and starved to death. His countrymen all respected him. Guanqiu Jian ordered the troops not to demolish his tomb nor cut down its trees. When the widow and children came into his hands he released them all.

Weigong, without retinue, fled with his wife and children. Guanqiu Jian and his forces withdrew, but before long attacked him again. Weigong then fled to Mai-kou. Guanqiu Jian sent after him Wang Ji, prefect of Xuandu, who moved on more than a thousand li, from Wo {?}-zhu to the southern border of the land of the Su-shen. He had his military achievements carved on stone and then returned. [4] He killed and brought to surrender more than eight thousand persons. Over a hundred (of his subordinates) were enfeoffed for their achievements.

3. Autumn, ninth month (Sept. 28 – Oct. 26). The Sovereign of Wu appointed the biaoji jiangjun Bu Zhi as his Prime Minister; the zhuji jiangjun Zhu Ran to be zuo da sima; and the wei jiangjun Quan Cong to be you da sima. Dividing Jingzhou into two sections, he appointed the zhennan jiangjun Lu Tai as shang dajiangjun to take charge of the right section from Wu-chang west to Pu-chI, and the wei-bei jiangjun Zhuge Ke as da jiang jun, to be in charge of the left section and stationed at Wu-chang as Lu Xun’s successor. [1]

4. (a) In Han, a general amnesty was granted. (b) The da sinong Meng Guang, of Henan, reproved Fei Yi at a gathering. “Amnesty,” he said, “is a more or less worn-out thing, not proper to an age of enlightened rule. It is granted only when decadence has gone beyond remedy, under extreme circumstances when there is no other choice. Our present Sovereign is good and capable, and the hundred officials are fulfilling their function. What imminent urgency is there that such an extraordinary favor should be repeated, only to benefit the willfully wicked? To pardon the crimes of those who strike like hawks is to violate the seasons of Heaven above and subvert human nature below. You are a dotard who has not mastered the principle of good government. I venture to believe this law can hardly endure, for how can it be what is expected from a Sovereign’s brilliant virtue, lofty and fair for the people to look up to?”

Fei Yi only looked at him and thanked him with much deference.

(c) Back in the time of Zhuge Liang as Prime Minister, someone said His Excellency was niggardly about granting amnesties. Zhuge Liang answered, “An age is well ruled through great virtue, not through petty kindness. Thus Kuang Heng and Wu Han did not like to grant general amnesties. The late Sovereign too said, ‘When I studied under Chen Yuan-Fang and Zheng Kang-Cheng, at each instruction they revealed to me entirely the way to govern, but they never mentioned amnesties. Men like Liu Jingsheng, Liu Jiyu, and his father, granted general amnesties year after year, and what good did it do for the way of government?’”

For this the people of Shu praised Zhuge Liang’s ability, and knew that Fei Yi was not his equal.

(d) Chen Shou comments, [7] “Although in the course of his administration Zhuge Liang made many military campaigns, he never granted a general amnesty lightly. Was he not unsurpassed!”

5. The people of Wu found the Big Coins inconvenient, so they were discontinued.

6. The Sovereign of Han appointed the governor of Liangzhou, Jiang Wei, to be wei jiangjun and had him participate in the business of the lu-shang-shu together with the da jiangjun Fei Yi.

The barbarians of Wen-shan and Ping-kang rebelled; Jiang Wei quelled and pacified them.

7. The Sovereign of Han was going out on frequent pleasure trips, and increasing his troupe of dancing girls. Qiao Zhou of Baxi, the jialing to the Crown Prince, proffered a memorial in admonition, saying: “Long ago, at the time of the fall of Wang Mang, when ambitious opportunists rose up simultaneously to occupy provinces and prefectures and contend for the sacred vessels, men of talent and intelligence all looked for someone to rally to – not necessarily for the extent of his power but simply for his richness in virtue. At that time the Emperor Gengshi, Gongsun Shu and others were already powerful, but none of them refrained from giving vent to his desires, indulging in pleasure, and neglecting to do good. Hunting and banqueting, they had no heed for the people’s livelihood. When the future Emperor Shizu [5] first entered Hebei, men like Feng Yi urged that he should act as other men were unable to do; and he made it his business to deal justly with innocent prisoners and to honor frugality. The northern provinces sang his praises and his fame spread afar to the four quarters. Thereupon Deng Yu went to him form Nanyang; Wu Han and Kou Xun, who had not known him, helped him with troops. As for the others who followed him in admiration of his virtue – such as PI Yong, King Chun, and Liu Zhi – and as for those who came carrying their sick in carts, their dead in coffins, and their infants in swaddling clothes – they could not be counted. Thus, from being weak he became powerful; he slaughtered Wang Lang, annexed the Tongma, crushed the Chimei, and succeeded in becoming Emperor.

While at Luo Yang he once was going to make a trip incognito. His carriage was already harnessed. When Yao Chi came forward and remonstrated, the Emperor promptly had his carriage sent back. When bandits rose in Yingchuan, Kou Xun begged Shizu to proceed in person against the bandits; on hearing the proposal he went at once. [13] Thus, when a matter was not urgent he did not venture to go out on a little trip even if he wanted to; when it was urgent, he did not sit at ease. So it is with a Sovereign who is bent on doing good. Hence the saying that ‘the people adhere to the Sovereign not blindly, they have indeed been prepared by his virtue.’

Now the Han dynasty has met with misfortune; the empire is split into three sections. It is time for men of parts to reflect and look toward an enlightened Sovereign. My wish is the Your Majesty again will be able to act as others cannot, and so fulfill the hopes of the people. [14]

Another thing – continuing service at your Ancestral Shrine is not merely for seeking good fortune, but for setting an example for the people in revering superiors. Now sometimes you do not attend to the sacrifices of the four seasons, but you do keep on with visits to ponds and gardens. In my stupidity and obtuseness, I am personally disquieted. One who is loaded with worrisome tasks has not the time for unlimited pleasure.

As for the late Sovereign’s aims – his hall is not yet raised nor the roof completed. This certainly is not the time for limitless pleasure. I would wish you to follow the practices of the late Sovereign, and so hand down the lesson of frugality to your descendants."

The Sovereign of Han paid no heed.


Chapter 27
Seventh Year of Zhengshi (246 A.D.)
Shu: Ninth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Ninth Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which reads “attacked” instead of “invaded.” ZZTJ adds, “and left.”

Zhu Ran's biography in SGZ reads: “In the ninth year of Chiwu, he again attacked Zuzhong. Li Xing and other Wei generals, learning that Zhu Ran hade made this deep incursion, moved up six thousand infantry and cavalry troops to cut him off from the rear. Zhu Ran rushed to meet them during the night; his army won the victory and returned.”

2. From SGZ, Biography of Guanqiu Jian. However, SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, contains the passage which caused Sima Guang to put this section under the second month: “Seventh year (of Zhengshi). In the spring, second month, Guanqiu Jian, governor of Yuzhou, attacked Gaogouli. In the summer, fifth month (June 1-30) he attacked Weimo. He defeated both. Dozens of states in Han such as Naxi, all submitted with their tribes.”

2.1 SGZ reads “Gong,” not 'Wei-Gong' as given here to conform to Sima Guang's usage. He apparently was trying to avoid confusion with the King's great-grandfather, who was also named Gong. SGZ, History of Gaogouli, Wei reads: “Yiyumu had no son. He had intercourse with a woman of the Guannu tribe, and she gave birth to a son named Gong, who after the death of Yiyimu succeeded him as King. He is the present King of Gaogouli.

His great-grandfather, named Gong, could open his eyes and see as soon as he was born. The people of his land disliked him. When he grew up he became ferocious, just as expected, and plundered constantly. His hegemony was destroyed and exists no more.

The present King could also open his eyes and see as soon as he was born. The people of Gaogouli say wei when they mean 'similar.' Because he looked like his ancestor, they named him Weigong ('Like Gong'). Weigong is muscular, daring and skilled at shooting from horseback.

In the second year of Jingchu (238 AD), when the taiyu Sima Xuanwang (Sima Yi) executed a campaign against Gongsun Yuan, Weigong sent his jubu, a dajia, with several thousand men to offer help.

In the third year of Zhengshi, Weigong invaded Xi Anping. In the fifth year (244), he was defeated by Guanqiu Jian. The story is given in Guanqiu Jian's biography.” This passage indicates that in 244, Guanqiu Jian's campaign had already begun, and only came to an end in the present year, 246.

Dajia in the penultimate paragraph of the foregoing quotation means a prince of the blood, as shown elsewhere in the treatise on Gaogouli: “Of the king's relatives, the dajia were always called guchujia.”

2.2 SGZ: “Guanqiu Jian finally tied the horses together, hoisted the vehicles up the steep terrain, and thus mounted to Wandu. He butchered the inhabitants of this capital of Gaogouli.”

2.3 SGZ: “The peizhe of Gaogouli, named De Lai, had repeatedly advised Weigong against rebellion, but Weigong would not follow his words.” Pei Songzhi in his commentary points out that peizhe was an official title in Gaogouli.

2.4 SGZ: “He had his military achievements carved on stone, engraving them on the mountain at Wandu and inscribing them on the wall of Bunai.”

3. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.

3.1 SGZ reads merely: “He appointed the chennan jiangjun Lü Tai shang dajiangjun, and the weibo jiangjun Zhuge Ke da jiangjun.”

It is in the biography of Lü Tai that we read: “After Lu Xun died, Zhuge Ke succeeded Lu Xun. Sun Quan then divided Wuchang (obviously not the city but the entire region, Jingzhou, as ZZTJ has it) into two sections. Lü Tai took charge of the right section, from Wuchang up to Puchi, and was promoted shang dajiangjun.”

4. Part (a) is from SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign. Part (b) is from SGZ, Biography of Meng Guang. Part [c] is from Hua Yang guozhi. Part (d) is from SGZ.

The Huayang guozhi gives the first three paragraphs (with some textual variations) in the same sequence as ZZTJ; possibly Sima Guang {or an assistant} was guided by that book. According to SGZ: “Meng Guang, zi Xiaoyu, was a native of Luoyang in Henan.”

4.7 Chen Shou comments at the end of the biography of the Second Sovereign: “The Second Sovereign was an enlightened prince when he had the capable minister Zhuge Liang in his service, but an ignominious ruler when he was deluded by the eunuch Huang Hao. The saying has it, 'White silk yarn is changeable—it alters with the dye.' How true! According to the Rites, when the Sovereign of a state succeeds to the throne he changes his reign title in the following year. Yet the third year of Zhangwu was altered to become the first of Jianxing. In the light of the ancient Rites, this was not proper. Furthermore, Shu did not appoint a Historian to keep records, so many details of government measures are lost and natural calamities are unrecorded.

In his administration, Zhuge Liang was indeed versed in statecraft. But he was not perfect in these matters. However, for twelve years the reign-title was not altered; and although he made many military campaigns, he never granted a general amnesty lightly. Was he not unsurpassed! After Zhuge Liang's death this institution gradually was neglected, and it became apparent who was superior and who inferior.”

5. Jiangbiao zhuan: “In this year, Sun Quan issued the following edict:--”When Xie Hong some time ago spoke in favor of minting the Big Coins, he said it was for the sake of widening the circulation of goods. I therefore accepted his proposal. Now I am informed that the people do not find them convenient. They shall be discontinued and cast into vessels, and the government will not put any more in circulation. Private persons who still possess them are requested to deliver them to the government treasury, which will compute their value and make reimbursement without injustice.'”

6. Sima Guang's syncrhonism is again defective here. This material belongs in the next year, as shown by the following two passages.

SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, “In the sixth year (of Yanxi), Jiang Wei was promoted to chenxi dajiangjun and appointed governor of Liangzhou. In the tenth year he was promoted to wei jiangjun and participated in the business of the lu shangshu together with the da jiangjun Fei Yi. That year the barbarians of Wenshan and Pingkang rebelled; Jiang Wei led his troops against them and pacified them.” SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign: “That year the barbarians rebelled. Jiang Wei advanced against them and quelled them.”

7. From SGZ, Biography of Qiao Zhou, which begins: “When he appointed the Crown Prince, the Second Sovereign appointed Qiao Zhou pu (to the Crown Prince), and later changed him to jialing (to the Crown Prince).” Qiao Zhou's biography begins: “Qiao Zhou, zi Yunnan, was a man of the state of Xizhong in Baxi.”

7.5 Founder of the Later Han dynasty, canonized as Guangwudi.

7.13 Here Sima Guang has rewritten summarily. SGZ reads: “While the Emperor was campaigning against Wei Xiao, bandits rose in Yingchuan. Shizu returned to Luoyang and only sent Kou Xun (to put down the bandits). Kou Xun said, 'It was because Your Majesty was away on a distant expedition that the crafty ones in Yingchuan revolted. Not knowing that Your Majesty has returned, I am afraid they will not surrender quickly. If your Majesty were to go to Yingchuan in person, the bandits would surrender at once.' In the end the Emperor came to Yingchuan and it turned out to be as Kou Xun had said.” The story is given in Hou Han shu, where Kou Xun's words are not precisely the same.

7.14 This sentence is Sima Guang's own. At this point SGZ reads: “Your Majesty is by nature most filial. Although you have worn mourning for over three years, you shed tears whenever your father is mentioned. Even Ceng Shen and Min Zijian (disciples of Confucius) could not surpass you. You respect the worthy and employ the talented, and they exert their utmost for you. In this you surpass Kings Cheng and Kang (of Zhou). As a result, harmony reigns in the state, high and low doing their best. This is not something I am competent to talk about. But I cannot forbear to express my great wish; I wish that you may again diffuse what others cannot. He who would push a heavy load must lament if his exertions are not shared; one who would eradicate a great difficulty must lament if his excellent methods are not widely spread.”
Last edited by Jordan on Tue Jan 10, 2012 6:16 am, edited 1 time in total.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 1:29 am

Chapter 28
Eighth Year of Zhengshi (247 A.D.)
Shu: Tenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Tenth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 22 – Mar. 23). Quan Zong of Wu died.

2. Second month (Mar. 24 – Apr. 21.). Eclipse of the Sun.

3. At this time the shang-shu He Yan and others, in league with Cao Shuang, were bent on altering laws and institutions. The taiyu Jiang Ji proffered a memorial: “Long ago when the great Shun assisted Yao in governing, he was wary of ‘ignoble intimacies.’ The Duke of Zhou, in supporting the government as regent of King Cheng attended to ‘the associates.’ [1] When the Marquis of Qi asked about a calamity, Yan Ying replied with the granting of grace. When the Prince of Lu asked about a strange event, Cangsun replied with the dismissal of works. To respond to heaven and meet accidents of nature is to consolidate human affairs. Now the two rebels Shu and Wu are not yet annihilated; for decades soldiers have been exposed to war, men and women murmur against separation, the people as a whole suffer poverty and hardship.
As for the laws and institutions of a state, only the most gifted men of their age are competent to rectify them and leave models for posterity. Are they things mediocre and inferior officials may alter? This will result in no benefit to peace and order, in fact it will be injurious to the people. It is proper for servants both civil and military to stick to their duties with obedience and composure; then natural harmony and auspicious signs will be induced.”

4. The Sovereign of Wu ordered the timbers and tiles of the palace at Wu-chang transported for the remodeling of the palace at Jian Ye. [1] The officials concerned memorialized that since the palace at Wu-chang had stood twenty-eight years, it was feared that its materials would be unfit for use and that orders should be issued everywhere to cut down and forward fresh timbers.

The Sovereign of Wu said, “At present war is not yet ended and we are levying heavy taxes everywhere; if more timbers are cut it will injure agriculture and silk production. It will be sufficient to move the timbers and tiles of the palace at Wu-chang and use them.”

5. He then moved the South Palace (Nan-gong).

Third month (Apr. 22 – May 21). The Taichu Palace was repaired. He ordered all military and provincial officials to assist in carrying out his wishes.

6. The da jiangjun Cao Shuang, following the counsel of He Yan, Deng Yang, and Ding Mi, moved the Empress Dowager to the Yongning Palace. [1] He monopolized the government, he and his younger brothers commanding the palace guards, and enlarged his own faction. He repeatedly altered laws and institutions; the taifu Sima Yi [2] being unable to stop this, he and Cao Shuang were on bad terms.

Fifth month (June 20 – July 19). Sima Yi for the first time pretended illness and did not participate in the government.

7. The Wu chengxiang Bu Zhi died.

8. The Emperor liked and associated with mean fellows, with whom he used to hold parties in rear garden of the palace. [1]

Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 18 – Sept. 16.). The shang-shu He Yan proffered these words: “From now on, whether Your Majesty presents himself in the Shiqian Hall or relaxes in the rear garden, it would be well to be attended by your ministers. Your parties, accordingly, should be held quietly. At the same time state documents should be inspected, government matters studied, and interpretation of the Classics expounded. This may be made a regulation for ten thousand generations.”

9. Winter, twelfth month (Jan. 13 – Feb 11, 248). Kong Yi (孔乂), [1] the sanji changshi and jianyi da fu, proffered these words: “The empire is now at peace and the distinction between Sovereign and subjects is clear. Your Majesty, to obtain service, need only be diligent in your position, bestowing rewards and punishments with firmness and justice. You might well leave off riding horseback in the rear gardens, and when you go abroad always ride in the Imperial carriage. This would be a blessing to the empire, and is the sincere wish of your subjects.”

In neither case did the Emperor listen.

10. The Sovereign of Wu raised large masses and assembled them at Jian Ye, noisily proclaiming his intent to launch an invasion. Zhuge Dan, governor of Yangzhou took advice of Wang Ji, prefect of An-feng. [1] Wang Ji said, “Before, Sun Quan came twice to Hefei and once to Jiang Xia; later Quan Zong came to Lu Jiang and Zhu Ran invaded Xiang Yang. In each case they returned having accomplished nothing. Now Lu Xun and his like are dead and Sun Quan is old, without a competent heir in his palace nor a master counselor in his land. If Sun Quan himself should issue forth, he would expose himself to the danger of internal dissension arising suddenly – the ulcer would break open. Should he send one of his generals instead – in that case, his experienced generals are no more and his new ones cannot be trusted. This is nor more than a reshuffling [2] of his supporters to secure his own protection.”

As predicted, the Wu were not forthcoming.

11. In this year the Qiang barbarians of Yongzhou and Liangzhou rebelled and went over to the Han. Jiang Wei of Han led troops out to Longyou in response to them. He battled Guo Huai, governor of Yongzhou, and Xiahou Ba, the “outpost commander for subjugating Shu,” west of Tao river. The barbarian Kings Bohuwen (伯?虎文) and Zhiwudai (治無戴) and so on with their tribesmen, surrendered to Jiang Wei and Jiang Wei had them migrate to Shu. Guo Huai moved ahead, attacked the rest of the Qiang barbarians and reduced them all to pacification.

Chapter 28
Eighth Year of Zhengshi (247 A.D.)
Shu: Tenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Tenth Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan. Quan Cong's biography says he died in the twelfth year of Chiwu. Qian Dazhao thought “er” in “shiernian” might be a fortuitous interpolation.

2. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, specifies spring, second month, first day.

3. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji, where it begins: “At this time, Cao Shuang was monopolizing the government, and men like Ding Mi and Deng Yang were altering the laws and institutions irresponsibly, when the phenomenon of an eclipse of the sun occurred. (Apparently mention of the eclipse caused Sima Guang to place the section in this year). The Emperor questioned his officials on the meaning of this. Jiang Ji proffered a memorial...”

3.1 Sima Guang's own sentence. Since he mentions only He Yan by name, he must have been the best known of Cao Shuang's partisans.

4. From Jiang biao zhuan, Biography of Sun Quan.

4.1 Jiang biao zhuan: “Sun Quan's edict read, 'I built the palace at Jianye when I came from the capital (Wuchang), and it was a mere general's headquarters. Its timbers and pillars were all thin, and decayed as well. I am constantly afraid that it will fall to pieces. As we are now returning to the west, we can transport the timbers and tiles of the Wuchang palace to repair it.'”

5. From SGZ

6. From Jin shu, Chronicle of Xuandi.

6.1 Hu Sanxing thinks that this is not a fact, but that the Jin historians wrote “moved” to derogate Cao Shuang; after all, the SGZ says that the Empress Dowager was referred to as “the Yongning Palace.”

6.2 Jin Shu refers to Sima Yi simply as “The Emperor.” He was canonized Xuandi after the founding of the Jin dynasty by his son Sima Zhao {I thought Sima Yan founded the dynasty}.

7. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan. Bu Zhi's biography states that he died in the eleventh year of Chiwu.

8. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, where the full text of He Yan's admonition is given. ZZTJ incorporates a few lines from the end.

8.1 Sima Guang evidently composed this sentence from the general context of He Yan's memorial. Wei shu gives a detailed account of the Emperor's debauchery.

9. From sGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.

9.1 SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi has the name written as Kong Yanyi. Chen Hao points out that the interpolation of Yan is an error occasioned by the occurrence of the two characters “yanyi” in the text following Kong Yi's memorial. Chen Hao also notes that according to the Kong Shi pu, Kong Yi, zi Yuanjun, was a descendent of Confucius.

10. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji. There is no definite clue as to why this material was put under the present year in ZZTJ, but the speech was made some time before Cao Shuang was put to death in AD 249.

10.1 ibid. says Cao Shuang invited him to become a congshi lang; he left the metropolis to become taishou of Anfeng.

10.2 According to Husanxing, the expression literally means to turn a garment inside out and sew it again, but here it probably means “to patch and repair an old garment.”

11. Rewritten from three widely separated passages:

SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign: “In the tenth year of Yanxi, the barbarian kings of Liangzhou, Bohuwen and Zhiwudai, et al., brought their multitudes and submitted. The wei jiangjun Jiang Wei met and conciliated them and settled them at Yufanxian.”

SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei: “In this year...he came to Longxi (Longyou), to the region of Nan'an, and to Jincheng, and west of the Tao river fought against the da jiangjun Guo Huai and Xiahou Ba of Wei. The barbarian King Zhiwudai and others submitted with all their tribesmen. Jiang Wei led them back to Shu where he had them settle.”

SGZ, Biography of Guo Huai: “In the eighth year, he advanced and attacked the revolting Qiang and killed Eheshaoge. Several ten thousands of their settlements submitted.”
Last edited by Jordan on Tue Jan 10, 2012 7:08 am, edited 1 time in total.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am

Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Jan 03, 2012 4:01 am

Ninth Year of Zhengshi (248 A.D.)
Shu: Eleventh Year of Yanxi
Wu: Eleventh Year of Chiwu

1. Spring. (Resignations:) Second month (Mar. 12 – Apr. 10) – Sun Zi as weijiangjun and zhongshu ling; on the day Apr. 10, Liu Fang as biaoji jiangjun and zhong shu jian. Third month – on the day jiawu (Apr. 11) – Wei Zhen as situ. Each resigned and repaired to the fief of which he was lord, being given the rank of tejin.

Summer, fourth month (May 10 – June 8). The sigong Gao Rou was made situ, the guanglu dafu Xu Miao being appointed sigong.

2. Xu Miao sighed and said, “The Three Ducal Ministers are officials who discourse on the Way. Lacking the right man, such a position should be left vacant. Shall I, who am old and infirm, disgrace it?” And resolutely declining, he did not take it.

3. Fifth month (June 8 – July 7). The Han officer Fei Yi moved out and stationed his troops in Hanzhong.

4. Even when Jiang Wan and Fei Yi were away from the capital, rewards and punishments were first referred to them for decision long distances away, and only then were acted upon. Such was the degree to which they were esteemed.

Fei Yi was of a modest and simple nature. He accumulated no wealth in his house; his sons were taught to wear coarse clothes, eat simple food and do without carriages or horses when they went in and out, no differently from the common people. His achievements and reputation in the state service were in a large degree comparable with Jiang Wan’s.

5. Autumn, ninth month (Oct. 5 – Nov. 2). The zhuji jiangjun Wang Ling was appointed sigong.

6. That autumn in the Dependency of Fou-ling the people and barbarians revolted. The han zhuji jiangjun Deng Zhi proceeded with a punitive campaign, crushing and reducing them all to pacification.

7. The da jiangjun Cao Shuang was arrogant and extravagant without limit, emulating the Emperor in food and drink, clothing, and carriages. Curious and rare objects made in the Palace Workshop filled his house. The rear court of his house was thronged with women – his wife and concubines. Furthermore he took seven or eight of the Accomplished Ladies of the late Emperor, together with palace composers and musicians and thirty-three girls from good families, and made them all his entertainers. He forged an imperial edict to recruit fifty-seven girls as Accomplished Ladies whom he sent to the palace at Ye, and had a Talented Lady [4] instruct them in accomplishments. He took out musical instruments from the Palace Music Bureau and imperial arms and weapons from the Arsenal. He built an underground room with decorated walls, where he frequently held drinking parties with his partisans such as He Yan. [7]

His younger brother Cao Xi was profoundly concerned at all this and repeatedly admonished him, in tears. Cao Shuang did not listen to him.

8. Cao Shuang and his younger brothers frequently went out of the capital, all of them together, on pleasure trips. The sinong Huan Fan, of the Dependency of Pei, said, “One who is in charge of state affairs and those in command of the palace guards should not go out all together. If it should happen that the city gates be closed, who is there to let you in?”

Cao Shuang said, “Who would dare, indeed?” [4]

9. The Princes of Qinghe and Ping Yuan had peen wrangling over their domains for eight years without being able to reach a settlement. Sun Li, governor of Jizhou, asked that the case be decided by reference to the map made at the time. Liezi (Ming-Ti) enfeoffed the Prince of Ping Yuan, which had been preserved in the Palace Archives. [1] Cao Shuang favored the plaint of the Prince of Qinghe and said that the map was not to be used. [2] Sun Li sent in a memorial to defend his opinion; its language was forceful and to the point. Cao Shuang was very angry and impeached Sun Li on a charge of resentment at an official decision; he was given a suspended sentence of five years’ banishment.

After some time he was reinstated as governor of Bingzhou. [5] He went to see the taifu Sima Yi wearing an expression of anger and did not speak. Sima Yi said, “Do you regard it as a small thing to be appointed to Bing-chou? Or are you regretting having ventured to regulate that matter of demarcation? Now you are taking leave of me to go to a distant post; what are you displeased about?” Sun Li said, “how unjust and trifling are Your Excellency’s words! Lacking in virtue though I be, would I take official rank or past affairs to heart? I have believed Your Excellency would emulate Yi Yin and Lu Shang and lend support to the House of Wei. Thereby, looking into the past and upward, you would requite Mingdi’s entrusting you with the guardianship; and looking into the future and downward, you would achieve merit for ten thousand generations. At present the foundation of the dynasty is precarious and the empire in turmoil. This is what makes me unhappy.” And he wept a flood of tears. Sima Yi said, “Stop for the time being, and bear the unbearable.”

10. Winter. Li Sheng, the Regional Governor of Henan, visited the taifu Sima Yi to take leave of him. [1] Sima Yi had ordered two maidservants to attend himself. As he was holding up the skirt of his robe, it fell. He pointed to his mouth to indicate thirst and when the maids offered him congee Sima Yi drank it without holding the cup. The congee all spilled out and soiled his chest. Li Sheng said, “The crowd says Your Excellency is suffering from a recurrence of apoplexy, but I never expected your state of health to be like this.” Sima Yi then managed to get his breath and said, “I am old and bedridden with sickness, and may die at any moment. So you are about to honor Bingzhou as governor. Bingzhou is near barbarian lands; you had better prepare against them. I fear we shall not meet again.” He then entrusted Li Sheng with the care of his sons, Sima Shi and his younger brother Sima Zhao. Li Sheng said, “I am returning to disgrace my own native zhou, not Bingzhou.” Sima Yi then muddled his language, saying, “You are now going to Bingzhou.” Li Sheng repeated his words, “I am about to disgrace Jingzhou.” Sima Yi said, “I am old and my mind is confused, I did not grasp your words. Now that you are returning to govern your native zhou, your brilliant virtue and fine qualities will be good for great achievements.”

Li Sheng retired from this interview, told Cao Shuang, “His Excellency Sima Yi is no more than the surviving emanations of a corpse; his mind is deserting his body. He is incapable of causing you anxiety.” Another day, weeping, he again said to Cao Shuang and the others, “The taifu is sick beyond recovery. It makes one sad.”

As a result, Cao Shuang and his men no longer took precautions against Sima Yi.

11. He Yan had been told that Guan Lu of Ping Yuan was versed in fortune-telling, and asked to meet him.

Twelfth month. On the day bingxu (Jan. 28, 249), Guan Lu went to see He Yan and discussed the Book of Changes with him. On this occasion Deng Yang who occupied a seat, said to Guan Lu, “You claim to be an expert on the Changes, but your words do not touch on the vocabulary of the Changes at all. How is this?” Guan Lu said, “One who is versed in the Changes does not speak of the Change.” He Yan smiled and complimented him, saying, “Indeed, significant words are never profuse.”

12. On this occasion he said to Guan Lu, “Will you please make out one hexagram for me, to let me know whether I may reach the rank of the Three Ducal Ministers?” He further inquired, “I have dreamed several times in a row that dozens of green flies settled on my nose. I tried to drive them off but they did not leave. What about this?”

Guan Lu said, “Now of all the birds in the world the owl is the lowest, but at one time, when it stays in the forest and eats mulberries, it ‘cheers us with good words.’ [5] I am not a mere blade of grass or tree stump; how can I not dare to serve you loyally?”

“Long ago, when the eight Harmonies and the eight Worthies supported Shun, and the Duke of Zhou assisted the Zhou dynasty, they all enjoyed much felicity through their benevolence and modesty. [6] This is not something that fortune-telling can illuminate. At present Your Lordship enjoys exalted rank and great power, yet those who cherish your virtue are few and those who fear you are many. This is not, I venture, the way to seek happiness. Furthermore, the nose is the mountain in the celestial region of the face. [10] Lofty and secure, it continues to enjoy exalted position. Now green flies have swarmed there, nasty and ugly. One whose rank is too high will trip; one who takes his power lightly will come to ruin. You must not fail to think deeply on this. [12] I would wish Your Lordship to ‘diminish what is excessive, and increase where there is any defect,’ and that you ‘not take a step which is not according to propriety.’ Only then can you reach the rank of the Three Ducal Ministers, and drive away those green flies.” [15]

Deng Yang said, “This is the usual chatter of old age.”

Guan Lu said, “Well, one who has lived long perceives who is devoid of life, and his ‘usual chatter’ apprehends who will no longer chatter at all.”

When he went home he reported his words in detail to his maternal uncle. The uncle reprimanded Guan Lu for having used such sharp language. Guan Lu said, “I was talking to dead men. What is there to be afraid of?” His uncle was very angry, and thought Guan Lu had gone crazy.

13. The barbarian rebels of Jiuzhen in Jiaozhi, under Wu, attacked and took some walled towns, throwing the Jiaozhou region into an uproar. The Sovereign of Wu appointed the dujun duyu Lu Yin of Heng-yang governor of Jiaozhou and also an-nan jiaoyu. When he went into the region Lu Yin demonstrated such generosity and good faith [3] that more than fifty thousand households surrendered, and the region was restored to peace.

14. The taifu Sima Yi was secretly plotting with his sons, the zhonghujun Sima Shi and the sanji changshi Sima Zhao, to put Cao Shuang to death.


Chapter 29 Notes
Ninth Year of Zhengshi (248 AD)
Shu: Eleventh Year of Yanxi
Wu: Eleventh Year of Chiwu

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi

2. From SGZ, Biography of Xu Miao.

3. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign's

4. From SGZ, Biography of Fei Yi

5. From SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi.

6. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign. Concerning this campaign, SGZ, Biography of Deng Zhi, reads: “In the eleventh year of Yanxi, the people of the Dependency of Fouling killed the duyu and revolted. Deng Zhi led troops in a punitive campaign against them, and beheaded their ringleader; the people were left in peace.”

7. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.

7.4 One of the inmates of the Imperial women's quarters.

7.7 SGZ, Wei: “Cao Xi took this very seriously and was deeply anxious about it, and made repeated admonitions. He also wrote three essays setting forth how arrogance and excess would bring about calamity and ruin. The language was very pertinent. He dared not mention Cao Shuang, and ostensibly directed it to his younger brothers, but actually it was meant for Cao Shuang. Knowing that it was all about himself, Cao Shuang was most annoyed. Cao Xi occasionally admonished him, but his advice would not be accepted, and he would then rise up in tears. Sima Xuanwang (Sima Yi) was on his guard against Cao Shuang.”

8. From Shi yu.

8.4 Shi yu continues: “From then on they had not gone out all together. But on this occasion, they did all go out together.”

9. From sGZ, Biography of Sun Li.

9.1 SGZ has: “Sun Li was promoted to mu of Jizhou. The taifu Sima Xuanwang said to Sun Li, 'Now the Princes of Qinghe and Pingyuan have been contesting their domains for eight years, during which two cishi have been replaced in Jizhou, without being able to reach a decision. The strife between Yu and Hui was settled only by King Wen. You ought to settle the affair and make a distinct demarcation.'

Sun Li said, '...We should decide the case by referring to the map made when Liezi first enfeoffed the Prince of Pingyuan...Now, the map is preserved in the Palace Archives (tianfu); we can decide the case on the spot. Is there any need of waiting till I reach Jizhou?'

Sima Xuanwang said, 'You are right. We should consult the map.'”

9.2. SGZ, Wei: “Sun Li came and examined the map. His opinion was that the district belonged to the Prince of Pingyuan, but Cao Shuang favored the argument of the Prince of Qinghe and wrote that the map was not to be used, that the points of disagreement were to be taken into consideration.”

9.5 SGZ: “He remained at home as a commoner for a full year. Many people interceded for him. He was then appointed zhengmen jiaoyu. At this time, Liu Jing (劉靖), a Xiongnu King, had powerful forces, and also the Xianbei were making frequent incursions on the frontiers. So Sun Li was appointed cishi of Bingzhou, with the additional titles of zhenwu jiangjun and zhonglangjiang 'for protection against the Xiongnu,' with the Tally (chijie).”

10. From the Jinshu, Chronicle of Xuandi. The original account of this farce is given in the Wei mo zhuan, differing to some extent from the Jin shu version, and reading: “Cao Shuang and his men had Li Sheng to to take leave of Sima Xuanwang in order to spy on him. When Sima Xuanwang received Li Sheng, Li Sheng told him that having achieved no merit other than enjoying the good grace of the time, he was leaving to govern his native zhou and had come to say goodbye; and that he was surprised to receive such attention in audience. Sima Xuanwang had two maidservants attend at his side. He was holding the skirt of his robe, dropped it and picked it up again. He pointed to his mouth to indicate thirst and ask for something to drink. When the maids offered him congee, Sima Xuanwang held the cup to drink it, and the congee all spilled out, soling his chest. Li Sheng was moved to pity and wept for him. He said to Sima Xuanwang, 'At present the Sovereign is still young, and the whole Empire relies on Your Excellency. However, the crowd thinks Your Excellency is suffering at the moment from a recurrence of apoplexy. I did not expect your state of health to be like this.'

Sima Xuanwang then spoke slowly, and managing to regain his breath said, 'I am old and chronically ill, and may die at any moment. You are about to honor Bingzhou. Bingzhou is near the land of the barbarians; you must do your work well—I fear we shall not meet again, alas!'

Li Sheng said, 'I am returning to disgrace my native zhou; it is not Bingzhou.'

Sima Xuanwang further pretended to be muddle-headed and said, 'Now that you are going to Bingzhou, exert your utmost for your own sake.' He mixed up his language as an insane person talks. Li Sheng repeated what he said, 'I am about to disgrace Jingzhou, not Bingzhou.'

Then Sima Xuanwang showed that he understood a little and said to Li Sheng, 'Sima Yi is old and his mind is confused, and all of a sudden did not grasp your words. Since you are now returning to govern your native zhou, your brilliant virtue and excellent qualities will be good for great achievements.--Now we are to part from one another. I know that my strength is deserting me and that we shall never meet again, so I want to play the humble host and see you off at one last meeting, when I will have my son Sima Shi and his younger brother Sima Zhao, seal friendship with you. You must not go away without coming home once more to satisfy my small wishes.'

His tears then flowed and he wept aloud. Li Sheng also heaved a long sigh and replied, 'In obedience to your command I will wait for your summons.'

Having left him, Li Sheng met Cao Shuang and his men and said to them, 'The taifu was confused in his language, could not touch the cup with his mouth, and mixed up a northern place with a southern. He said too that I was appointed to Bingzhou. I answered that I was returning to govern Jingzhou, not Bingzhou. I said it to him slowly. After time enough to recognize a person fully, he finally became aware that I was going back to Jingzhou. Also he wants to give me a farewell party, and said I should not go away without coming to this party, so I must wait for it.'

Again, weeping, he said to Cao Shuang and his group, 'The taifu is sick beyond recovery. It makes one sad.'”

10.1 Jin shu: “It happened that Li Sheng, yin of Henan, who was about to proceed to Jingzhou, visited Xuandi to say goodbye.”

Concerning the time when this ruse took place, SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang reads: “In the winter of the ninth year of Zhengshi, Li Sheng was given a provincial appointment as cishi of Jingzhou. He called on Sima Xuanwang, who feigned severe illness, making a show of his weak condition. Li Sheng did not see through it and thought it was genuine.”

11. From the Guan Lu bie zhuan, which reads: “Guan Lu was invited to visit He Yan, with whom he discussed nine matters connected with the Yi. These nine matters were all elucidated. He Yan said, 'Your discussion of the yin and yang is without peer in this age!' ON this occasion, Deng Yang...”

12. From SGZ, Biography of Guan Lu, which reads: “In the ninth year of Zhengshi, he was made a xiucai. ON the twenty-eighth of the twelfth month (January 28, 249), the libu shangshu He Yan asked him to come for a visit. Deng Yang was at He Yan's. He Yan said to Guan Lu, 'I hear your revelations of the lines of the hexagrams are wonderful. Would you please...'”

12.5 Shi jing: “I will cheer him with good words.”

12.6 Radically rewritten from SGZ Wei: “Long ago when the eight Harmonies and the eight Worthies helped Zhonghua, they were 'all-considering and benevolent, kind and harmonious.' When the Duke of Zhou served as a wing to King Cheng, he 'sat waiting for the morning.' Therefore they could diffuse their light throughout the universe, and the myriad states all enjoyed repose.”

The quotations are from the classics. Zhonghua was a name of Shun.

12.10 SGZ: “Furthermore, the nose represents the hexagram gen. It is the mountain in the celestial region of the face. Pei Songzhi's commentary says the part of the face around the nose is called the celestial region.

12.12 SGZ: “...not fail to think on the destiny which brings harm to that which has reached fullness, and on the seasons of flourishing and decay.” The original here continues, “Therefore the mountain in the middle of the Earth is called jian (Modesty), and the thunder above heaven is called zhuang (Vigor).” The Yi Jing says: “The trigram for the earth and that of a mountain in the midst of it form Jian. The trigram representing heavn and above it that for thunder for Da Zhuang.”

12.15 After this, SGZ has: “He Yan said, 'We shall meet again after a year.'”

13. Summarized from SGZ, Biography of Lu Yin, which reads: “Later he was appointed dujun duyu of Hengyang. In the eleventh month of Chiwu, the barbarian rebels...”

13.3 SGZ continues: “He made it his business to induce the rebels to surrender. The followers of Huang Wu, the chieftain of Gaoliang, all surrendered-more than three thousand households. He then moved his troops south, again proclaiming his perfect good faith and distributing gifts. More than a hundred ringleaders of the rebel forces and more than fifty thousand households of the people, who had been unapproachable and unruly, all did obeisance to him, and the region became peaceful.”

14. Sima Guang's own sentence.

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Jingdi (Sima Shi) states: “During the Jingchu period of the Wei, he was appointed sanji changshi and finally promoted to zhonghujun...When Xuandi (i.e., his father, Sima Yi) was about to put Cao Shuang to death, he alone was in on the plot with Xuandi...Wendi (i.e. his younger brother Sima Zhao) was not yet in on it; he was informed on the eve of the fateful day.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi has: “At the beginning of the Zhengshi period, he was appointed diannong zhonglangjiang (Commissioner of Agriculture) at Luoyang...He was promoted to sanji changshi...Finally he returned from Cao Shuang's campaign against Shu in 244 and was appointed yilang (Counsellor).”
Last edited by Jordan on Tue Jan 10, 2012 7:28 am, edited 1 time in total.
User avatar
Scholar of Shen Zhou
Posts: 5937
Joined: Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:52 am


Return to Sanguo Yanyi Symposium Archives

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 1 guest

Copyright © 2002–2008 Kongming’s Archives. All Rights Reserved