Chapter 20
Third Year of Jingchu (239 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Chiwu
1. Spring, first month (January 22-February 20). Sima Yi came and was received in audience. The Emperor grasped his hand and said, “I entrust you with the care of affairs after my death. You and Cao Shuang will act as guardians over my young son; now I can bear to die. I have been delaying the approach of death waiting for you. Now that I am able to see you, there is nothing more for me to regret.” [1]
He then summoned the two Princes of Qi and Qin, whom he showed to Sima Yi. Pointing his finger at the Prince of Qi, Cao Fang, he said to Sima Yi, “This is he. Look at him carefully and do not make any mistake.” He also made the Prince of Qi step forward and embrace Sima Yi's neck. Sima Yi knocked his forehead on the floor and wept.
2. On this day, the Prince of Qi was appointed Crown Prince, and the Emperor died soon afterward. [2]
3. The Emperor was grave and firm of purpose, perspicacious and nimble-minded. He acted in accordance with the dictates of his mind. [1] He measured and selected the meritorious and competent, nor did he allow the true and false to be confused. He put aside and did away with superficial show. When he employed his armies in campaigns, or discussed and decided important matters of State, his counselors, ministers and generals without exception wondered at his great mind. By nature he possessed a particularly tenacious memory. The service records, personal character, and the fame and accomplishments of his meanest attendants, as well as the names of their fathers and elder brothers, their sons and younger brothers—once he chanced to hear or read these, he did not forget them to the end. He was patient with disagreeable and vexing things, and would admit straightforward admonitions. He listened patiently to his officials and to the common people. He allowed his gentry and commoners to send in letters, even to the amount of tens and hundreds in a month. Even when their style and diction was unpolished and vulgar, he would still read them to the end, without being bored with them.”
4. Sun Sheng would remark, “I have heard from the elders that Mingdi of Wei possessed an unsurpassingly fine physical appearance. His hair reached to the ground when he stood up. He stammered, and spoke seldom, but he was grave and firm of purpose, and good at making decisions. In his early days, Their Excellencies the various officials served as his guardians and tutors in accordance with the edict of the Late Emperor; but the Emperor gave them provincial employments, he himself ruling the State. [But] he showed especial respect to Ministers of State; he was open to and tolerant of good, straightforward admonitions. Even when they displeased him by excessive admonition, he did not crush or kill them. His tolerance was that majestic, worthy of a Sovereign over men. But he did not think of planting his virtue and disseminating good influence, nor did he consolidate the 'fortified wall,' [3] with the result that the great power of the state was only partially invested and the foundation of the Imperial House lacked protection. What a pity!”
5. The Crown Prince ascended the throne, aged eight. He granted a general amnesty and reverenced the Empress as Empress-Dowager. [1] He added the title shizhong to Cao Shuang and Sima Yi, conferred on them the Plenipotentiary Tally and the Yellow Axe, and made them Directors of all Military Affairs and lu shangshu shi. [2] The work of constructing palaces was all to be stopped, by posthumous edict of the late Emperor. [3] The male and female slaves belonging to the government who were aged sixty and more were to be freed to become commoners. Cao Shuang and Sima Yi commanded three thousand soldiers each, and in rotation stayed in the palace as guard. [5]
6. Because Sima Yi was high both in age and in rank, Cao Shuang used to serve him as if he were his own father; he consulted him on every matter and did not dare to act on his own authority.
7. At first, Bi Gui of Dongping, the zishi (Governor) of Bingzhou [1], as well as Deng Yang, Li Sheng, Hu Yan, and Ding Mi, were well known as men of talent, but precipitous in seeking for riches and honor. They kept up with the powers-that-be of that time and leaned on influential personages. Mingdi had disliked their superficial show; he had suppressed them all and had not employed them. Cao Shuang used to be intimate with them [2], and when he came to assist in the government as a guardian, he gave them sudden promotions and made them his confidants. Hu Yan was Hu Qin's grandson. Ding Mi was Ding Fei's son.
8. Hu Yan and others all stood for Cao Shuang's interests and maintained that heavy power should not be entrusted to anyone else. Ding Mi schemed in the interest of Cao Shuang; he had Cao Shuang speak to the Emperor in favor of an edict transferring Sima Yi to be taifu (Grand Preceptor). Externally he would thus honor him by conferring on him a higher title; internally, however, he intended to make all the memorials sent in from the shangshu, pass through his hands first so that he might exercise his influence over them. Cao Shuang followed this suggestion.
9. On the day dingchou, Sima Yi was appointed taifu.
10. Of Cao Shaung's younger brothers, Cao Xi was appointed zhong lingjun, Cao Xun wuwei jiangjun and Cao Yan san qi changshi shiqiang. His other younger brothers all became imperial attendants in the capacity of feudal lords. They went in and out of the palace; their honors and favors were unequalled.
11. Cao Shuang indeed served the taifu with due respect, but he seldom consulted him on the measures he introduced.
12. Cao Shuang demoted Lu Yu, the libu shangshu, to be Puyi, replacing him by Hu Yan. He appointed Deng Yang and Ding Mi to be shangshu, and Bi Gui to be sili xiaoyu.
13. Hu Yan and others abused their power in their official functions; those who adhered to them were promoted. Those who disagreed with them were dismissed. Inside and outside, all came under their sway and there was none who dared to go counter to their wishes.
14. Fu Jia, the huangmen shilang, said to Cao Shuang's younger brother Cao Xi, “Hu Pingshu is calm externally but fierce internally. He is sharp and avaricious, not attending to what is fundamental. I am afraid he will first of all delude you and your brothers; good men will keep away and State affairs will be neglected.” Hu Yan and the others, as a result, were antagonistic toward Fu Jia, and on a trifling matter had him dismissed from office.
15. They also ousted Lu Yu from the inner circle of the court to become tingyu. Bi Gui further made a false charge against him in his memorial and had him dismissed. The general opinion of the time defended him, so they reinstated him in office as guanglu xun.
16. Sun Li was straight and uncompromising in character. Cao Shuang was not at ease in mind, and sent him away from Court as Zishi of Yangzhou.
17. Third month (March 22-April 20). Man Chong, the chengdong jiangjun, was appointed Taiyu.
18. Summer, fourth month (April 21-May 19). Yang Tao, the dujun shizhe, attacked the garrison commanders of Liaodong, captured the people, and left.
19. After Jiang Wan of Han had become the da sima, Yang Xi of Jianwei was appointed dong cao yuan. He was by nature simple and unpolished. When Jiang Wan conversed with him, sometimes he would not answer. Some one said to Jiang Wan, “Your Excellency spoke to Yang Xi but he did not answer. He is extremely insolent.”
Jiang Wan said, “Men's minds are as different as their faces. [5] To accord with a man to his face and criticize behind his back [6], is something the ancients warned against. If Yang Xi had wished to agree with me, it would have been against his conviction. If he had wished to disagree with me, it would have showed up his fault. Hence he kept silent. This is commendable of Yang Xi.”
Then again, Yang Min, the dunong, once slandered Jiang Wan, saying, “In managing things, he is muddle-headed. He certainly is not the equal of his predecessor.” Some one reported this to Jiang Wan, and an official responsible for such matters requested him to refute and punish Yang Min. Jiang Wan said, “ I really am not an equal of my predecessor. I cannot refute him.” [8]
The official, attaching importance to his basis for declining to make a refutation, asked him in what way he was muddle-headed. Jiang Wan said, “If I am not the equal of my predecessor, things will not be well-regulated. If things are not well regulated, then I am certainly muddle-headed. What more is there to be said?”
Later, Yang Min was incriminated and committed to prison. Everyone feared he was sure to be put to death. But Jiang Wan's mind was superior to personal issues. Yang Min was able to escape the heaviest punishment.
20. Autumn, seventh month (July 18-August 16). The Emperor for the first time appeared in Court and listened to the reports of the ministers. Eighth month (August 17-September 14). A general amnesty was granted.
21. Winter, tenth month (October 15-November 12). In Wu, the taichang Pan Jun died. [1] The Sovereign of Wu appointed Lü Tai, the chennan jiangjun, to succeed him together with Lu Xun to take charge of the political affairs of Jingzhou. At this time, Lü Tai was already eighty years old. He had always been strong in body and participated in person in the administration of state affairs. He united his heart with Lu Xun's and worked in cooperation. When anything commendable was done, they would attribute the credit to each other, for which the people of the southern region praised them.
22. Twelfth month (December 13, 239-January 11, 240). [2] Liao Shi, a Wu general, killed Yan Gang, taishou of Linhe, and others, and proclaiming himself pingnan jiangjun, he attacked Lingling and Guiyang and shook the various jun in Jiaozhou. There were several tens of thousands under him.
Lü Tai sent in a petition to the throne and proceeded immediately, going on day and night. The Sovereign of Wu sent a messenger after him to appoint him mu (Governor) of Jiaozhou. He also dispatched Tang Zi and other generals to him one after another with reinforcements. He carried on the punitive campaign a year and destroyed them, putting to death Liao Shi and his followers. The region was entirely pacified. Lü Tai then returned to Wuchang.
22. Zhou Yin, the Lord of Duxiang in Wu, who was in command of a thousand soldiers and stationed at Gong'an, was banished to Luling because of a misdeed. Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi interceded for him. The Sovereign of Wu said, “As my confidant and one who formerly earned merit, and as one who cooperated with me, Gongjin (Zhou Yu) fully deserves credit. Formerly, Zhou Yin, who had in those days earned no merit, was given command of select troops, enfeoffed as Lord and made a general. This was all because my memory of Gongjin was applied to him. But Zhou Yin, relying on this, indulged in wantonness and disorder. Many a time I admonished him, but he never reformed. I am disposed toward Gongjin just as you are two gentlemen. How can my wish to see Zhou Yin become a success in life have abated? Because of the offenses he has committed, it would not be proper to have Zhou Yin recalled immediately from banishment. Besides, my intention is only to torment him to make him aware of his crimes himself. Now, you two gentlemen mention the oath of Han Gaozu at Taishan and the Huanghe. I feel ashamed. But though my virtue does not equal his, still I intend to emulate him more or less in my deed. Therefore, it is not for me to comply with your wishes. Zhou Yin, being a son of Gongjin, if you two gentlemen are able to reform him, what need to worry?
23. The Pian Jiangjun Zhou Jun, son of Zhou Yu's elder brother, died. Quan Zong requested that Zhou Hu, Zhou Jun's son, be appointed to command his father's troops. [1] The Sovereign of Wu said, “The repulse of Cao Cao and the opening of Jingzhou were both the achievements of Gongjin. I have never forgotten them. On hearing of Zhou Jun's death, I first thought of using Zhou Hu. But I have heard that Zhou Hu is of a dangerous nature. If I use him it will only bring calamity upon him. Therefore I have changed my intention and desisted. How could my memory of Gongjin have abated?”
24. Twelfth month (December 13, 239-January 12, 240). By imperial edict, the month of yin was restored as the first month of the year.
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Chapter 20 Notes
Third Year of Jingchu (239 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Chiwu
1. Adapted from several sources.
1.1 This paragraph is from a passage in SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, from Weilue and Wei shi chunqiu, and from Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi.
SGZ reads: “Third year of Jingchu, spring, first month. On the day dinghai (January 22), Sima Xuanwang, the taiyu, returned to Henei. The Emperor sent a post-horse to summon him, he let him enter his bedroom, and grasping his hand said to him, 'I am gravely ill and entrust you with the care of things after my death. You and Cao Shuang are to act as guardians for my young son. Now that I am enabled to see you, there is nothing for me to regret.' Xuanwang knocked his forehead on the floor and wept.”
The emperor's conversation is partly derived from Jin Shu, which reads: “Sima Xuanwang was led into the bedroom in the Jiafutian and mounted the Imperial bed. IN tears, he asked about the illness. The Son of Heaven grasped his hand, and glancing at the Prince of Qi said, 'I entrust you with the care of things after my death. Now I can bear to die.”
The Wei shi chunqiu account is quite different. “At this time the Crown Prince Cao Fang was eight years old, and the Prince of Jin nine. They were both at the Emperor's side. The Emperor grasped Sima Xuanwang's hand, and glancing at the Crown Prince said, 'Now I can bear to die. I have been delaying the approach of death waiting for you. You and Cao Shuang are to act as guardians for him [my heir.]'
Sima Xuanwang said, 'Your Majesty is surely aware that the late Emperor entrusted Your Majesty to me?'”
2. Summarized from SGZ, Chronicles of Mingdi and the Prince of Qi.
2.2 SGZ, Wei reads: “On the same day, the Emperor died in Jiafutian. He was then aged thirty-six. On the day guichou (February 17), he was buried in the Gaoping Ling.”
Concerning the Emperor's age, Pei Songzhi remarks in his commentary to this passage that thirty-six is an error; the Emperor must have been born in the tenth year of Jian'an (205 AD), for it was in the eighth month of the ninth year (September 12-October 11, 204 AD), that Cao Cao conquered Ye, when the Emperor Wendi took Lady Zhen as his wife. As the first month of this year is in reality the twelfth month of the last year (the Jingchu Calendar, pushed one month ahead), the Emperor died, to be exact, at the age of thirty four.
3. Except the first sentence, which is from Chen Shou's “Comment” at the end of SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi, the entire section is from the Wei Shu. Wei shu reads: “The Emperor's physical appearance was worth beholding; he appeared august and solemn. While in the Eastern Palace, he did not make friends with the officials of the Court, nor did he make any inquiries about the government; he devoted himself solely to books. After he ascended the throne, he showed respect to the Great Ministers. He measured...”
3.1 Chen Shou's comment reads: “Mingdi was grave and firm of purpose, and resolute in making decisions. He acted in accordance with the dictates of his mind. IN the main he possessed qualities worthy of a Sovereign over men. In his time the people were in distress and the Empire torn to pieces. He did not set as his foremost task the glorifying of his ancestors by widening the foundation of the dynasty. Instead he rashly imitated Qin Shihuang and Han Wudi in occupying himself with the building of palaces. Measured by the counsels of the ancients, was he not quite defective?”
4. From the passage quoted in SGZ, Chronicle of Mingdi commentary.
4.3 The relevant Shi Jing quote reads: “The circle of the King's relatives is a fortified wall.” As Hu Sanxing remarks, Sun Sheng's meaning is that the Emperor was jealous of his relatives and would not make them powerful.
5. From SGZ and Jin Shu.
5.1 SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, reads: “The Prince of Qi was named Fang, with the zi Lanqing. Mingdi did not have a son; he adopted and brought up the Prince as well as Cao Xun, the Prince of Qin, in the palace. The matter was so concealed that no one knew of his provenience...”
Here the commentary quotes Wei shi chunqiu, which reads, “Some said he was a son of Cao Kai, the Prince of Rencheng.” Cao Kai, who was Cao Zhang's son, was a first cousin to the Emperor. To resume the text proper:
“In the third year of Qinglong (235 AD), he was made Prince of Qi. In the third year of Jingchu, first month, on the day dinghai, the Emperor became gravely ill and appointed him Crown Prince. On the same day, he ascended the throne. He granted a general amnesty and honored the Empress as Empress Dowager.” For the age of the Prince of Qi, see Note 1.1.
5.2 With regard to Sima Yi's additional rank and offices, Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi states: “When the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, he was promoted to be a shizhong, was given the Plenipotentiary Tally, and made director of all military affairs, and a lu shangshu shi.”
As for Cao Shuang, Sima Guang is slightly erroneous. SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang reads: “When he had fallen ill, the Emperor Mingdi summoned Cao Shuang to his bedroom and apppointed him da jiangjun, conferred on him the Plenipotentiary Tally, and made him director of all military affairs and a lu shangshu shi. Together with the Sima Xuanwang, he received the edict and became a guardian of the young Sovereign. When Mingdi died and the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, Cao Shuang was given the additional rank of a shizhong.”
5.3 From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, at the end of the Imperial edict. Hu Sanxing writes that the chinese character here used as “through” indicates that there was no edict actually ordering the stopping of the work.
5.5 Jin Shu continues the passage given above in Note 5.2: “He and Cao Shuang commanded 3000 soldiers each. Together they took charge of the government and kept guard in rotation of the palace.”
6. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.
7. From ibid., which reads: He Yan, Deng Yang and Li Sheng, all of Nanyang, Ding Mi of the State of Pei and Bi Gui of Dongping, had all earned renown and were esteemed by their contemporaries. The Emperor Mingdi suppressed them all because they were men of superficial show. When Cao Shuang took up the government, he again promoted them and made them his confidants.”
7.1 Wei lue has: “When the Emperor ascended the throne, Bi Gui was promoted to be cishi of Bingzhou.”
7.2 Weilue states: “Cao Shuang used to be intimate with him (Ding Mi).” Ding Mi, zi Yanjing's father was Ding Fei, zi Wenhou.”
8. Except the first sentence, Section 8 is from SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.
9. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi has: “On the day of dingchou, the Emperor said in an edict, '...The taiyu shall be appointed taifu, commanding troops in the capacity of a holder of the Plenipotentiary Tally (chijie), and retaining his position as a director of all military affairs.” This edict is also given, in more detail and with some variations, in the Han Jin chun qiu.
10. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.
11. From an anonymous book quoted in SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang. Pei Songzhi omits the title of the book. This omission has been suggested as a case of lacunae. The quotation: “On the ground that Cao Shuang was as lungs and viscera to the House of Wei, Sima Xuanwang first made a point of putting him before himself. Because Sima Xuanwang enjoyed great renown, Cao Shuang also became humble towards him. Their contemporaries commended them both. Ding Mi, Bi Gui, and others, after they had been given employment, several times said to Cao Shuang, 'Xuanwang is ambitious, and the people are fond of him. You should not submit to him with sincerity.' From then on, Cao Shuang was always on his guard against him. He served him indeed with due respect, but he no more consulted with him on the measures he would introduce. Being weaker in power to contend, Sima Xuanwang, who was also afraid of drawing calamity on him{self}, avoided him.” SGZ adds that Sima Yi feigned ill health to avoid Cao Shuang.
12. SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, reads: “He then appointed He Yan, Deng Yang and Ding Mi to be shangshu. He Yan taking charge of the selection of officials, Bi Gui was appointed sili xiaoyu and Li Sheng the Yin (Prefect) of Henan.
SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu, reads: “When the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, he was given the rank of a feudal lord without fief (Guannei hou). At this time, Cao Shuang held the power in his hands and was building up his faction. He demoted Lu Yu to be puyi, replacing him with the shizhong He Yan.”
Lu Yu had been appointed a shizhong in the third year of Qinglong (234 AD), in which office he remained for three years, finally to be promoted to libu shangshu.
13. The first sentence is by Sima Guang, based on the abuse of power by Cao Shuang's partisans as shown in his biography. The second sentence is taken almost intact from the same source, which however reads “the officials” in place of “inside and outside.”
14. From SGZ, Biography of Fu Jia, which begins, “At the beginning of the Zhengshi period, he was appointed shangshulang, then promoted to be huangmen shilang. At this time, Cao Shuang took the power in his hands, and He Yan became libu shangshu. Fu Jia said...” He Yan's zi was Pingshu.
15. From SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu, which continues the passage given in Note 12.
16. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Li, which reads: “When Mingdi was about to die he appointed Cao Shuang da jiangjun. He thought a competent helper should be appointed, at his bedside, for the latter, and by the provisions of his posthumous edict, Sun Li was appointed zhangshi to the da jiangjun, with the additional title of sanqi changshi. Sun Li was straight and uncompromising...”
17. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.
18. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, which reads: “In the spring of the second year [of Chiwu], third month (April 21-May 19)-by order of Sun Quan-the dujun shizhe Yang Dao, [the xuanxin xiaoyu] Zheng Zhou and the jiangjun Sun Yi proceeded to Liaodong where they attacked the Wei garrison commanders Zhang Chi and Gao Lu, capturing men and women.
Sima Guang's “fourth month” is in accord with the Jingchu calendar. He gets Yang Dao's title from SGZ, Biography of Sun Ba. Zheng Zhou's title as given above is supplied by the translator from the Wenshi zhuan, quoted in the commentary.
19. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wan. IN putting the two episodes showing Jiang Wan's great heart under this year, Sima Guang seems to follow the Huayang Guozhi which, more or less abridged from the SGZ passages, begins: “In the second year of Yanxi, spring, third month (fourth month of the Qingchu Calendar, April 21-May 19), Jiang Wan, the da jiangjun, was appointed to be da sima. He opened his tribunal (kaifu) and appointed Yang Yi [which can also be Yang Xi since the characters for those ming are noted in ancient times to be interchangeable] of Jianwei the chizhong congshi, to be dongcaoyuan [of his tribunal]....”
SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign reads: “In the second year, spring, third month, Jiang Wan's rank was raised to da sima.”
19.5 Zuozhuan: “Men's minds are different just as their faces are.”
19.6 Shu jing: “When I [Shun] am doing wrong, it is yours [Yu's] to correct me;--do not follow me to my face, and when you have retired, have other remarks to make.”
19.8 Jiang Wan's predecessor refers to Zhuge Liang.
20. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.
21. From SGZ, Biography of Lü Tai, which reads, “When Pan Jun died, Lü Tai succeeded him in charge of the political affairs of Jingzhou. He was stationed at Wuchang together with Lu Xun and, as formerly, directed the affairs of Puchi. Soon afterward, Liao Shi rose in rebellion, attacking and besieging walled towns; various jun such as Lingling, Cangwu and Yulin were disturbed. Lü Tai sent in a petition...(here follows the third paragraph of Section 21)...
At this time, he was already eighty years old, but was strong in body and participated in person in the administration of State Affairs. Zhang Cheng, the feiwei jiangjun, wrote Lü Tai a letter saying, “Anciently when Dan (Duke of Zhou) and Shi (Duke of Zhao) served as support to the House of Zhou, the two Nan were sung. Now you and Master Lu would surpass each other in serving loyally and bestowing the credit with modesty, with the restul that work is accomplished and good rule conforms to the Way. The superior man admires your virtue and the mean man is pleased at this fine trait....'”
SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan, reads: “Winter, tenth month. The jiangjun Jiang Bi had been campaigning in the south against rebel barbarians. His subordinate, Liao Shi, a dudu, had killed Yan Gang, taishou of Linhe, and others, and had proclaimed himself pingnan jiangjun. Together with his younger brother Liao Qian, he had attacked Lingling and Guiyang and shaken the various jun in Jiaozhou, such as Cangwu and Yulin. There were several ten thousand men under him.
Sun Quan sent the generals Lü Tai and Tang Zi on a campaign against him. After more than a year, they destroyed them.”
21.1 SGZ, Biography of Pan Jun reads: “In the second year of Chiwu, Pan Jun died.” The date, “winter, tenth month” seems to be taken from the beginning of the passage narrating Liao Shi's rebellion in SGZ, But since Sima Guang adopted the Jingchu calendar for the years 237-239 AD, he should have written eleventh month here.
21.2 SGZ writes “tenth month,” corresponding to the eleventh month of the Jingchu calendar. Sima Guang's “twelfth month” is not justifiable.
22. From SGZ, Biography of Zhou Yin appended to that of his father Zhou Yu, which begins: “Zhou Yu had two sons and one daughter. The daughter was married to Crown Prince Sun Deng; Zhou Xun, who married a princess of the blood and was appointed qiduyu, had the spirit of Zhou Yu, but died young. Zhou Xun's younger brother, Zhou Yin, was first appointed xingye duyu and married a girl of the Imperial clan. He was given a thousand soldiers and stationed at Gong'an. In the first year of Huanglong (229 AD), he was enfeoffed as Lord of Duxiang. Later he was banished to Luling because of a misdeed. In the second year of Chiwu, Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi joined their named and memorialized the throne...”
Sima Guang omits this long memorial and merely writes that they interceded for him. The SGZ also notes, “The letter of Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi had barely arrived when Zhu Ran and Quan Cong also set forth their petition in behalf of Zhou Yin. Sun Quan then conceded to them. It happened, however, that Zhou Yin died of illness.”
23. From SGZ, Biography of Zhou Yu.
23.1 SGZ reads: “Zhou Jun, son of Zhou Yu's elder brother, because of Zhou Yu's great merit was also given an appointment as a pian jiangjun, commanding under-officials and soldiers to the number of a thousand men. When Zhou Jun died, Quan Cong memorialized to have Zhou Hu, Zhou Jun's son, appointed to be their general.
24. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, reads: “In the twelfth month, the Imperial edict read: '...The month of yin shall become the first month of the first year of Zhengshi (i.e. the following year); the month of chou shall become the “second twelfth month of this year.”
The short lived Jingchu calendar, which caused considerable inconvenience and some confusion in Sima Guang's chronology for the years 237-239 AD, is thus abandoned and the Sifen calendar used formerly, reinstated.