Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Thu Jan 05, 2012 7:16 am

Chapter 40
Fourth Year of Ganlu (259 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Jingyao
Wu: Second Year of Yongan

1. Spring, first month (February 10-March 11). Two yellow dragons appeared in a well in Ningling. Before this time, dragons had appeared frequently in wells in Dunqiu, Guanjun and Yangxia.

2. The various officials held the appearance of the dragons in the wells to be an auspicious sign. The Emperor said, “Dragons symbolize the virtue of a sovereign. [2] But they are not in heaven above, nor in the fields below [3]; in their frequent appearances they are being constricted in wells. This is not an auspicious omen.” He composed a poem on a dragon lying hid [4]in allusion to himself. Sima Zhao saw it and was displeased.

3. Summer, sixth month (July 7-August 5). Wang Chang, the 'Affable' Lord of Jingling, died.

4. The Sovereign of Han enfeoffed his sons: Liu Chen as Prince of Beidi, Xun he made Prince of Xinxing and Qian the Prince of Shangdang.

5. The shangshu ling, Chen Zhi, had ingratiated himself with the sovereign of Han through his deft manner and smooth tongue. Though superior to him in rank, Jiang Wei was for the most part out of the capital serving as a commander of troops, and seldom participated in State affairs; hence he was inferior to him in power and influence.

6. Autumn, eighth month. ON the day bingzi (September 23), Chen Zhi died. The Sovereign of Han appointed the shangshu puyi Dong Jue of Yiyang as shangshu ling [1] and the shangshu Zhuge Zhan as shangshu puyi. [2]

7. Winter, eleventh month (December 2-December 31). The juji jiangjun Sun Yi was killed by slave girls.

8. In this year, Wang Ji was appointed chengnan jiangjun in charge of the various military affairs of Jingzhou.

==========================

Chapter 40
Fourth Year of Ganlu (259 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Jingyao
Wu: Second Year of Yongan

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

2. From the Han Jin chunqiu, which begins: “At this time, dragons appeared frequently.”

2.2 The Zhou yi has: “'The dragon appears in the field: it will be advantageous to meet with the great man,' has reference to the virtuous qualities of a ruler (as thus described).” The Emperor borrows the phrase from the Yi Jing but uses it in accordance with his own interpretation.

2.3 Again the Emperor is quoting from the Yi Jing, which reads: “In the third line there is a twofold symbol of strength, but the position is not central. Its occupant is not in heaven above, nor is he in the fields below.”

2.4 The designation, 'dragon lying hidden,' is derived from the Yi Jing, where it reads: “In the first or lowest line, undivided, we see its subject as the dragon lying hidden in the deep. It is not the time for active doing.”

3. SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang has: “Summer, the sixth month, Wang Chang, the sigong, died.” According to the biography in SGZ, Wang Chang had been promoted to be the Lord of Jingling and, after his death, was canonized as the 'Affable' Lord.

4. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign.

5. Rewritten from a passage in the biography of Dong Yun in SGZ, which reads in its entirety: “Chen Zhi, zi Fengzong, was a man of Runan; he was a grandson on his mother's side of Xu Jing's elder brother. In his youth, he lost his father and was brought up in Xu Jing's house. When he was about twenty years old he became famous. After some promotions he was appointed xuancaolang. He was solemn and august, with an awe-inspiring mian; he was highly ingenous and gifted in the mathematical sciences.

Fei Yi admired him exceedingly; hence he made him, by extraordinary promotion, succeed Dong Yun as a neishi (Chamberlain); when Lü Yi died (in the fourteenth year of Yanxi; 251 AD), Chen Zhi furthermore, in his capacity as shizhong, acted as shangshuling and received the title of zhenjun jiangjun.

Though superior to him in rank, Jiang Wei, the da jiangjun, usually served out of the capital as a commander of troops and seldom participated in state affairs. Chen Zhi was disposed to please his sovereign above and stood in intimate contact with the palace eunuchs below. Hence he was deeply loved by the Sovereign of Han, and his power was greater than that of Jiang Wei.

6. From various sources.

6.1 From the Huayang Guozhi, under the second year of Jingyao, which reads: “Autumn, eighth month. On the day bingzi, Chen Zhi, acting zhonghujun, died. Dong Jue, the Lord of Nanxiang and shangshu puyi was appointed shangshuling.” With regard to the date of Chen Zhi's death, it must be noted that it is given in the biography of Dong Yun as having occurred in the first year of Jingyao (258 AD).

6.2 Sima Guang's text conveys the impression that Zhuge Zhan was appointed shangshu puyi in this year, but the appointment may not have occurred then. His biography in SGZ reads: “He went through a series of promotions: shesheng jiaoyu, shizhong shangshu, and shangshu puyi, with the title of junshi jiangjun...In the fourth year of Jingyao he was appointed xingduhu and wei jiangjun; together with the Lord of Nanxiang and fuguo dajiangjun Dong Jue, he took charge of matters pertaining to the Shangshu.”

Hong Yisun in his Sanguo zhi guan biao writes that the appointment occurred in the early years of Jingyao.

7. From SGZ, Chronicle of the duke of Gaoguixiang, where a more exact date is given: “In the eleventh month, on the day guimao (December 19)...”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Huan states: “Lady Xing was beautiful and so jealous that those under her could not bear her at all, and in the end they together killed Sun Yi and Lady Xing. Having gone over to the Wei, Sun Yi died in the third year of Huangchu (222 AD).” The last sentence is obviously an error.

Sun Yi went over to the Wei in 257 AD. Hence it was altogether three years between then and his death in 259 AD. The text is definitely wrong.

8. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji, where it reads: “In the fourth year of Ganlu, Wang Ji was transferred to the post of zhengnan jiangjun.”
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Thu Jan 05, 2012 9:22 am

Chapter 41
First Year of Jingyuan (260 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Jingyao
Wu: Third Year of Yongan

1. Spring, first month. On the first day (on the day yiyu, January 30), the sun was eclipsed.

2. Summer, fourth month (April 28-May 27). The Emperor issued an edict to his officials that his former command should be obeyed: [1] he again advanced the rank of the da jiangjun Sima Zhao to that of xiangguo and enfeoffed him as Duke of Jin, conferring on him the nine gifts.

3. Observing that his power was on the wane day after day, the Emperor was unable to bear his vexation. In the fifth month, on the day jichou (June 2), he summoned the shizhong Wang Chen, the shangshu Wang Jing, and the sanji changshi Wang Ye, and spoke to them, [1] “Sima Zhao's design is known to men walking on the street. I cannot sit still and suffer the disgrace of being dethroned by him. Today I intend to go out myself together with you and attack him.” Wang Jing said, “Of old, Duke Zhao of Lu was not able to bear the Ji; he was defeated and fled, thus being deprived of his throne. He became the laughing-stock of the whole world. At present, power has been lying in his House for a long time: within the Court and in the four quarters of the Empire, all are serving him with the utmost loyalty, even unto death, without paying attention to whether he is loyal or disloyal to the throne. This has not been going on for just a single day. Furthermore, the palace guard is depleted, their arms and weapons are few and weak. What does your Majesty rely on that you would act thus all of a sudden? Is it not like aggravating one's ailment, though one is bent on removing it? The disaster cannot be gauged; you ought to be prudent and cautious.”

The Emperor thereupon took out of his bosom his edict written on yellow silk and hurled it to the ground. “I am resolved to act. I do not fear even death. Why should I hesitate, since I may not necessarily meet death?” Thereupon he entered the interior part of the palace to inform the Empress Dowager. Wang Chen and Wang Ye rushed along to inform Sima Zhao. They, however, invited Wang Jing to follow them, but Wang Jing would not do so. [5]

In the end, the Emperor unsheathed his sword, mounted his carriage and, leading the palace guards and menial servants of the palace, came out beating drums and clamoring. [6] Sima Zhao's younger brother, the tunji jiaoyu Sima Zhou, met with the Emperor at the East Zhiche Men (Gate for Stopping Carriages). The attendants yelled at him. Sima zhou and his men rushed off. The zhonghu jun Jia Chong was entering the palace from the outside; he met the Emperor and fought with him beneath the Southern Tower Gate. [9] The Emperor himself wielded his sword; his horde wanted to retreat.

The younger brother of the jidu Cheng Cui, the taizi sheren Cheng Ji asked Jia Chong, [10] “The situation is urgent. What shall we do?” Jia Chong said, “His Excellency Sima Zhao has been supporting you people just in anticipation of today. Whatever you do today, you will not be held responsible.” [11] Cheng Ji then drew out his spear and stepped forward to stab the Emperor, who met his death beneath his carriage. Hearing of this, Sima Zhao was greatly astonished and threw himself on the ground saying, “What will the world say of me?” The taifu Sima Fu hastened on the scene and, taking the Emperor's leg as a pillow, mourned him sorrowfully, saying, “It is my fault that Your Majesty is dead.”

4. Sima Zhao entered the palace and summoned the myriad officials to a discussion. The shangshu zuo puyi Chen Tai did not come. [2] Sima Zhao had his maternal uncle, the shangshu Xun Yi summon him. Xun Yi came and spoke to him about the right and wrong of it. Chen Tai said, “The critics of the world compare me with my uncle. But my uncle has proved himself not as good as I.” His sons and younger sons all urged him. And so he entered the palace; seeing Sima Zhao, he broke into lamentation, and Sima Zhao also shed tears in return saying, “Xuanbo {Chen Tai's style}, what are you going to do with me?” Chen Tai said, “There is nothing else to do but kill Jia Chong, by which means you may apologize somewhat to the world.” After a long pause, Sima Zhao said, “Think of something less severe.” Chen Tai said, “I can only speak of something more severe than this; I do not know of anything less severe.” Sima Zhao did not speak any more. Xun Yi was a son of Xun Yu.

5. The Empress Dowager issued a command indicting the iniquities of the Duke of Gaoguixiang and degrading him to the rank of a commoner, to be interred with ceremonies befitting the common people; she also ordered the arrest of Wang Jing and the members of his family, who were to be turned over to the tingyu.

6. When Wang Jing took leave of his mother, she did not change her usual facial color, but she laughed and said, “Who is there that does not die? We are only afraid that we might not die at the right place. [2] What regret can there be since you are dying thus?”

After he was put to death, his former subordinate official Xiang Xiong bewailed him, his grief touching the whole market place. [4]

7. Wang Chen was enfeoffed as Lord of Anping because of his merit.

8. On the day gengyin, the taifu Sima Fu and others memorialized the throne, requesting that the Duke of Gaoguixiang be interred with the ceremonies befitting a feudal prince; the Empress Dowager granted it.

9. The Empress Dowager had the zhonghujun Sima Yan fetch the Duke of Changdaoxiang, Cao Huang, a son of the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, from Ye, to make him an heir to Mingdi. [1] Sima Yan was a son of Sima Zhao.

10. On the day xinmao (June 4), the various ducal ministers memorialized the Empress Dowager requesting that from now on her Commands should all be called Edicts.

11. On the day guimao (June 16), Sima Zhao earnestly declined to accept the appointment of xiangguo, Duke of Jin, and the bestowal of the Nine Gifts. The Empress Dowager in an edict granted her permission.

12. On the day wushen, Sima Zhao sent up a memorial that Cheng Ji and his elder brother Cheng Cui had committed high treason, and that they and the members of their families should be exterminated.

13. Sixth month. On the day guichou (June 26), an edict commanded that the Duke of Changdaoxiang should alter his ming {name} (Huang) to Huan.

14. On the day jiayin (June 27), the Duke of Changdaoxiang entered Luoyang. On this day he ascended the Imperial Throne. He was fifteen years old. [3] A general amnesty was granted and the reign title altered from Ganlu to Jingyuan.

15. On the day bingchen (June 29), the Empero in an edict advanced Sima Zhao's rank and conferred on him the Nine Gifts as before. [1] Sima Zhao earnestly declined to accept the appointment, and so the Emperor desisted.

16. On the day guihai (July 6), the shangshu zuo puyi Wang Guan was appointed sigong.

17. IN Wu, the duyu Yan Mi proposed to construct a dam at Puli. The myriad officials all maintained the project to be difficult. Only the wei jiangjun Puyang Xing of Chenliu maintained that the project could be successful. [3] In the end, he collected a large number of troops and people to do the work. The expenditures were beyond calculation and many of the troops died; the people were greatly worried and complained.

18. In the prefecture of Kuaiji, there circulated a rumor that the Prince Sun Liang was to return to the throne. Some inmates of Sun Liang's palace accused him of having employed sorcerers to propitiate the spirits on his behalf, and that he himself had abused the sovereign. The official in charge reported this. The sovereign of Wu demoted Sun Liang to be Lord of Houguan and had him sent to his new State. Sun Liang committed suicide and his escorts were all punished by death.

19. Winter, tenth month (November 20-December 19). Lord Su of Yangxiang, Wang Guan, died.

20. Eleventh month (December 20, 260-January 17, 261 AD). The Emperor in an edict treated the Prince of Yan with special ceremony.

21. Twelfth month. On the day jiawu (February 2, 261 AD), the sili jiaoyu, Wang Xiang, was appointed sigong.

22. The shangshu Wang Chen became cishi (Governor) of Yuzhou. Immediately after he arrived there, he issued instructions to the cities under his jurisdiction as well as to the gentry and to the people, “Since antiquity, sages and men of worth have been fond of hearing words of criticism and listening to the talk of the common soldiers; it is because firewood gatherers have things worthy of being recorded and fuel carriers have words worthy of the Court. Since I come to take my post, I have not been favored with words displeasing to my ears. Is it so because I have not opened my mind and hence those would-be speakers are made suspicious? Anyone who is able to set forth the good and bad points of the superior officials, and to point out the ailments of the people, shall be given five hundred piculs of grain. Anyone who points out the good or bad points of the cishi or the lenient or harsh rule of the government shall be given one thousand piculs of grain. Should there be anyone who does not believe my words, I must tell him that my words are like the bright sun.”

The zhubu Chen Xin and Chu Lue entered his office and said, “In your instructions, you state that you wish to hear words that are bitter, promising rewards as encouragement. We are afraid that men of independent character might not speak because they dislike rewards, and men of avaricious nature might bring their impeachment because they covet gain. If what they say does not happen to be proper and so you abstain from giving undeserved rewards, those who hear of it from afar, not knowing the truth of the matter, will only observe that your words are not redeemed; they will say that you have instituted the arrangement not for the sake of seeing it practiced. We are of the opinion that this business of instructing your subordinates should wait for awhile.”

Wang Chen issued another instruction, “To effect good work and receive the due reward is proper to a superior man. Why must you not speak? Honest words are a matter of supreme principle; giving benefit to the entire province is an act of benevolence; to have achieved merit but to refuse the reward shows a man of incorruptible character. If one can combine these and bring about good deeds, why must one keep his jewel in his bosom and leave his country to confusion?”

Chu Lue again said, “Yao, Shun and the Duke of Zhou could make honest remonstrators come, because their sincerity was self-evidence; ice and burning charcoal are eminent for their cold and hot qualities without their ever speaking, because they possess them in reality. If you are fond of honest remonstration as naturally as ice and burning charcoal possess their qualities, then will words of honest admonition come unsought for. If your virtue is not equal to that of Tang (Yao) and Yu (Shun), if your sagacity does not match that of the Duke of Zhou, if your reality is not like that of ice and burning charcoal, then even if you set a high premium, you cannot make words of honest remonstration come. Of old, Wei Jiang was given a gift of female musicians because of his merit in having effected amity with the Rong. Guan Zhong was given the rank of First Minister because of his achievement in having made Qi great. Only after merit and achievement have become illustrious will rewards and encouragement follow. I have never heard of displaying a high premium in order to obtain remonstrating officials, or of keeping rewards in reserve for potential advisors.”

Wang Chen then desisted.

====================================

Chapter 41 Notes
First Year of Jingyuan (260 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Jingyao
Wu: Third Year of Yongan

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

2. From ibid.

2.1 By his former command is meant the one given in 258 AD, Section 12. The sentence means that the Emperor was reiterating his appointment of Sima Zhao.

3. From the Hanjin chunqiu.

3.1 Han Jin chunqiu omits the date and has (“And so”) in its place. Sima Guang derives the date from SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the fifth month, on the day jichou, the Duke of Gaoguixiang died at the age of twenty.”

But according to the Jin shu, Chronicle of Wendi, the Emperor summoned these three Wangs on the night of the preceding day. The passage in question reads: “In the fifth month, on the day wuzi (June 1), during the night, the Son of Heaven had the rongcong puyi Li Zhao and the others armed at the terrace Lingyuntai, and summoned the shizhong Wang Chen, the sanji changshi Wang Ye, and the shangshu Wang Jing and showed them his edict written on yellow silk. Fully armed, he waited for day to break. Wang Chen and Wang Ye galloped along to inform Wendi.”

This account seems to be derived from the Wei shi chunqiu: “On the night of the day wuzi, the Emperor himself led the rongcong puyi Li Zhao, the huangmen congguan Jiao Bo, et al., and went to the terrace Lingyuntai, where he armed them. He intended that they should gather together, he himself going out of the palace to attack Sima Wenwang. It happened to rain and his officials memorialized him to postpone the action. And so he received Wang Jing and the others in audience and took out of his bosom his edict written on yellow silk, saying, 'If I can bear this, what is there that I cannot bear? Today I am resolved to have this command executed.' He entered the interior part of the palace to inform the Empress Dowager.”

3.5 Hanjin chunqiu has: “Sima Wenwang made preparations against him.” The ZZTJ sentence is from the Jin ju gong can: “Wang Chen and Wang Ye, aobut to go out of the palace, invited Wang Jing. Wang Jing did not follow them, saying, 'Go, gentlemen.'”

The Shi yu however has: “Wang Chen and Wang Ye galloped along to inform Sima Wenwang. The shangshu Wang Jing, a man of rectitude, did not go out, but conveyed his thoughts through Wang Chen and Wang Ye.” Sima Guang in his Zizhi Tongjian kao yi refers to this version of the story and writes that he prefers the account given in the Jin ju gong can. He does not give his reason for this, but we may remark that as Wang Jing was eventually put to death, he could not have tried to curry favor with the usurper Sima Zhao.

3.6 Han Jin chunqiu has: “In the end the Emperor led several hundred of the palace servants and, beating drums and making a great clamor, came out of the palace.” The ZZTJ sentence is partly from the Wei shi chunqiu: “In the end, he unsheathed his sword, ascended into his carriage, and leading the palace guards and menial servants of the palace, came out to the gate Yunlongmen beating battle drums.”

3,9 Han Jin chunqiu has: “The zhonghujun Jia Chong also encountered the Emperor and fought with him beneath the Southern Tower Gate.”

3.10 The Wei shi chunqiu has: “Jia chong entered from the outside. The Emperor's army collapsed and was dispersed. Jia Chong still called him Son of Heaven. The Emperor held his sword and struck; the men did not dare to press hard on him. Jia Chong encouraged his officers and men. The younger brother of the jidu Zheng Cui, Zheng Ji, thrust his spear at him. The Emperor died in action. At this time there was a heavy rain and it thundered and it was dark.”

3.11 Gan Bao's Jin ji has: “Cheng Ji asked Jia Chong, 'The situation is urgent. What shall we do?' Jia Chong said, 'His Excellency Sima Zhao has been supporting you people in anticipation of a situation like today's. Why do you hesitate?' Cheng Ji said, 'Indeed!' and drew out his spear against the Emperor.”

The Wei mo zhuan gives still another version: “Jia Chong summoned the zhangxiadu (Captain of Guards) Cheng Ji and spoke to him, 'Should the affair of the House of Sima fail, will any scion of you men be left at all? Why do you not go out and strike?' Cheng Cui and his younger brother Cheng Ji then led out the guardsmen. They looked around and said, 'Shall we kill him or seize him?' Jia Chong said, 'Kill him.' When arms were crossed, the Emperor commanded, 'Lay down your weapons.' The soldiers of the da jiangjun Sima Zhao all laid down their weapons. Cheng Ji and his elder brother Cheng Cui stepped forward and stabbed the Emperor, who fell down beneath his carriage.”

The Jin shu states: “Wendi summoned the hujun et al., to get ready. Knowing that his plot had leaked out, the Son of Heaven led his attendants and attacked the headquarters of the xiangguo (sic! Sima Zhao had refused to accept the appointment, and that according to the Jin shu itself; see Note 2.2), saying that he was meting out punishment and that anyone who moved would have his family exterminated. The troops of the headquarters of the xiangguo kept still and did not dare to fight. Jia Chong yelled at the various generals, 'His Excellency has been supporting you people just in the anticipation of today.' The taizu sheren Cheng Ji drew out his spear against the Emperor; he stabbed him, the spearhead piercing his back. The Son of Heaven died in his carriage.”


4. From Gan Bao's text Jin ji. Wei shi chunqiu reads: “When the Emperor died, the taifu Sima Fu and the shangshu yu puyi Chen Tai laid themselves down on the Emperor's legs and mourned him with great sorrow. At this time, the da jiangjun Sima Zhao was entering the palace. Seeing him, Chen Tai broke out in lamentation. The da jiangjun also shed tears in return and said, 'What are you going to do with me, Xuanbo?' Chen Tai said, 'There is nothing else to do but kill Jia Chong, by which means you may somewhat apologize to the Empire.' After a long pause, the da jiangjun said, 'Think of something else.' Chen Tai said, 'Must I speak further?' Eventually he vomited blood and died.”

Sima Guang in Zizhi Tongjian jian kao yi quotes this passage and writes, “Pei Songzhi considers it untrue; I follow the Jin ji of Gan Bao.” We may notice that Sima Guang's quotation is slightly different in one sentence, and that he misunderstood the meaning of the commentator Pei Songzhi. Pei Songzhi only criticizes the Wei Shi chunqiu for the putative dialogue between Sima Zhao and Chen Tai. The commentator does not say whether Chen Tai's lamentation of the dead Emperor and his vomiting of blood are true or not. The words of Pei Songzhi are as follows:

“His biography does not say that Chen Tai ever became a taichang; I do not know what source Gan Bao is following here. It is indeed true that Chen Tai's words as modified by Sun Sheng are slightly better than in Gan Bao's version, but, as far as I have examined them, all the textual variations due to Sun Sheng do not come from any original sources that are different; they all are rather due to his own whim, and hence they generally vary from the earlier records. When one records dialogues, one ought to convey them just as they were spoken. Making the language better at the expense of truth is indeed what a superior man should not do; how much less so then, if it is not better, and moreover if falsity is propagated?”

In putting the present section here, Sima Guang is following the sequence in the Jin shu, where the story is still different:

“Wendi summoned the myriad officials for a discussion. The puyi Chen Tai did not come. Wendi sent his maternal uncle Xun Yi to him and had him brought in a carriage. He took him to a secluded room, where he said, 'Xuanbo, how shall I be able to face the world?' Chen Tai said, 'There is nothing else to do but to cut Jia Chong into two pieces at his loin, by which means you may somewhat apologize to the world.' Wendi said, 'Think of something less severe.' Chen Tai said, 'I only see something more severe (meaning the punishment of Sima Zhao himself) and do not see any thing more lenient.'”

4.2 Instead of shangshu zuo puyi, Jin Ji has taichang. As Pei Songzhi writes, his biography does not tell whether Chen Tai ever became a taichang. The biography states: “Afterwards, Chen Tai was recalled to the capital and was appointed shangshu yu puyi, in charge of the selection of officials; he was given the title of shizhong and guanglu dafu. When Sun Jun retreated, Chen Tai returned and was transferred to the post of shangshu zuo puyi.” Accordingly, the title as given in the Wei Shi chunqiu, is incorrect.

5. This is rewritten from the following passage in SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang: “The Empress Dowager commanded, 'Endowed with no virtue, I have met misfortunes in my family. Sometime ago I had Cao Mao, the son of the Prince of Donghai, enthroned as heir to Mingdi. Seeing that he was fond of books and literature, I hoped to see him come to something. But his temper became wilder and coarser with the passing of the days and months. I often reprimanded him which vexed him and made him use ugly and wicked language against me. In the end I cut off all contact between the two palaces, his and mine. What he mouthed, I could not bear to hear. He is not one whom heaven and earth can tolerate.

I secretly communicated with the da jiangjun that he should not be made to worship the Ancestral Temple, for I feared that he might bring ruin to the dynasty and so I would not be able to meet the Late Emperor with impunity after my death. The da jiangjun, considering him youthful, said that he might improve for the better. He stood for him with unswerving faith. But this child was ill-tempered, especially in his deeds. He once raised his crossbow and from a distance shot at where I was in the hope of hitting me in the neck; the arrow itself fell just before me. I spoke to the da jiangjun that he ought to be dethroned by all means; I repeated my request tens of times in all. This child heard of this in all detail. Knowing well that his iniquities were too much, he plotted matricide: he bribed my attendants and made them secretly poison me when I took my medicine. The plot was repeated in different forms. When the plot leaked out, he wanted to gather his attendants together and enter the western palace armed to kill me, and then to go out and take the da jiangjun.

He summoned the shizhong Wang Chen, the sanji changshi Wang Ye, and the shangshu Wang Jing, took out from his bosom an edict written on yellow silk, which he showed to them saying, 'I am going to execute it today.' My position was more precarious than that of eggs piled one upon another. I am aged and widowed; what is there left of my life that I should cherish? I only regret that the late Emperor's testament is not realized and the dynasty might be overthrown.

Thanks to the help of the spirits of the Ancestral Temple, Wang Chen and Wang Ye immediately galloped off to inform the da jiangjun, who was thus enabled to make preparations against the eventuality. This child then led his attendants and went out to the gate Yunlongmen, beating battle drums and himself holding his unsheathed sword in the hand. Together with the attending guards of miscellaneous nature, he entered a battle formation, where he met his end at the hand of the vanguard.

This child first committed iniquities, and then he himself met disaster. This gives me double cause for lamentation, and I cannot express my feelings. Of old, the Prince of Changyi in Han times was, because of his crimes, degraded to the rank of a commoner; this child also ought to be interred with ceremonies befitting the common people, so that the whole Emperor may be acquainted with his deeds.

Then again, the shangshu Wang Jing has committed high treason that is beyond words. Herewith shall Wang Jing and members of his family be arrested, all to be turned over to the tingyu.'”

6. Paragraph 1 is from the Hanjin chunqiu. Paragraph 2 is from the Shiyu. SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Shang says: “Wang Jing of Qinghe, together with Xu Yun, was also called a man of renown in Jizhou. During the Ganlu period, he became a shangshu. Inolved in the affair of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, he was put to death. When Wang Jing became a prefect, Wang Jing's mother said to Wang Jing, 'You are a farmer's son. Now your official rank has reached that of Two-thousand piculs. When things are in excess, it is not auspicious. You may stop here.' Wang Jing was not able to follow her advice. He passed through the career of cishi (Governor) of two provinces, and then sili jiaoyu; in the end, he met disaster.”

With regard to Wang Jing's death, the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi states: 'The shangshu Wang Jing was killed. It was because he was disloyal to us (i.e. the Jin).”

Even the Jin tried to atone, as the edict of the Jin Emperor Wudi issued in the first year of Taishi shows. The passage is quoted in SGZ and reads: “The late shangshu Wang Jing, although he violated laws, laudably preserved in his principles. I always regretted that his family has fallen into oblivion. Herewith shall Wang Jing's grandson be appointed a langzhong.”

6.2 Han Jin chunqiu has: “The reason I did not stop you before from serving as an official is that I feared you might not attain your rightful place.” This refers to her advice to her son. Wang Jing still continued to serve as an official, his mother having given him her tacit consent.

6.4 Shi yu has: “Wang Jing, zi Yanwei, was at first the taishou (Prefect) of Jiangxia, when the da jiangjun Cao Shuang gave him twenty pieces of silk, ordering him to sell it to the Wu. Wang Jing did not even open the letter, but left his office and returned home. His mother asked him why he returned. Wang Jing told her the truth. The mother charged Wang Jing, who (as taishou) was commanding troops, with having left his post without permission, and sent him to the official to have him flogged fifty times.

Hearing of this, Cao Shuang did not have him punished any further. When he became sili jiaoyu, Wang Jing appointed Xiang Xiong of Henei as duguan congshi. Wang Ye after leaving the palace, di dnot convey Wang Jing's thoughts (this refers to the story form the Shiyu given in Note 3.5), hence he eventually met with disaster. Wang Jing was executed in the Eastern Market; Xiang Xiong mourned him and moved the whole market. His mother also was executed. Huangfu Yan, a former subordinate official of his in Yongzhou, buried them at his own expense.”

7. From the Jin shu, Biography of Wang Chen, where it reads: “The Duke of Gaoguixiang, about to attack Wendi, summoned Wang Chen as well as Wang Ye and told them of his intention. Wang Chen and Wang Ye galloped off to inform Wendi. He was enfeoffed as Lord of Anping because of his merit, his appanage consisting of two thousand households. As he was not loyal to his sovereign, he was very much criticized by general opinion.”

8. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “On the day gengyin, the taifu Sima Fu, the da jiangjun Sima Wenwang, the taiyu Gao Rou, and the situ Zheng Chong bowed to the ground and said, 'In prostration we observe in your command that the late Duke of Gaoguixiang had 'committed iniquities and himself met disaster,' that in accordance with the precedent of the degratation of the Prince of Ghanyi in Han times, 'he ought to be interred with the ceremonies befitting the common people.' Though we occupy our ranks, we have failed to rectify the calamitous disorder and stop iniquities.

Receiving your command, we are shaken; our liver and heart tremble. In the Chunqiu, it is a principle that a Sovereign does not stay out, but it records that King Xiang stayed out in Zheng. Because he was unable to serve his mother, he was thus cut off from his rank. Now, the Duke of Gaoguixiang indulged in committing misdeeds, almost bringing the dynasty to ruin. He himself courted disaster; he is therefore cut off from the grace of men and spirits. To inter him with the ceremonies befitting the common people is indeed in conformity with the ancient institution. But we observe in prostration that Your Highness, exceedingly benevolent, may, although you ought to maintain the great principle, still show a sense of pity. We really cannot bear it and think that he be shown extraordinary favor and be interred with the ceremonies befitting a feudal prince.' The Empress Dowager acquiesced.”

As for the actual interment, the Han Jin chunqiu states: “On the day dingyu (June 10), they buried the duke of Gaoguixiang on the bank of the Qian rivulet, thirty li northwest of Luoyang. There were a few carriages of inferior kind; no banners and streamers were found. The people were gathered there and looked at the interment, saying, 'This is the Son of Heaven whom they killed a few days before.' They all covered their faces and wept with unbearable grief.”

Pei Songzhi writes: “A few carriages of inferior kind, with no banners and streamers to be found, how can we call it the interment of a feudal prince? This account is an exaggeration, because the author was disgusted with them (Sima Zhao and his clique). After all, it cannot be so.”

9. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

9.1 SGZ has: “The Empress Dowager had the shichijie, Acting zhong hujun, and zhonglei jiangjun Sima Yan go northward and fetch the Duke of Changdaoxiang, Cao Huang, to make him an heir to Mingdi.”

SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu states: “Prince of Chenliu, hui Huan, zi Jingming, was a grandson of Wudi (i.e. Cao Cao) and a son of the Prince of Yan, Duke of Changdaoxiang in Anzixian. After the Duke of Gaoguixiang died, ducal and other ministers resolved to enthrone the Duke.” Cao Huang or, as he is later called, Cao Huan, was of the same generation as Mingdi, whose heir he became.'

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, Wei, where it reads: “On the day xinmao, the various ducal ministers memorialized the Empress Dowager, 'The sage-like virtue of Your Highness shines brightly, effecting peace and security in the universe. Yet your orders are still called Commands, just as are those of the vassals. We request that from now on the Commands of Your Higheness should all be called Edicts, which is in conformity of past reigns.'”

11. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang.

12. From ibid. “On the day wushen, the da jiangjun Sima Wenwang memorialized: 'The Duke of Gaoguixiang led his personal servants and, with his sword drawn and beating metal drums, advanced to where I was. I was afraid that weapons might be crossed, and so I ordered my officers and men not to inflict any injury on him and that anyone who disobeyed was to be punished by military law. The jidu Cheng Cui and his younger brother, the taizu sheren Cheng Ji rushed into the battle formation and inflicted wounds on the Duke, who then died. I immediately arrested them and carried out the military law. I have heard that, in serving his sovereign, a subject should die for him and not change his loyalty. In serving his superior a man should not dare to evade hardship. Untoward events happened without warning, and calamity befell me like a projectile released by the trigger.

Indeed I desired to remain loyal at the expense of my life and obey the Imperial command. But his real intention was to endanger the person of the Empress Dowager and overthrow the dynasty; being a minister of state charged with a great trust, I deemed it my duty to put a state on a secure footing. I was afraid that my death would not absolve me from the great responsibility, and so I wanted to follow the expediency of Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou in rescuing the state from danger. It was thus that I repeatedly ordered that no one should come near the Imperial carriage.

But Cheng rushed into the battle formation without ado and thus brought about the Imperial death. I am seized by great sorrow, my heart is breaking, and I do not know where I am going to breathe my last. According to the Criminal Codes of the land, in case of high treason, the criminal's parents, wife, and children, as well as his brothers and sisters should all be put to death. Cheng Ji, by his atrocity, violated the laws of the land, and his death alone would not atone for the misdeed. I have ordered the shiyushi to arrest the members of Cheng Ji's family and send them over to the tingyu, who is to punish them.'

The Empress Dowager commanded in an edict, 'Of the crimes punishable by the five punishments, none is as great as violation of filial piety. When one's own son is unfilial, one accuses him so that he may be punished. This child (the duke of Gaoguixiang), can he be called a sovereign? Being a woman, I am not acquainted with the great principle and think that Cheng Ji should not be charged with high treason. But the da jiangjun's intention is most sincere and his words are touching. Therefore I grant him as he memorializes. This shall be proclaimed far and near, so that the truth of the matter be known.'”

The Wei shi chunqiu states: “Cheng Ji and his elder brother would not submit to their punishment immediately. Throwing off their clothing, they climbed to the roof, where they used abusive language. They were shot at from below, and thus they died.”

13. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Duke of Gaoguixiang, where it reads: “In the sixth month, on the day guichou, the Empress Dowager commanded in an edict, 'In ancient times, the character standing for the ming of a sovereign was such that it was difficult to violate and easy to avoid. Now, the character standing for the hui (i.e. the ming) of the Duke of Changdaoxiang is exceedingly difficult to avoid. May the Court officials discuss this extensively and propose to me a new character.'”

Cao Huang's name, being a homophone of “Huang” (yellow), which must have been frequently used in daily life, had to be altered to some uncommon character.

SGZ does not explicitly state that the ming of the new Emperor was altered on the same day as the Empress Dowager issued her edict.

14. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

14.3 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. According to SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, the new Emperor was twenty years old when he abdicated the throne in favor of the Jin in 265 AD. He must have been fifteen years old in this year.

15. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

15.1 SGZ has: “In the first year of Jingyuan, in summer, in the sixth month, on the day bingchen, the Emperor advanced the rank of the da jiangjun Sima Wenwang to that of xiangguo, enfeoffed him as Duke of Jin, with an additional appanage of two prefectures, in all amounting to a full ten in number, and conferred on him the Nine Gifts; all in accordance with the former memorial (which apparently was sent up by some officials). All his sons and younger brothers, direct and collateral, who had not yet been enfeoffed as Lords, were enfeoffed as ting Lords. He also conferred on him ten million cash and ten thousand pieces of silk.”

16. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu. SGZ Biography of Wang Guan states: “Wang Guan was made a Guannei Lord and was restored to the post of shangshu with the title of fuma duyu. After the Duke of Gaoguixiang had acceeded to the throne, he was enfeoffed Lord of Zhongxiangting. Soon afterwards he was given the title of guanglu dafu and was transferred to the post of shangshu yu puyi. After the Duke of Changdaoxiang had acceded to the throne, his enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Yangxiang, with an additional appanage of one thousand households, or two thousand and five hundred households in all. He was promoted to be sigong, but he earnestly declined to accept the appointment.

The Emperor did not acquiesce, but sent a messenger to his residence, where he was given the appointment and was made to accept the office. A few days thereafter, he returned the seal and took a carriage to return to his native village. He died in his home. By his will, he ordered that the grave should be just roomy enough to hold his coffin, should have no vessels, and should not have a mound or trees. He was canonized as Lord Su (Solemn).”

At the time in question, it was probabily still Chen Tai who was invested with the post of shangshu zuo puyi. Chen Tai, however, died in this year. SGZ, Biography of Chen Tai says: “In the first year of Jingyuan, he died. He was posthumously granted the post of sigong and was canonized Lord Mu.”

17. From SGZ, Biography of Puyang Xing. The reason why Sima Guang chronicles this section and also the following one is that the events happened in the autumn of this year. SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu states: “In autumn, following the proposal of the duyu Yan Mi, Sun Xiu constructed a dam at Puli.”

17.3 SGZ has: “Puyang Xing, zi Ziyuan, was a man of Chenliu. His father, Puyang Yi, fled from disorder at the end of the Han dynasty and came to Jiangdong, where he reached the post of taishou (Prefect) of Changsha. While still young, Puyang Xing became renowned. During the time of Sun Quan, he was appointed ling of Shangyu. After several promotions he reached the post of shangshu zuocao. In the capacity of wuguan zhonglangjiang, he went to Shu as an envoy. Returning from the mission, he became taishou of Kuaiji. At that time, Sun Xiu, the Prince of Langye, was living in Kuaiji. Puyang Xing formed an intimate friendship with him. After Sun Xiu had acceded to the throne, he summoned him to the capital and appointed him taichang and wei jiangjun, in which capacity he took charge of the army and the State. He was enfeoffed as Lord of Waihuang.”

18. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu. Sun Liang, the Former Emperor of Wu, had been dethroned and was stationed in Kuaiji.

The Wulu commentary to this states: “Some say that Sun Xiu had Sun Liang killed by poisoning.”

19. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “Winter, the tenth month, Wang Guan died.”

20. Instead of this short section, SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, gives a more detailed story:

“In the eleventh month, the Prince of Yan (father of the Emperor) sent up a memorial felicitating the Emperor on the occasion of the winter solstice, using the term 'Your Subject' to designate himself. The Emperor commanded in an edict, 'Sovereigns of antiquity did not take some persons as their subjects. May the Prince, in accordance with this principle, not call himself a subject in his memorial! Furthermore, it must be told to him that one who is adopted from the collateral line to become an heir in the principal branch still shows respect to his original parents. How much more so then, when I have become a member of a lower generation by being adopted. To treat him as one of my usual subjects, male and female, makes me feel uneasy in my mind. May the matter be appropriately settled in accordance with the Documents of Ceremonies!'

The officials in charge memorialized, 'In Ceremonies, one's ancestors are the most revered persons. IN Institutions, the correct formalities are the most important. Your Majesty has been given the mandate and rules over the Myriad States, continues the line of the main branch and glorifies the work of the three Ancestors (Cao Cao, Cao Pi and Cao Rui). In prostration we observe: The Prince of Yan, as a private person, is an august relative of your Majesty and, as a public person, is a vassal prince. In his person he reverently follows solemn usage and conduct in conformity with the virtue of respect; in this he is setting an example for the myriad vassal States. He has strictly conformed to the dictates of the regular rules. Indeed, Your Majesty ought to show your respect to him in an unusual manner and not treat him as a subject.

We have discussed this and come to a conclusion: that the Prince of Yan may be allowed to follow the former usage in his memorials; that in the edicts issued to him, when their contents deal with family relationship, such as inquiring after his health, Your Majesty show him some respect and distinction, not daring to call him by his ming but using such words as “The Emperor respectfully inquires of His Highness”; that in formal edicts, which are solemn documents of State and by means of which the Court regulates public affairs and conveys commands to the Empire, the ancient usage should be followed, in such words as “Hereby is the Prince of Yan commanded”; that in all memorials to the throne (from officials), the designation “Prince of Yan” ought to be written at the top of the line; that in matters not concerned with sacrificial offerings to the Ancestral Temple, the ming of the Prince should not be mentioned; in all memorials and documents as well as (in the private writings of) the people at large, the character standing for the Prince's ming should not be used at all.

By this means, he may be distinguished by special ceremony conferred on him above all other vassal princes; the royal regulation of respecting ancestors will thus be followed and the desire for advancing in wisdom and virtue will thus be facilitated.”

21. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In the twelfth month, on the day jiashen (January 23), a yellow dragon appeared in a well in Huayinxian. On the day jiawu...”

22. From the Jin Shu, Biography of Wang Chen.
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Chapter 42
Second Year of Jingyuan (261 AD)
Shu: Fourth Year of Jingyao
Wu: Fourth Year of Yongan

1. Spring, third month (April 17-May 16). The taishou (Prefect) of Xiangyang, Hu Lie, reported in a memorial that the Wu generals Deng Yu, Li Guang, et al., eighteen encampments in all, had conspired to desert their country and come over to Wei [1], and that they had accordingly sent to him envoys, together with hostages, desiring the troops of the prefecture of Xiangyang to proceed to the Jiang and fetch them. [2] The Emperor, in an edict, commanded Wang Ji, [3] “Divide your various troops into detachments and proceed directly to the river Ju to fetch them. [4] Should Deng Yu and his men come at the appointed time, we may this time shake Jiangbiao (i.e. Wu) to pieces.

Wang Ji sent a letter by means of post horse to Sima Zhao. [5] He pointed out his suspicions about Deng Yu and his men, saying that the matter would clear up and they should not send a large force to invade far into the enemy's territory in response to the would be deserters.

He further said, “Both the eastern and the western routes of Yiling are steep and narrow. [6] Bamboo and trees grow there luxuriantly and we shall be surprised by ambush, when we shall not be able to make use of our crossbows or horses. At present, the strings of our bows are wet and lax, and the water is receding. You, however, would have the important work of husbandry neglected in order to court uncertain gain. This is a dangerous thing. When Jiang Wei hastened to Shanggui and Wen Qin occupied Shouchun, they both penetrated far in order to seek for gain but eventually were overthrown; these cases are warning examples from recent times. [8] Since the Jiaping period (249-254 AD) we have had a series of internal troubles. The proper thing for us to do at this time would be to stabilize the dynasty and soothe the high and the low, to exert our strength in the cardinal business of husbandry and win the love of the people; we should not start a campaign for the sake of outside gain. Even if we obtain this gain, we would not be commended, but if we fail, our dignity and prestige would be damaged.”

Having received these letters, one after the other, from Wang Ji, Sima Zhao hesitated. He ordered that all those troops who were already on the road should halt for the moment at the places they happened to be and wait for further instructions.

Wang Ji again sent a letter to Sima Zhao, “Of old, Gaozu of Han adopted the service of Master Li Yiqi and intended to enfeoff the Six States, but he was brought back to his senses by the counsel of Zhang Liang and immediately destroyed the seals (for the rulers of the Six States). Shallow and short-sighted in thought and counsel, I am certainly not a match for the Lord of Liu (i.e. Zhang Liang). Still, I am afraid that Xiangyang might commit the mistake of a Li Yiqi.

Thereupon, Sima Zhao stopped the proposed expedition.

2. Sima Zhao replied to Wang Ji in a letter, “In general, men who are in the State service compromise their own convictions in order to comply with their superiors. There seldom are those who stand firm and help their superior in probing to the truth of a matter. I am sincerely moved by your honest devotion, for you always favor me with your advice. I have immediately followed your wishes.”

He had already stopped the proposed expedition. Eventually, Deng Yu and his men also did not surrender. Hu Lie was a younger brother of Hu Fen.

3. Autumn, eighth month. ON the day jiayin (October 20), the Emperor again advanced Sima Zhao's enfeoffment and rank, but he declined.

4. Winter, tenth month (November 10-December 8). The Sovereign of Han appointed Dong Jue to be fuguo da jiangjun and Zhuge Zhan to be duhu and wei jiangjun, both being charged with the duty of directing the affairs of the shangshu, and the shizhong Fan Qian to be shangshu ling. [1] At that time, the zhongchang shi Huang Hao was directing State business, but Dong Jue and Zhuge Zhan were unable to rectify him. [2] Many of the officials attached themselves to him. Fan Qian was the only one who did not associate with him.

5. The bishu ling, Qi Zheng had long been serving as an inner functionary; he was the occupant of a room next door to that of Huang Hao and maintained relations with him for more than thirty years. In his lofty manner he persevered in his principles and amused himself with books. He was not loved by Huang Hao, nor was he hated by Huang Hao. Therefore, his official rank never exceeded that of Six Hundred Piculs, nor did he ever become a victim of his evil deeds.

6. The Prince of Ganling, Liu Yong, a half-brother of the Sovereign of Han, hated Huang Hao. Huang Hao slandered him, so that for a period of ten years he was not granted an audience.

7. The Sovereign of Wu sent the wuguan zhonglangjiang Xue Xu to Han as an envoy. [1] Upon his return, the Sovereign of Wu asked him about the good and bad points of the Han rule. He replied, “The sovereign is dark minded and is not aware of his faults. His officials try to keep their persons safe. Entering their court, I did not hear an honest remonstration. Going through their country, I saw a starved look on their people. I have heard that swallows and sparrows nestle on roofs, mother and children enjoying themselves; they think their nests are absolutely safe. When the chimney breaks open and the ridgepole is on fire, the swallows and sparrows are unperturbed, not knowing that disaster will overtake them. This describes them (the Han).” Xue Xu was a son of Xue Zong. [5]

8. In this year, Tuoba Liwei, the daren (Chieftain) of the Suotou tribe of the Xianbei, for the first time sent his son Shamohan (Khan of the desert, the Gobi) to bring tribute. The latter stayed as a hostage. [1] The ancestors of Tuoba Liwei used to inhabit the northern borderlands of China for generations, without having any intercourse with China in the South. Coming at the time of the Khan Mao, the tribe began to be powerful, he united thirty-six States and ninety-nine clans. Five generations after him, the Khan Tuiyin migrated southward to Da Ze. Seven generations still later, the Khan Lin had his seven brothers as well as his cousins, the Yizhan and the Chekun, rule over the tribe, which was divided into ten clans. [5] Grown old, Lin abdicated in favor of his cousin Jiefen and had him migrate southward, eventually inhabiting the ancient territory of the Xiongnu. After the death of Jiefen, Tuoba Liwei succeeded him and, still migrating southward, inhabited Shengle in Dingxiang. His tribe gradually became powerful, the other tribes standing in awe and submission.

==================================

Chapter 42 Notes
Second Year of Jingyuan (261 AD)
Shu: Fourth Year of Jingyao
Wu: Fourth Year of Yongan

1. From the Zhan lue of Sima Biao. SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji, gives a very much abridged account, without adding any new information.

1.2 Zhan lue has: “..., and that they had accordingly sent to him their subordinate generals Zhang Wu and Deng Sheng, together with hostages, desiring the army of the prefecture to proceed to the Jiang at an appointed time and fetch them.”

1.3 Zhan lue has: “Sima Wenwang conveyed this report to the throne. The Emperor, in an edict, commanded the zhengnan jiangjun Wang Ji...”

1.4 Zhan lue has: “Divide your various troops into detachments and let Hu Lie command ten thousand men and proceed directly to the river Ju, to the south of Yiyang, in Jingzhou, and halt at Yicheng. You may make him start as soon as you receive the command.”

1.5 Zhan lue has: “Wang JI suspected that the rebels were only falsely surrendering in order to decoy the government troops; he sent a letter by means of post horse to stop Sima Wenwang...”

1.6 Zhan lue has: “Along the eastern route of Yiling, we must march from Juyu to Chi'an to find level ground; along its western route, we must come out through Jianchikou to reach flat terrain. In both cases, the routes are mountainous, steep, and narrow.”

1.8 Zhan lue has: “Of old, in the battle of the Ziwu valley, the troops had marched only several hundred li when it began to rain continuously; bridges and plank roads were destroyed, and the provisions behind the line decayed while the troops on the front were isolated and suffered from want.

Jiang Wei penetrated into our territory without waiting for the baggage to arrive. His men suffered from hunger and his army was thus overthrown at Shanggui. Wen Qin and Tang Zi came with a large Wu force to Shouchun, blinded by the hope of gain. They perished and could not return. These two cases are warning examples from recent times.”

2. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ji.

3. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In the eighth month, on the day wuyin (September 14), Cao Gan, the Prince of Zhao, died. On the day jiayin, the Emperor again advanced the enfeoffment of the da jiangjun to that of Duke of Jin and conferred on him the rank of xiangguo, giving him the Nine Gifts, all as in his former edict. But he declined earnestly, whereupon the Emperor desisted.” The day jiayin does not exist in the eighth month of this year; it is the tenth day of the ninth month (October 20).

Jin Shu also gives the same wrong date: “In the second year of Jingyuan, in autumn, in the eighth month on the day jiayin, the Son of Heaven had the taiyu Gao Rou bring to Wendi the seal of xiangguo and had the sigong Zheng Chong bring to him a clod of earth from the Altar of the Spirit of Earth and Cereals, enfeoffing him as Duke of Jin...He declined earnestly.”

4. From the Huayang guozhi.

4.1 Huayang guozhi has: “In the fourth year of Jingyao, in winter, in the tenth month, he granted a general amnesty and appointed the Lord of Wuxiang, Zhuge Zhan, son of the chengxiang Zhuge Liang, to be zhong duhu and wei jiangjun, and promoted Dong Jue to be fuguo da jiangjun, in which capacity he was to help the sovereign in his rule together with Zhuge Zhan. He appointed Fan Jian of Yi Yang to take the post of shangshuling.” Actually, the tenth month of the Shu calendar was November 10-December 9.

Regarding Zhuge Zhan's appointment, his biography in SGZ, Shu states: “In the fourth year of Jingyao, he became xing duhu (sic! Huayang guozhi has zhong duhu, ZZTJ has simply duhu) and wei jiangjun; together with the fuguo da jiangjun, Lord of Nanxiang, Dong Jue, he was charged with the direction of the affairs of the Shangshu.”

4.2 Huayang guozhi has: “From the time when they took charge of State Business, Zhuge Zhan and Dong Jue were unable to rectify Huang Hao, who wielded power.”

SGZ, Biography of Dong Jue states: “Dong Jue was, during the lifetime of the chengxiang Zhuge Liang, a lingshi (Recorder) in his headquarters. Zhuge Liang used to praise him, 'The lingshi Dong Jue is an excellent man. Whenever I speak to him, he expresses his thoughts prudently and properly.' He was transferred to be jubu. After Zhuge Liang's death, he went through some promotions and reached the post of shangshu puyi, succeeded Chen Zhi as shangshuling, and was promoted to be a da jiangjun, in which capacity he was charged with the direction of the affairs of the shangshu tai. Fan Jian of Yiyang succeeded him as shangshuling.

In the twenty-fourth year of Yanxi (This is a mistake. It ought to be read “fourteenth” year of Yanxi, i.e. 251 AD), in the capacity of jiaoyu, he went to Wu as an envoy. Sun Quan happened to be gravely ill and could not receive him in audience. Sun Quan asked Zhuge Ke, 'How is Fan Jian compared with Zong Yu?' Zhuge Ke answered, 'His talent and judgment are no match for that of Zong Yu, but his cultivated character surpasses the latter's.' Afterwards, he became a shizhong and zhongshuling. After Zhuge Zhan and Dong Jue came to direct State affairs, Jiang Wei constantly made campaigns on the outside and the eunuch Huang Hao abused power. They shielded them and were unable to rectify them. But Fan Jian alone did not associate intimately with him.”

5. From SGZ, Biography of Qi Zheng, where the following passage precedes: “Qi Zheng, zi Lingxian, was a man of Yanshi in Henan. His grandfather Qi Jian, the cishi of Yizhou, was killed at the end of the Emperor Lingdi's reign. At that time, the Empire was in great disorder. Hence Qi Zheng's father Qi Yi stayed in Shu.

As yingdudu of the da jiangjun Meng Da, Qi Yi followed Meng Da and surrendered to Wei, and became lingshi. Qi Zheng's original ming was Zuan. While he was still young, his father died and his mother remarried. Alone and without parental care, he maintained himself. Content with poverty, he was fond of study; he perused books extensively. In his teens, he could compose literary pieces. He joined the State service as bishuli, then was transferred to be lingshi, promoted to be bishulang and reached the post of bishuling. By nature, he was unambitious in regard to glory and gain, applying himself especially to literature. The literary works of Sima Xiangru, Wang Chong, Yang Xiong, Ban Gu, Fu Yi, Zhang Heng, Cai Rong, and others, as well as the beautiful writings and excellent discourses of the writers of his time, he would apply his entire resources to obtain, provided that they were to be had in Yibu (i.e. Shu); he read them all.”

The reason Sima Guang puts this section here is that in the Huayang Guozhi, the story is related immediately after the passage given in Section 4. The huayang guozhi reads: “The bishuling Qi Zheng of Henan was the occupant of a room next door to that of Huang Hao and maintained relations with him. From the time when he was insignificant until he became prominent, Huang Hao neither hated him nor loved him. His official rank never exceeded that of Six Hundred Piculs, and he was always spared from worry and disaster.”

6. From SGZ, Biography of Liu Yong, where it reads: “Liu Yong hated the eunuch Huang Hao. Having become a trusted intimate of the Second Sovereign and in charge of State business, Huang Hao slandered Liu Yong to the Second Emperor, who more or less held him in disgrace, so that for a period of more than ten years he was not granted an audience.”

The passage preceding this is in SGZ, which states: “Liu Yong, zi Gongshou, was a son of the First Sovereign and a half brother, born of a concubine, of the Second Sovereign. In this first year of Zhangwu (221 AD), in the sixth month (July 8-August 5), the First Emperor had the situ Xu Jing enfeoff Liu Yong as Prince of Lu. The edict of appointment read, '… In the eight year of Jianxing (230 AD), he was re-enfeoffed as Prince of Ganling.”


7. From the Han Jin chunqiu, Biography of Xue Zong.

7.1 Han Jin chunqiu has: “During the reign of Sun Xiu, Xue Xu became wuguan zhonglangjiang, in which capacity he was sent to Shu to seek for horses.”

7.5 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Xue Zong states: “After Xue Zong's death, his son Xue Xu reached the rank of weinan jiangjun. He made an expedition to Jiaozhi and died of illness while returning from it.” The remainder of SGZ, Biography of Xue Zong, is devoted to a biography of Xue Xu's younger brother Xue Ying.

8. The present section is an abridged account based on the Wei Shu of Wei Shou, where the entire text reads:

“Of old, Huangdi (Yellow Emperor) had twenty-five sons, some being enfeoffed inside of China and some others being enfeoffed in the borderlands. The youngest son of Changyi (who was a son of Huangdi) was enfeoffed in the northern land. In his territory there was the mountain Da Xianbeishan, hence his State took its name (Xianbei). His descendents, who continued to rule after him, controlled the extensive area on the north of Yudu, living as nomads and by hunting; their custom was pure and simple, government being conducted with ease and simplicity. They had no written characters, their records being kept by carving on wood. By this means they recorded their chronology and genealogy, just as our historiographers would do.

Huangdi ruled as sovereign in conformity with the virtue of Earth. In the northern lands, Earth was called tuo and a sovereign was called ba; hence they took the two words as the name of their tribe (namely, Tuoba). Shijun, a descendent of Changyi, entered China and served as an official. At the time of Yao, he repulsed Nübo north of the river Roushui; his people were helped by his labors. The Emperor Shun appreciated his work and appointed him tianzu. From the Three Dynasties to the time of the Qin and Han, the Xunyu, Xianyun, Shanrong, and Xiongnu, by their atrocities, all caused trouble to China for generations, but the descendents of Shijun did not have any intercourse with China in the south, hence they are not mentioned in any records of China.

Sixty-seven generations after him, the Emperor Cheng, hui mao, acceded to the throne. He was a man of intelligence and prowess, and so was respected far and near. He united under him thirty-six states and ninety-nine clans. His prowess shook the northern regions, none of them refusing to submit to him. After his death, the Emperor Jie, hui Dai, acceded to the throne; after his death, the Emperor Zhuang, hui Guan, acceded; after his death, the Emperor Ming, hui Lou, acceded; after his death, the Emperor An, hui Yue, acceded; after his death, the Emperor Xuan, hui Tuiyin, acceded.

He migrated southward to Da Ze, a territory of more than one thousand square li. The land became dark and marshy, he planned to migrate further southward, but died before he could execute his plan. The Emperor Jing, hui li, acceeded; after his death, the Emperor Yuan, hui Si, acceded; after his death, the Emperor He, hui Si, acceded; after his death, the Emperor Ding, hui Ji, acceded; after his death, the Emperor Xi, hui Gai, acceded; after his death, the Emperor Wei, hui Kuai, acceded; after his death, the Emperor Xian, hui Lin, acceded. At that time, a diviner proclaimed in the land, 'This land is wild and far (From China), not suitable for constructing a capital. It is proper to migrate.' At that time, the Emperor happened to be in his decline and old age, hence he abdicated in favor of his son, the Emperor Shengwu, hui Jiefen. The Emperor Xian ordered him to move southward.

Mountains and valleys were lofty and deep; there were nine obstacles of which they surmounted eight; and so they wanted to desist. But a divine animal, with a horse's shape and the voice of an ox, came to serve as a guide. After a year or so, they came out and inhabited the ancient territory of the Xiongnu. The merit for planning this migration was mostly attributed to the two Emperors, Xuan and Xian. Therefore, they were both called Tuiyin, which mean 'to probe.'

In the beginning, the Emperor Shengwu was once hunting with tens of thousands of mounted men in the mountains and marshes. Suddenly, he saw a carriage descending from the sky. When it came, there appeared a woman of beauty, with a large number of attendants. Wondering at this, the Emperor questioned her. She answered, 'I am a girl from Heaven. I have been ordered to be your spouse.' In the end, they cohabited. On the following morning, she asked to go back, saying, 'At this time in the following year, we shall meet here.' With these words, she left him, as quick as wind or rain. At the appointed time, the Emperor came to the place where he had been hunting. Indeed, he met the girl from Heaven, who gave him a boy, saying, 'This is your son. Rear him well. The line of his descendents will be continuous and they will rule as sovereigns generation after generation.' With these words, she left him. This son is the Ancestor of the Tuoba Wei. It is because of this that the people of the time chanted, 'Emperor Jiefen lacks in-laws; Emperor Liwei lacks relatives of his maternal uncle's side.'

After the Emperor's death, the Ancestor, Emperor Shenyuan, hui Liwei, acceded to the throne. From the time of his birth, he was heroic and intelligent. The first year of his reign was the year gengzi (220 AD). Before this time, the western tribe had invaded, so that the population was dispersed and found protection under Toubin, the daren (chieftain) of the Moluhui tribe. The Ancestor Liwei was a man of high aims, none of his contemporaries being able to gauge him. Afterwards, in unison with Toubin he attacked the western tribe. Defeated and losing his horse, Toubin fled on foot. The Ancestor sent one of his men to bring him the steed on which Toubin had been riding.

Upon his return, Toubin proclaimed to his own tribesmen that the person who returned the horse would be given a high reward. The Ancestor kept silent and would not inform him who it was. After a while, Toubin realized who it was and was greatly astonished. He was about to cede his territory to the Ancestory, but the Ancestor would not accept it. Thereupon he gave him his daughter. Toubin, still bent on showing his gratitude, asked the Ancestor what he desired most. The Ancestor asked to lead his tribe northward and inhabit the Changchuan region. Toubin respectfully complied with his wishes. After some tens of years, he made his virtuous influence felt, and all his former tribesmen asked to come and submit to him.

In the twenty ninth year (248 AD), Toubin was on his deathbed, when he instructed his two sons that they should reverently serve the Ancestor. The sons did not follow this advice, but conspired high treason. The Ancestor summoned them to him and killed them. Then he annexed all their tribesmen. The daren of all the tribes submitted to him. The number of armed men under his command was more than twenty myriads.

In the thirty-ninth year (258 AD), he migrated to Shengle in Dingxiang. In summer, in the fourth month (May 20-June 17), he offered sacrifices to Heaven. The rulers of the various tribes all came to assist in the ceremony. It was only the daren of the Bo tribe who hesitated and did not come. And so he summoned him and killed him; far and near were awestricken, there being none that was not filled with trepidation. The Ancestor then proclaimed to these various daren, 'I have observed that the Xiongnu and Dadun of bygone days were all covetous of gain and plundered the Chinese people on their borders; it is true that they obtained some profit, but their losses in dead and wounded were not compensated by it. It furthermore made them the objects of hostility, and their people suffered greatly. All in all, it was not a good plan.' Thereupon he concluded peace with Wei.

In the forty second year, he sent the Emperor Wen to Wei, in order that he might observe the land and the people; it was in the second year of Jingyuan (261 AD). The Emperor Wen, hui Shamohan, was Crown Prince, but stayed in Luoyang, where he was treated well, above all other guests of the State in Wei. Between Wei and the Tuoba, envoys were exchanged and incessant barter was carried out. The Wei presented gold and silk, gauze and cocoon wool, ten thousand units per year.”

This passage is also given in the Boshi, with some trifling variations.

8.1 Song shu states: “The Suotou barbarians had Tuoba as their clan name. Their ancestors were offspring of the Han general Li Ling. The Xiongnu, to whom Li Ling surrendered, were differentiated into hundreds and thousands of tribes, each having its own designation. The Suotou was one of them.”

Nan Qi shu states: “The Wei barbarians are of the Xiongnu race. Their clan name was Tuoba.”

The Wei here mentioned, needless to say, are the Houwei {Later Wei}, Beiwei {Northern Wei, of which they are most commonly referred in English sources}, or Yuan Wei {Yuan comes from the Chinese surname that was adopted by the Tuoba rulers following a program of sinification}, all being different designations of the Tuoba, which is variously written, as we may notice in the above.

8.5 See General note. With regard to the division of the tribe into ten clans, Wei shu states: “At the time when the Emperor An (it ought to be Cheng, see General Note) united the various tribes, there were ninety-nine clans. The Emperor Xian divided the country into seven, of which each one of his brothers became a leader, each with a different clan name...He also named the heir of his paternal junior uncle as Yizhan, who later became the Shusun; he also named a distant relative of his as Chekun, who later became the Che. These (nine) and the imperial clan composed the ten clans, the members of which were not allowed to intermarry.”
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

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Chapter 43
Third Year of Jingyuan (262 AD)
Shu: Fifth year of Jingyao
Wu: Fifth year of Yongan

1. Autumn, eighth month. On the day yiyu (September 16), the Sovereign of Wu enthroned the Empress Zhu. She was a daughter of Princess Zhu. [2]

2. On the day wuzi (September 19), he appointed his son Sun Wan as crown prince.

3. In Han, the da jiangjun Jiang Wei was about to go out on an expedition. The yu cheji jiangjun Liao Hua said, [2] “One will burn himself with military weapons if he does not lay them aside. [3] I am referring to Jiang Boyue (i.e. Jiang Wei). His sagacity does not surpass that of the enemy, and his strength is less than the enemy's. Still he would use them (the weapons) immoderately. How is he going to preserve himself? The Shi says, 'Why was this time not before me? Why was it not after me?' This precisely describes today's situation.” [5]

4. Winter, tenth month (October 30-November 28). Jiang Wei invaded Caoyang. Deng Ai fought with him at Houhe and defeated him, Jiang Wei retreating to Tazhong. [1] Now, Jiang Wei had attached himself to the Han as its guest and was entrusted with a heavy task. He had been making campaigns for years, without achieving any success. Huang Hao, who directed State affairs, was on intimate terms with the you da jiangjun Yan Yu and secretly desired to dismiss Jiang Wei and set Yan Yu up in his stead. [4]

5. Knowing this, Jiang Wei spoke to the Sovereign of Han, “Huang Hao is treacherous and monopolizing power and is about to bring the State to ruin. I request you to kill him.” [1] The Sovereign of Han said, “Huang Hao is but a minor official doing my menial work. IN days past, Dong Yun used to gnash his teeth at him, which I constantly regretted. He is not worthy of your attention, is he?” Seeing that Huang Hao had already secured a strong footing, Jiang Wei was afraid that he had spoken too freely. [6] He offered an apology and left the Imperial presence. The Sovereign of Han commanded Huang Hao to betake himself to Jiang Wei and offer an apology. Jiang Wei then became suspicious and afraid. He returned to Caoyang and requested that he be permitted to grow wheat at Tazhong, not daring to return to Chengdu. [10]

6. The Sovereign of Wu appointed Puyang Xing to be chengxiang (i.e. Prime Minister), and the tingyu Ding Mi and the guanglu Meng Cong respectively zuo yushi dafu and youyushi dafu. At the time when Puyang Xing served as taishou (Prefect) of Kuaiji, the Sovereign of Wu was in Kuaiji, where he received munificent treatment from Puyang Xing; the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu had been the zuoyou dujiang to the Prince of Kuaiji (i.e. the Sovereign of Wu); it is because of this that, after the sovereign of Wu acceded to the throne, these two men received high positions and great favor and directed affairs of State. [2] Zhang Bu was charged with the supervision of matters pertaining to the palace, and Puyang Xing was concerned with the direction of State affairs and the army. By means of specious language and guile, they supported one another; the people of Wu were disappointed.

The Sovereign of Wu was found of study. [4] He wanted to hold learned discussions with the boshi jijiu Wei Zhao and the boshi Sheng Chong. [5] As Wei Zhao and Sheng Chong were men of direct and outspoken language, Zhang Bu feared that, when they would enter the palace and wait upon the Sovereign of Wu, they might expose his secret iniquities; he earnestly remonstrated with the Sovereign of Wu to stop the project. [6] The sovereign of Wu said, “I have studied books of every kind more or less; there is little that I have not perused. Of enlightened rulers and dark-minded sovereigns, wicked officials and treacherous sons, the successes and failures of the wise and the stupid of ancient and modern times, there is none of which I have not read the records. My only purpose in wanting to hold discussions with Wei Zhao and the others, is to refresh my former studies. What harm can there be in this? Your only fear must be that Wei Zhao and the others might discourse on the hidden misdeeds of my subjects, which you do not desire to come to my ears. But with regard to such matters, I myself am a past master and do not need Wei Zhao and the others to enlighten me. This will cause no harm at all. I think it is something that you fear.”

Seized by fear, Zhang Bu apologized and went on to say that he feared lest the management of State business be hampered. The sovereign of Wu said, “with regard to books, the only fear is that men may not like them, for there is no harm in liking them. A king's studies and the duties devolving upon a king are two different matters and do not interfere with one another. There is no question of wrong in this but you insist that it is not proper; therefore I am obliged to criticize you. I did not expect you, now that you are entrusted with State affairs, to practice the same thing upon me. [18] I cannot commend you at all.”

Offering his memorial, Zhang Bu knocked his head on the ground. [20] The Sovereign of Wu said, “I have merely enlightened you a little. There is no need to knock your head on the ground. Your devotion is known far and near. I owe this elevated position of mine to your service. The Shi says, 'All are good at first, but few prove themselves to be so at the last.' [22] It is indeed difficult to remain constant until the last.' May you be so until 'the last!'”

But the Sovereign of Wu feared lest Zhang Bu harbor doubt and fear. In the end, he followed Zhang Bu's wish; he gave up learned discussions and did not let Wei Zhao and the others enter the palace.

7. Xi Kang of the prefecture of Qiao was a writer of majestic and elegant style. He loved to discourse on the philosophies of Laozi and Zhuangzi, delighted in the extraordinary, and was chivalrous towards other people's causes. [1] He was an intimate friend of Ruan Ji of Chenliu, Ruan Xian, who was a son of Ruan Ji's elder brother, Shan Tao of Henei, Xiang Xiu of Henan, Wang Rong of Langye and Liu Ling of Pei. They were called 'The Seven Philosophers of the Bamboo Grove.' [2] They all were nihilistic, despising the conventional forms of propriety, indulged in wine to excess, and neglected worldly affairs. [3]

8. Ruan Ji became bubing jiaoyu. When his mother died, Ruan Ji was playing chess (weiqi) with another man. The partner requested that they stop, but Ruan Ji made him stay until they played the game to the end. Then he drank two measures of wine and emitted one loud wail. He spurted out several pints of blood and became emaciated, his bones standing out prominently. [3] While in mourning, he drank wine as usual.

9. The sili jiaoyu He Ceng was displeased with him for such conduct and questioned him face to face while they were together at Sima Zhao's, “You indulge in your pleasures and act against the rules of propriety; you are a man who debases the good custom of the land. At present, a loyal and sagacious man is ruling the State and he checks names by reality. Men like you should not be left at large.” He then spoke to Sima Zhao, “Your Excellency is bent on ruling the Empire by virtue of filial piety, but allows Ruan Ji, who is in mourning for a parent, to drink wine and eat meat in public. How can you set an example for the world? He ought to be banished to the barbarians of the four quarters, so that he does not contaminate our China.” Sima Zhao, who loved Ruan Ji for his talents, always defended him. [5] He Ceng was He Kui's son. [6]

10. Ruan Xian had relations with a servant girl of his paternal aunt. Once, when his aunt left on a trip, she took the girl with her. Ruan Xian, who had just been having a visitor, borrowing the visitor's horse without ceremony, pursued them and returned with the girl on the horse.

11. Liu Ling was addicted to drinking. He used to ride in a small carriage in which he carried a jar of wine. He had a man follow him with a spade on his shoulder and instructed him, “When I die, bury me on the spot.” [3] At that time, the gentry all considered him to be a sagacious man and vied with one another in emulating him, saying that he was an emancipated person.

12. Zhong Hui was at this very time a favorite of Sima Zhao. Having heard of Xi Kang's fame, he paid him a visit. As a son of a renowned ducal minister, Zhong Hui enjoyed honor and favor because of his own talents and ability. He rode a magnificent steed and wore fine, light clothing, his retinue being so numerous that it looked like clouds. Xi Kang sat with his legs spread out and went on forging iron, without paying his respects to him. When Zhong Hui was about to leave, Xi Kang asked him, “What did you hear that you came? What did you see that you go away?” Zhong Hui said, “I heard what I heard, hence I have come; I saw what I saw, hence I go.” Thus did he come to harbor a deep grudge against Xi Kang. [7]

13. Having been appointed libu lang, Shan Tao recommended Xi Kang to take his post. [1] In a letter to Shan Tao, Xi Kang said that he could not tolerate the vulgar throng and censored and belittled Cheng Tang and King Wu of Zhou. [2] Hearing of this, Sima Zhao was angry at him.

14. Xi Kang was on intimate terms with Lü An of Dongping. Lü An's elder brother Lü Xun falsely charged Lü An with being unfilial. [2] Xi Kang gave witness against the charge. [3]

15. Taking this opportunity, Zhong Hui slandered Xi Kang with the charge that he once wanted to help Guanqiu Jian; and maintained that Lü An and Xi Kang, who enjoyed great renown in that time, were wanton in their language and were thus detrimental to the good rule of the time, and that this opportunity should be taken to eliminate them. [1] And so, Sima Zhao had Lü An and Xi Kang killed. [2]

16. Once Xi Kang paid a visit to the recluse Sun Deng of Jijun. [1] Sun Teng said, “You have much talent, but little knowledge of the world. It will be difficult for you to remain unscathed in this world.”

17. Sima Zhao was vexed because Jiang Wei had been time and time again making incursions into his territory. Lu Yi, a stableman, requested permission to go to Shu as an assassin. [2] The congshi zhonglang Xun Xu said, “As Prime Minister of the Empire, Your Excellency ought to punish the rebels by fair means. But you would employ an assassin to eliminate the rebels; this is not the way to extend your example to the land within the four seas.” Sima Zhao approved. Xun Xu was a great-grandson of Xun Shuang.

18. Sima Zhao wanted to send a large force to attack Han; most of the Court Officials disapproved, but the sili jiaoyu Zhong Hui alone advised him to do so. [1]

Sima Zhao issued a proclamation to the multitude, “Since our pacification of Shouchun, we have not engaged in a campaign for six years, during which time we put our weapons in order and repaired our armor with the intention of dealing with the two rebel counties. Now, the territory of the Wu is large and wide, low and damp; it would give us some trouble, because in order to attack it we would have to employ workers. [3] It would be better to conquer Ba-shu first; three years later we shall sail down with the tide, advancing simultaneously on land and on water; this is like destroying Guo to take Yu. [4] I calculate that the Shu have altogether ninety thousand troops, of which not less than forty thousand are stationed in Chengdu to guard it and other places against any eventuality; this being so, the remaining troops can number no more than fifty thousand. Now, we shall keep Jiang Wei occupied at Dazhong, so that he cannot attend to the East; we shall proceed directly to Luogu, take their defenseless positions, and launch a surprise attack on Hanzhong.

If they defend themselves in their walled cities and fortresses, they will have to disperse their forces, and their head will be cut off from their tail. We shall then storm their cities with our large forces and disperse our well-equipped troops to plunder their fields. They will not be able to defend Jiange, nor perserve Guantou. Since Liu Shan is a stupid sovereign, their overthrow will be certain when the frontier cities on the outside are taken, and the population on the inside is shaken.

Then he had Zhong Hui appointed chenxi jiangjun and dudu (commander-in-chief) of the troops of Guanzhong. [6] The zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai objected several times on the grounds that Shu had not yet afforded the Wei a favorable opportunity. Sima Zhao appointed his zhubu Shi Zuan as Deng Ai's sima, and in this manner issued his instructions. Deng Ai then obeyed the order.

19. Jiang Wei memorialized the Sovereign of Han, [1] “I have heard that Zhong Hui is mobilizing the troops in Guanzhong with the intention of advancing against us. You ought to send both the zuo cheji (jiangjun) and the yucheji (jiangjun) Zhang Yi and Liao Hua respectively, to lead the various troops and guard the Yangan pass and Qiaotou in Yinping, in order to prevent any untoward events. Huang Hao, believing what was foretold by sorcery, thought that the enemy would not come at all. He spoke to the Sovereign of Han and had the matter suppressed. None of the various officials were acquainted with his fact.

=====================

Chapter 43 Notes
Third Year of Jingyuan (262 AD)
Shu: Fifth year of Jingyao
Wu: Fifth year of Yongan

1. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu.

1.2 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu's consort named Zhu states: “Sun Xiu's consort named Zhu was a daughter of Zhu Ju, born of a princess who was Sun Xiu's elder sister.” Here Pei Songzhi writes in his commentary: “Sun Xiu's taking to wife his niece born of his sister is like the precedent of the emperor Huidi of Han; since Xun Yue had criticized him, I need not speak any further in amplfication.”

The Emperor Hui of Han married the daughter of his elder sister. After chronicling this event, Xun Yue says, 'The relationship of man and wife is the cardinal one in human life. The Shi says, 'And his example acted on his wife, extended to his brethren, and was felt by all the class and States.' By making a consort of his elder sister's offspring, the Emperor showed himself ignorant of Propriety and acted against human nature. This is not the way to reveal a standard of conduct to the people of the Empire. Why did the various officials not admonish him for this fault?'”

2. From SGZ, where the sentence is continued by “and granted a general amnesty.”

The Wu Lu gives the text of Sun Xiu's edict on this occasion. It reads: “Man has a ming for the sake of identification; when he grows up, he takes a zi because his ming must then be shunned. According to the Rites, in giving a ming to a son one should give one that is difficult to violate and easy to avoid. [The Li Ji has: “In giving a name to a son, it should not be that of a state, nor a day or a month, nor of any hidden ailment, nor of a hill or river” As Legge remarks in his note, such names would be difficult and/or inconvenient to avoid] The ancients had only one character for their zi. But nowadays, people vie with one another in giving good ming and good zi, and also make them match so that the name does not correspond to reality. A blind man is designated “Boming (Clear-sighted Elder Uncle); I used to laugh at this. Zi are given by one's teachers, parents and elder brothers, or by one's self. When they are given by teachers, it is admissible. When by parents or elder brothers, it is wrong. When by one's self, it is most immodest.

Herewith do I bestow the ming and zi of my four sons. The Crown Prince shall take as his ming Wan {Sun Xiu took an ancient character with unknown pronunciation and specified that it should be read as Wan. He does this with this son's zi as well as with all the succeeding ming and zi of all his sons. Basically what he was doing was taking obsolete characters, attaching sounds to them, and specifying them as his sons' ming and zi}, and as his zi Qi. The next son shall take as his ming Guang, and as his zi Xian. The next son shall take as his ming Mang and as his zi Ju. The next son shall take as his ming Bao, and as his zi Yong. None of these characters are identical with any in current use; I have compounded each one of them out of ancient writings. In calligraphy there are eight styles, which came to be such through the process of variation. Of these ming and zi, there is not a set that matches, and furthermore each of these zi consists of a single character. My intention is to make them easy to avoid. May this be proclaimed throughout the Empire, so that all may be acquainted with it.”

Having quoted this passage, Pei Songzhi severely criticizes Sun Xiu: “The Zuozhuan says: 'Names should be definitions of what is right; the doing of what is right produces rules of what is proper; those rules again are embodied in the practice of government; and government has its issues in the rectification of the people. Therefore, when government is completed in this way, the people are obedient. When this course is changed, it produces disorder.' Are these words not to the point? If Sun Xiu intended to make his sons' names difficult to violate, are there not ming enough? Why must he invent characters of which we have never seen the like, and institute sounds that are not authorized by classical usage? First he promulgated his edict in such a way that could not be misunderstood and then made himself the laughing-stock of later ages. Is it not strange? It is no wonder that his wife and sons were exterminated while the earth on his grave was not yet dry. The words of Shifu {the person in the Zuozhuan who Pei Songzhi was quoting from earlier} were prophetic.”

3. From the Han Jin chunqiu, Biography of Liao Hua appended to that of Zong Yu.

3.2 Han Jin chunqiu omits the title, which Sima Guang derives from SGZ, Biography of Liao Hua, where it reads: “After the First Sovereign died, Liao Hua became a canjun to the chengxiang and later du of Guangwu; after some promotions, he reached the rank of you juji jiangjun, with Tally (jiajie) and cishi (Governor) of Pingzhou, and was enfeoffed Lord of Zhongxiang. He was said to deserve his post because of his resoluteness. In rank, he was equal to Zhang Yi and superior to Zong Yu.”

3.3 From the Zuozhuan: “Military weapons are like fire; if you don't lay the fire aside, you will burn yourself.”

3.5 Omitted in ZZTJ. The verse quoted by Liao Hua occurs twice in the Shi Jing: “Why was this time not before me? Or why was it not after me?”

4. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei.

4.1 SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei has: “In the fifth year of Jingyao, he led his troops and went out to Houhe in Han, where he was defeated by Deng Ai. He returned to Tazhong.” The ZZTJ sentence is rather derived from SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, under the third year of Jingyuan: “In winter, in the tenth month, Jiang Wei, a Great General of Shu, invaded Taoyang. The zhenxi jiangjun Deng Ai resisted him and defeated him at Houhe. Jiang Wei fled.” As can be seen from the passage given in 257 AD, Deng Ai was at this time zhengxi jiangjun and not zhenxi jiangjun.

SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai states: “In the third year of Jingyuan, he again defeated Jiang Wei at Houhe. Jiang Wei withdrew to Tazhong.”


4.4 SGZ has: “But the eunuch Huang Hao was abusing his power. The you da jiangjun Yan YU befriended Huang Hao. Huang Hao secretly desired to dismiss Jiang Wei and set up Yan Yu in his stead. Jiang Wei, suspecting this, felt his position to be insecure and did not return to Chengdu again.” This rather leaves Jiang Wei in an unfavorable light. Sima Guang does indeed incorporate this passage partly in the next section, but attributes Jiang Wei's not returning to Chengdu to the fact that he incurred the enmity of the eunuch, not to any fear of being dismissed.

5. From the Huayang guozhi.

5.1 Huayang Guozhi has: “Jiang Wei hated Huang Hao for his monopolization of power and spoke to the Second Sovereign to have him killed.”

5.6 The original edition of Huayang Guozhi, rather than the text quoted by Pei Songzhi has: “Originally a guest, Jiang Wei had attached himself to the Shu, but he had achieved no merit worth mentioning. Seeing that Huang Hao had already secured a strong footing, he was afraid that he had spoken too freely.” Apparently it was Pei Songzhi who omitted the first half of the sentence in his quotation because it was already mentioned in SGZ.

5.10 Huayang Guozhi has: “Jiang Wei persuaded Huang Hao to plead on his behalf so that he might be allowed to grow wheat in Tazhong, his intention being to escape pressure from the court.” The original edition had “Huang Hao conveyed his wishes to the second Sovereign.” This and other instances show that Pei Songzhi quoted at his own discretion, omitting and altering as he pleased.

Also in the Huayang Guozhi: “In autumn, Jiang Wei went out to Houhe, where he was defeated by the Wei general Deng Ai. He returned to Tazhong. Huang Hao befriended Yan Yu and intended to dismiss Jiang Wei and set Yan Yu up in his stead. Therefore Jiang Wei was afraid and did not dare to return.” This passage is similar to the story given in Section 4.

6. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu.

6.2 SGZ has: “Because the chengxiang Puyang Xing and the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu were his old friends, Sun Xiu entrusted them with State affairs.” SGZ also has: “Puyang Xing was promoted to be chengxiang. He and Sun Xiu's favorite official, the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu supported one another; the people of the land were disappointed.”

6.4 SGZ has: “Sun Xiu was devoted to books, his ambition being to read the sayings of the hundred schools of philosophers. He was also fond of shooting pheasants; during spring and summer, he would go out early in the morning and return in the evening. Only at such times did he neglect his books.”

6.5 SGZ has Wei Yao in place of Wei Zhao.

SGZ Biography of Wei Yao states: “Wei Yao, zi Hongsi, was a man of Yunyang in Wujun.” To this, the commentator Pei Songzi writes: “Wei Yao's actual ming was Zhao. The historiographer avoided the character because it was taboo among the Jin.” This refers to the fact that the Jin avoided the character “zhao” because it was Sima Zhao's ming. Here Sima Guang designates the man by his true ming.

6.6 SGZ has: “Wei Yao {remember that Wei Zhao should be his real name} and Sheng Chong had the reputation of being direct and outspoken. Zhang Bu feared that when they would enter the palace and wait upon Sun Xiu, they might expose his (i.e. Zhang Bu's) secret iniquities so that he would be unable to continue his monopoly of power. Hence he argued forcefully to prevent their gaining an access to the palace.”

6.18 Hu Sanxing writes that this sentence means that Sun Lin, in his time, would not let Sun Xiu come into contact with scholars, and now Zhang Bu was doing the same thing.

6.20 Hu Sanxing writes that a certain character here is superfluous, for Zhang Bu did not send up another memorial. But it is not impossible that he did so in order to offer his apology for the second time.

6.22 After this, SGZ inserts the following passage: “When Sun Xiu was still a Prince, Zhang Bu was his zuoyu jaingdu, and was trusted and liked by him. After Sun Xiu ascended the throne, Zhang Bu received much favorable treatment, monopolizing power in the State and acting frequently against propriety. Well aware of his own defects, he was afraid that Wei Yao and Sheng Chong might speak of them. Therefore he was especially worried and filled with dread.”

7. From several sources.

7.1 From SGZ, Biography of Wang Can, where it reads: “At that time there also was Xi Kang of the prefecture of Qiao, who was a writer...During the Jingyuan period (260-264 AD), he was involved in a lawsuit and was put to death.”

7.2 From the Wei shi chunqiu, which reads: “Xi Kang lived in the District of Shanyang in Henei. Those who associated with him never saw him joyful or vexed. He was an intimate friend of Ruan Ji of Chenliu, Shan Tao of Henei, Xiang Xiu of Henan, Ruan Xian, who was a son of Ruan Ji's elder brother, Wang Rong of Langye, and Liu Ling of Pei; a bamboo grove was their resort, and so they were called 'The Seven Philosophers of the Bamboo Grove.'”

Xiang Xiu was a man of the district of Huai in Henei. Henan is a mistake.

7.3 The second half of this is from the Wei shi chunqiu, where it reads: “Hearing that the post of bubing jiaoyu was vacant, that there was much good wine in the pantry, and that the staff of the barracks was excellent at brewing wine, Ruan Ji requested and obtained the post of bubing jiaoyu. He then indulged in wine...” This refers to Ruan Ji alone, but Sima Guang attributes it to all of the seven worthies.

8. From the Jin Shu, Biography of Ruan Ji.

8.3 Jin Shu has: “He spurted out several pints of blood. About to inter his mother, he ate one entire piece of steamed ham and drank two measures of wine, and only then bade farewell to her. He emitted one loud wail, simply saying, 'Ah, poor me!' He then again spurted out several pints of blood and became emaciated, his bones standing out prominently. When Pei Kai went to offer his condolences, Ruan Ji simply stared at him, with his hair in disorder and sitting with his legs spread out.”

9. From the Jin shu, Biography of He Ceng: “At that time, the bubing jiaoyu Ruan Ji behaved indecorously because he was a man of talent; he acted against the rules of propriety when he was in mourning. He Ceng questioned him face to face when they were together at Wendi's...”

Jin shu, two lines before states: “During the Jiaping period (249-254 AD), He Ceng became sili jiaoyu.” Jin Ji, however, says that he became sili jiaoyu during the Zhengyuan period (254-256 AD).

9.5 Jin shu has: “Wendi said, 'This youth is in such bad health. Can you not tolerate him for my sake?' He Cent went on to support his argument by allusions, and his words were to the point. Wendi was unable to follow his remonstration, but men of all the time respected He Ceng.”

Jin shu, Biography of Ruan Ji states: “And so, men who stood for the rules of propriety all hated him as if he were their enemy, but Wendi always protected him.” A similar passage is in the Wei shi chunqiu: “Therefore, he was profoundly hated as an enemy by men such as He Ceng, who stood for the rules of propriety; but the da jiangjun Sima Wenwang always protected him. He died a natural death.”

9.6 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of He Kui states: “After his death, He Kui was canonized Lord Jing. His son He Ceng succeeded him; during the Xianxi (264-265) period, he became situ.”

10. From the Jin shu, Biography of Ruan Xian, where the story is told rather verbosely: “While in mourning for his mother, Ruan Xian indulged in his pleasures and transgressed the rules of propriety. He had relations with a servant girl of his paternal aunt. The aunt, who was about to return to her husband's house, at first promised to leave the girl behind, but at the last moment she took her with her. AT that time, he (Ruan Xian) had a visitor, and hearing of this, Ruan Xian borrowed the visitor's horse without ceremony and pursued the girl. Having overtaken her, he returned with the girl on the horse. People criticized him severely.”

This Jin Shu story is derived from the Shi Shuo Xinyu, where it reads: “Ruan Zhongrong (Zhongrong being his zi) had relations with the Xianbei servant girl of his paternal aunt. While he was in mourning for his mother, his aunt had to take a distant trip. At first she promised to leave the girl behind, but when she was leaving she insisted on taking the girl with her. Ruan Zhongrong, borrowing a visitor's donkey and in his mourning clothes, pursued her. Returning with the girl on the same donkey, he said, 'My seed cannot lose.' She was the mother of Ruan Yaoji.” Ruan Xian had two sons: Ruan Zhan and Ruan Fu. The latter's biography in the Jin shu states: “Ruan Fu, zi Yaoji, was born of a barbarian servant girl.”

11. From the Jin Shu, Biography of Liu Ling.

11.3 After this, Jin Shu continues: “Thus did he forget his own corporal body. Once he was exceedingly thirsty and asked his wife for wine. His wife threw away the wine jar and in tears remonstrated with him, 'You drink to excess; this is not the way to keep yourself healthy. You ought to give up the habit.' Liu Ling said, 'Good. But it is not in my power to give up drinking. I must offer sacrifices to the spirits and take an oath. Go and get some wine and meat.' The wife obeyed. In prostration, Liu Ling chanted his litany, 'By birth, Liu Ling is known for drinking. He drinks one peck-measure each time and five bushel-measures make him sober again. Woman's words should not be listened to.' He then drank the wine and ate the meat as usual, becoming heavily intoxicated again. Once, in his intoxication, he incurred the wrath of a worldly man. The man tucked his sleeves up, shook his fists, and came at him. Liu Ling said slowly, 'My chicken-ribs are not worthy of your honorable fists.' The man laughed and desisted.”

12. From the Wei shi chunqiu.

12.7 “Zhong Hui came to harbor a deep grudge against him.” After this, the Wei shi chunqiu continues: “The da jiangjun once wanted to give an official appointment to Xi Kang. But Xi Kang, to begin with, had a desire to forsake the world and then, because a nephew of his was bad, he avoided him by moving to Hedong; some would say that he fled from the world.”

13. From the Wei shi chunqiu.

13.1 Wei shi chunqiu has: “Having been appointed xuancaolang, Shan Tao...” Since the title xuancaolang is a literary description of the actual title libulang, Sima Guang here adopts the latter. According to the Shan Tao xing Zhuang, Shan Tao was appointed libulang in the second year of Jingyuan (261 AD).

13.2 Wei shi chunqiu has: “Xi Kang sent a letter of reply to him, in which he broke off their friendship, and said that he could not tolerate...” The letter in question is given in the Wenxuan, under the title 'Letter to Shan Juyuan, Breaking off our Friendship.'

14. From the Wei shi chunqiu.

14.2 Wei shi chunqiu has: “It happened that Lu Xun had had illicit intercourse with Lu An's wife named Xu. He falsely charged Lu An with being unfilial, and the latter was sent to prison.”

14.3 Wei shi chunqiu has: “Lu An called on Xi Kang to give witness on his behalf. Xi Kang, with his sense of justice, could not act against his conscience, and therefore guaranteed his innocence.”

15. From the Wei shi chunqiu.

15.1 Wei shi chunqiu has: “Lu An was also a man of strong character, bent on reforming his times. Zhong Hui advised the da jiangjun to take this opportunity to eliminate them.” The ZZTJ sentence is partly from the Jin Shu, Biography of Xi Kang, where it reads: “Taking this opportunity, Zhong Hui slandered Xi Kang, saying that Xi Kang/Lu An had wanted to help Guanqiu Jian (but had desisted), thanks to the disapproval of Shan Tao; that of old, in Qi, they killed Huashi and in Lu they executed Shaozheng Mao, and that it was because they [Xi Kang/Lu An] were detrimental to the good rule of the time that the Sages eliminated them [Huashi/Shaozheng Mao], that Xi Kang and Lu An, wanton in their language and undermining the teachings of the Dian and Mou (in the Shu), were not to be tolerated by the ruler of a land; and that this opportunity be taken to eliminate them so that good custom be restored. Wendi, who was intimate with Zhong Hui and listened to his words, had both of them killed.

15.2 Concerning the date of Xi Kang's death, there is some doubt. Qian Daxin in his Yi nian lu writes that he died at the age of forty, was born in the fourth year of Huangchu (223 AD) and died in the third year of Jingyuan (262 AD). Under the second date, he writes that he is following the ZZTJ. Granting that Xi Kang died in 262, it is possible to date the year of his birth in 223 AD, for the Jin shu states that he died in his fortieth year.

But it is not certain whether he actually died in this year, as Sima would have it. We are already informed that Shan Tao became libulang in 261 AD. In Xi Kang's letter to him mentioned in Note 13.2, there occurs the following sentence: “My daughter is thirteen years old, and my son eight. Both are not yet mature.” It is not impossible that the letter was written some time after the year of Shan Tao's appointment, but we may assume it to have been written in that year, 261 AD. At any rate, it cannot have been earlier. On the other hand, Jin Shu, Biography of Xi Shao states: “Xi Shao, zi Yanzu, was the son of the zhongsan dafu Xi Kang of Wei; at the age of ten, he was orphaned and served his mother filially and respectfully.” If he was eight years old in 261, he must have lost his father in 263 AD.

We may guess why Sima Guang dates Xi Kang's death in 262 AD. In SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui, we read: “Zhong Hui was promoted to be sili jiaoyu. Although his was a function outside the Court, there was no political measure of the time that he did not direct. The execution of Xi Kang and the others was all due to Zhong Hui's counsel.” On the other hand, Zhong Hui was appointed zhenxi jiangjun in the winter of the third year of Jingyuan (262 AD). Sima Guang, narrowly interpreting the sentence here quoted, might have found it necessary to date Xi Kang's death in 262 AD. But, we can also take the sentence a little elastically and suppose that it was not exactly during Zhong Hui's term of sili jiaoyu that Xi Kang was put to death, but some time later; for he could have counselled Sima Zhao even while he was in the provinces as a military commander. In short, it is not outside the realm of possibility that Xi Kang's dates are 224-263 AD.

16. From the Wei shi chunqiu.

16.1 Wei shi chunqiu has: “Xi Kang once went to the mountain Gongboshan in Jijun to gather herbs. There he met the recluse Sun Deng and wished to speak with him. Sun Deng kept silent, not uttering a word. After a while, when he was about to go away, Xi Kang said, 'Sir, will you not say a single word?'”

17. From the Jin Shu. There is no justification for chronicling this section in this year. The original text does not give a definite date.

17.2 Jin shu begins the sentence with “At that time, Lu Yi...” Insofar as the immediately preceding passage can be taken as a clue, the Jin shu seems to regard the time in question as the time when the Duke of Gaoguixiang made his fruitless coup d'etat in 260 AD. The term being very elastic, however, we cannot determine the date exactly.

18. From the Jin shu, Chronicle of Wendi, under the fourth year of Jingyuan (263 AD). But Sima Guang chronicles this section here because the contents of Sima Zhao's proclamation and the passage given in Note 1 are similar in content.

18.1 This sentence is not from the Jin shu, but from SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui: “Because the Shu had disturbed the frontiers on several occasions, Sima Wenwang, calculating that Shu was a small country, its people worn out and its national resources drained, wished to send a large force against it. Only Zhong Hui agreed that Shu could be taken; together with him, he studied topography and discussed general plans.”

18.3 Jin shu has: “If we plan to take Wu, we must construct battleships and open up water routes, for which we must employ more than ten million units of work, that is, one hundred thousand workers for more than one hundred days. Furthermore, the southern land is low and damp, so that disease and epidemic will be certain to break out.”

18.4 Jin shu has: “We should now take Shu first; three years later, we shall sail down the tide from Bashu, advancing simultaneously on land and on water; this is like destroying Yu to conquer Guo, and swallowing Han to annex Wei.”

18.6 From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui, where it reads: “In the third year of Jingyuan (262 AD), in winter, Zhong Hui was appointed zhenxi jiangjun, with Tally (jiajie) and dudu of all the armed forces in Guanzhong.”

19. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei. As can be seen from note 19.1 this section ought to have been put under 263 AD. Sima Guang, however, chronicles it here because the story is connected with that in Section 18.

19.1 SGZ has: “In the sixth year of Jingyao (263 AD), Jiang Wei memorialized the Second Sovereign...”
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Fri Jan 06, 2012 1:22 am

Chapter 44 Notes
Fourth Year of Jingyuan (263 AD)
Shu: First Year of Yanxing
Wu: Sixth Year of Yongan

1. In spring, in the second month (February 25-March 26), the Emperor again advanced Sima Zhao's enfeoffment and rank as before, but he again declined.

2. IN Wu, the taishou of Jiaozhi, Sun Xu, had been causing the people to suffer through his avarice and cruelty. It happened that the Sovereign of Wu sent the chazhan Deng Xun to Jiaozhi. Deng Xun arbitrarily levied thirty peacocks to send to Jianye (capital of Wu). [2] Fearing lest they be drafted for labor in some far off place, the people plotted rebellion. IN summer, in the fifth month (June 23-July 22), Lü Xing, a subordinate official of the prefecture, and others, killed Sun Xu and Deng Xun. They then sent an envoy to Wei requesting them to appoint a new taishou and to send troops. [4] The prefectures of Jiuzhen and Jinan joined him.

3. The Emperor, by an edict, mobilized the various troops on a large scale to attack Han. He sent the zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai at the head of more than thirty thousand men to proceed from Didao towards Gansong and Dazhong to engage Jiang Wei. He sent the cishi of Yongzhou, Zhuge Xu, at the head of more than thirty thousand men to proceed from Qishan towards Wujie and Qiaotou to cut off Jiang Wei's retreat, and Zhong Hui at the head of some ten odd myriads of men to proceed from Yegu, Luogu and Ziwugu, towards Hanzhong. [2] He appointed the tingyu Wei Guan to carry the Tally and serve as Superintendent of the troops of Deng Ai and Zhong Hui, acting as chenxi junsi. Wei Guan was a son of Wei Ji. [3]

4. On his way, Zhong Hui visited Wang Rong, a grandson of Wang Xiong, the cishi of Yuzhou, [1] and asked him for advice. Wang Rong said, “The Daoists have the saying, 'Do all but boast not.' [2] What is difficult is not success but preservation.” [3]

5. Someone asked Liu Shi of Pingyuan, the canjun to the xiangguo, “Will Zhong Hui and Deng Ai conquer Shu?” [1] Liu Shi answered, “They will certainly conquer Shu, but neither of them will return.” The inquirer asked for an explanation; Liu Shi laughed, without giving an answer. [2]

6. In autumn in the eighth month (September 20-October 19), the army started from Luoyang, at which time gifts were distributed liberally to generals and troops, manoueuvers were held, and the oath was sworn. The jiangjun Deng Dun said that Shu could not yet be attacked. Sima Zhao killed him as a warning.

7. Hearing that the Wei troops were about to come, the Sovereign of Han sent Liao Hua with troops to Dazhong to reinforce Jiang Wei and sent Zhang Yi, Dong Jue and the others to the Yang'an pass to give help the various encampments. [1] He issued a general amnesty and altered the reign title to Yanxing. [2] He ordered the various encampments not to fight, but to retreat to the two walled cities of Hancheng and Luocheng and defend them; in each of the two cities there were five thousand troops. [3] Arriving at Yinping, Zhang Yi and Dong Jue were informed that Zhuge Xu was proceeding towards Jianwei; they remained more than a month awaiting him. The various troops, led by Zhong Hui, marched along different parallel routes to Hanzhong.

8. In the ninth month (October 20-November 17), Zhong Hui had the qian jiangjunn Li Fu led ten thousand men and besiege Wang Han at Luocheng, and had the hujun Xun Kai besiege Zhang Bin at Hancheng. [1] ON his westward march, Zhong Hui came ot the Yang'an pass; from there he sent a man to offer sacrifices to the tomb of Zhuge Liang.

9. Jiang Shu, the du (Commander) of Wuxing of Han, had not particularly distinguished himself in his function, hence the Han court replaced him with someone else and had him assist the jiangjun Fu Qian in defending the Yang'an pass. Jiang Shu was vexed at this. [1] Zhong Hui had the hujun Hu Lie lead the vanguard and attack the pass. [2] Jiang Shu spoke falsely to Fu Qian, [3] “Now that the rebels have come, it is wrong not to strike at them but to keep the city gates closed in defense.” Fu Qian said, “Having been ordered to defend the city, we shall earn our merit by preserving it. Should we now act against the orders and go out to fight, there will not be profit even in death if we lose our army and bring defeat on our State.”

Jiang Shu said, “You take it as merit to preserve the city by defending it from within. I take it as merit to go out and defeat the enemy. Pray, let each of us do as pleases.” Thereupon he led out his troops. Fu Qian, thinking that he was going to fight, did not take any precautions against him. Jiang Shu, however, led his troops to welcome Hu Lie. Taking advantage of the city's unwariness, Hu Lie launched a surprise attack on it. Fu Qian fought hand to hand and was killed. Fu Qian was a son of Fu Yong. [7]

Hearing that the pass had already fallen, Zhong Hui advanced carrying all before him; he seized large quantities of wares and grain kept in storehouses in the Yang'an pass.

10. Deng Ai sent the taishou of Tianshui, Wang Qi to launch a frontal attack on Jiang Wei's camp; the taishou of Longxi, Qian Hong to intercept them from the front; the taishou of Xincheng Yang Xin to proceed to Gansong. Hearing that the various troops of Zhong Hui had already entered Hanzhong, Jiang Wei retreated with his troops. Yang Xin and the others pursued him to the mouth of the river Qiangshui, where they fought a severe battle. Jiang Wei was defeated and fled. Hearing that Zhuge Xu had already blocked the road and had stationed himself at Qiaotou, he turned to Gonghangu and thus entered the northern route, his intention being to appear at the rear of Zhuge Xu. Informed of this, Zhuge Xu retreated thirty li. Jiang Wei had already penetrated the northern route more than thirty li when he heard that Zhuge Xu's troops had retreated. He then returned, passing Qiaotou. Zhuge Xu moved forward to intercept Jiang Wei, but he was one day late and so could not encounter him. [7]

11. Finally, Jiang Wei returned to Yinping. [1] He assembled troops, wishing to proceed to the walled pass of Yang'an. On the way he heard that it had already fallen, and so he retreated to boshui. Meeting Liao Hua, Zhang Yi, Dong Jue and the others, he united their forces and defended Jian'ge against Zhong Hui. [2]

12. Gao Rou, Lord Yuan of Anguo, died.

13. Winter, tenth month (November 17-December 17). The Han requested the Wu to assist them. [1] Eleventh month. On the day jiashen (January 8, 264), the Sovereign of Wu had the da jiangjun Ding Feng take command of the various troops and proceed to Shouchun; he had the jiangjun Liu Ping to go Shiji in Nanjun to discuss with him what measures to take; and had the jiangjun Ding Feng and Sun Yi proceed to Mianzhong. They were all to assist the Han

14. Because the generals attacking Shu had reported their victories in succession, in an edict the Emperor again commanded that the da jiangjun Sima Zhao should have his rank, enfeoffment and gifts advanced, all as in the former edict; Sima Zhao acceped the appointment.

15. Sima Zhao appointed Wei Shu of Rencheng canjun to the xiangguo. [1] IN his youth, Wei Shu was slow and dull, crude and unpolished, and was not appreciated by his countrymen and relatives. His uncle, the libu lang Wei Heng, was a man of some renown in his time; but he too was unaware of his qualities. He had him serve as a watchman of his water mill and would always exclaim, “If Wei Shu would qualify himself to be head of a village of several hundred households, I should have nothing more to wish for in the world.”

Wei Shu did not take the matter to heart; neither did he apply his mind to what the world would take seriously, nor did he do anything prominent and imposing. His heart was great and tolerated the world, without any jealousy; he never pointed out other people's faults. By nature he was fond of riding and archery. Wearing his leather garment, he would roam in the mountains and marshes, occupying himself with fishing and hunting. It was only Wang Wei of Taiyuan who told him, “In the end, you will become a high minister of State. At present, you are not able to keep hunger and cold from your wife and children. I shall help you.” He constantly gave him relief. ON the other hand, Wei Shu received it, without ever refusing it in modesty. [7]

When more than forty years of age, he was made a candidate for the shangji yuan and xiaolian {filially pious and incorrupt}, by the authorities of his prefecture Rencheng. His relatives, knowing well how he was lacking in learning, advised him not to take the examination, asserting that by this gesture he would distinguish himself as superior. Wei Shu said, “If I fail in my examination, it is my own fault. How can I take to myself the credit of being superior by not taking the examination in order to glorify myself?” Thereupon, he laid down for himself the task of mastering one classic each hundred days. He took the examination and passed it. He was appointed zhang {chief} of Mianchi, then was promoted to be ling of Chunyi, and finally called to the capital as a shangshu lang. At that time, a purge of the shangshu lang was intended, and those not competent to execute their duties to be dismissed. Wei Shu said, “I am the very man.” He wrapped his bedding and went out. His colleagues, who did not enjoy a particularly good reputation, were all ashamed and those who spoke of him praised him. After a series of promotions, he became zhangshi to the hou jiangjun Zhong Yu.

Zhong Yu used to practice archery with his canjun and assistants. ON such occasions, Wei Shu did nothing but keep the score with counting sticks. On one occasion, there were not enough men to balance the teams, hence Wei Shu was used to make up the full number. Zhong Yu was unaware that he was an expert archer. Composed and elegant, Wei Shu shot his arrows, without a single miss. The whole assembly was astonished, and there was no one to match him. Zhong Yu exclaimed and congratulated him, saying, “My talents can never be a match for yours, just as in this archery match. And this is not the only instance.”

When he became canjun to the xiangguo [12], he never meddled in the petty concerns of the headquarters (of the xiangguo); but in matters of cardinal importance, such as instituting or abandoning policies, what others could not decide, Wei Shu, in his composed manner, superintended, and in most cases his measures were far superior to those of others. Sima Zhao had a profound appreciation of him. [13]

16. On the day guimao (November 28), the Emperor appointed the Empress Bian. [1] She was a granddaughter of the zhaolie jiangjun Bian Bing. [2]

17. Deng Ai advanced to Yinping. He chose picked troops and wanted to proceed, with Zhuge Xu, from Jiangyou to Chengdu. [2] Zhuge Xu thought to himself that the original instructions he had received were to intercept Jiang Wei, and that going westwards was not mentioned in the Imperial edict. He therefore withdrew with his troops to Boshui, where he joined Zhong Hui. Zhong Hui sent the jiangjun Tian Chang and others to march from the west of Jiange towards Jiangyou. Tian Chang had not gone a hundred li when he destroyed three detachments of the Shu lying in ambush. Deng Ai made Tian Chang speed ahead; and so they marched forward, carrying all before them. Zhong Hui and Zhuge Xu moved their troops towards Jiange. Wanting to monopolize the military situation, Zhong Hui secretly memorialized the throne that Zhuge Xu was fainthearted and would not advance; he had him recalled in a cage-cart; his troops all went over to Zhong Hui's command.

18. Jiang Wei maneuvered and guarded the defiles. [1] Zhong Hui attacked him, but could not defeat him. As provisions had to be transported from afar and through difficult terrain, and as the army lacked food, he (Zhong Hui) wanted to retreat. [3]

19. Deng Ai petitioned the throne, “The rebels are already crushed. We ought to take advantage of this opportunity. We should proceed from Yinping, through Xiejing, past Deyangting of the Han dynasty, to Fou, and appear at a place a hundred li west of Jiange and three hundred odd li distant from Chengdu. With our mobile detachment we should storm their base and take them unawares. Then will the troops defending Jiange have to retreat towards Fou, in which case Zhong Hui can advance in double columns; if the troops defending Jiange should not retreat, then the troops assigned to defend Fou will be insufficient. [5]

Thereupon, from Yinping, he traversed uninhabited land, a distance of seven hundred odd li. He bored roads through mountains and constructed plank paths and bridges. Lofty mountains and deep valleys offered many difficulties and hardships. Furthermore, provisions were running short and the troops often found themselves in dangerous places. Deng Ai had himself wrapped in felt and descended a defile by rolling down it. His generals and troops all crawled through trees and along cliffs; thus they advanced in single file. When the vanguard reached Jiangyou, the Shu general defending the place, Ma Mo, surrendered.

20. Zhuge Zhan led the various troops to resist Deng Ai; having reached Fou, he halted and would not advance any farther. [1] The Shangshu lang Huang Chong was a son of Huan Quan. [2] He repeatedly advised Zhuge Zhan to hasten forward and occupy the defiles, to keep the enemy from entering level terrain. Zhuge Zhan continued to hesitate without accepting his advice. Huang Chong spoke to him two or three times, even shedding tears. Still, Zhuge Zhan was unable to take his advice. [6]

21. Eventually, Deng Ai advanced, carrying all before him, and defeated Zhuge Zhan's vanguard. Zhuge Zhan retreated to Mianzhu. [1] Deng Ai sent him a letter to decoy him, “Should you surrender, I am resolved to memorialize the throne to enfeoff you as Prince of Lanye.” In anger, Zhuge Zhan killed Deng Ai's envoy and put his troops in battle array in expectation of Deng Ai. [4]

22. Deng Ai sent his son Deng Zhong, Lord of Huitangting, with his men to attack Zhuge Zhan's right wing, and the sima Shi Zuan with his men to attack his left wing. Deng Zhong and Shi Zuan did not succeed in the battle. They both returned and said, “The rebels could not be beaten.” In anger, Deng Ai said, “To be or not to be depends on this one stroke. How dare you say they cannot be beaten?” He then ordered that Deng Zhong and Shi Zuan be beheaded. Deng Zhong and Shi Zuan galloped off and fought again, scoring a great victory over him. They killed Zhuge Zhan as well as Huang Chong. [4]

23. Zhuge Zhan's son Zhuge Shang exclaimed, “We, father and son, have been recipients of great favor from the State; by not having killed Huang Hao in good time, we have brought the State to ruin and the people to destruction. What sense is there for me to keep on living?” He then whipped his horse and rushed the enemy's lines; thus he met his death.

24. The Han had not expected the Wei troops to arrive so suddenly, and therefore had not arranged for the defense of their walled cities. Hearing that Deng Ai had already entered level terrain, the people were in tumult and fled to the hills and wilderness, and they could not be held back. [2] The Sovereign of Han had his myriad officials hold a discussion; they deliberated without any result. Some maintained that as Wu was an ally of Shu, they might flee to Wu; some maintained that as the seven prefectures in Nanzhong were extremely steep and inaccessible and easy to defend, they might flee southwards. [6]

The guanglu dafu Qiao Zhou maintained, [7] “From of old, there has never been a Son of Heaven who ruled his State while a guest in another country. If you now enter the State of Wu, you must submit to her as a vassal. Furthermore, when two States are ruled not differently, the bigger will swallow the smaller; this is only natural. Seen from this point of view, it is clear that Wei is able to annex Wu, not Wu {annex} Wei. If you are to be degraded to the position of a vassal, which is better, to be so to a smaller state or a bigger State? Which do you prefer, double disgrace or single disgrace? [12] On the other hand, if you wish to flee southwards, you ought to have planned for it early; only in such a case, would the plan bear fruit. Now the powerful enemy is near at hand and our ruin is iminent. You cannot rely on the loyalty of the masses. I fear that on the day you start (for the south) there will occur untoward incidents. Will you ever reach the south?”

Someone said, “At this moment, Deng Ai is not far from us. We fear that he might not allow us to surrender. What shall we do then?” Qiao Zhou said, “At present, the Dongwu (i.e. Wu) is still hostile to the Wei, hence he cannot but allow us to surrender. If he once allows us to surrender, he cannot but show honor. Should it happen that after Your Majesty has surrendered to the Wei, the Wei does not cede its territory and enfeoff Your Majesty, I shall betake myself to the capital and contend with it by referring to ancient usages.” The other officials all followed Qiao Zhou's opinion.

The Sovereign of Han still wished to enter the southern territory and so hesitated. Qiao Zhou sent up a memorial, “There are some who advise your Majesty that since the northern troops have penetrated far into our territory, you should go southwards. I, a stupid official, disapprove it as unsafe. Why do I think so? The distant barbarian land in the south formerly did not make a practice of bringing any tribute, but often revolted. Since the chengxiang Zhuge Liang pressed them hard with his troops, they in their necessity have been submissive to us. If you go now to the South, they will have to ward off the enemy externally and be responsible for your maintainence internally—their expenditures will be heavy; while there are no other resources to draw upon, the barbarian tribes will have to be drained; it is certain that they will revolt.” [23]

25. Thereupon, the Sovereign of Han sent the shizhong Zhang Shao and others to carry his Imperial Seal and to surrender to Deng Ai on his behalf.

26. The Prince of Beidi, Liu Chen, was enraged and said, “If we are in the wrong and strength has forsaken us, and our ruin is imminent, we, father and sons, sovereign and subjects, ought to fight a battle with the city at our backs, and all should die for the dynasty and meet the late Emperor in the netherworld. Why must we surrender?” The Sovereign of Han did not listen to him. On this day, Liu Chen wailed in the temple of the Emperor Zhaolie (i.e. Liu Bei). He first killed his wife and children, and then killed himself. [5]

27. Zhang Shao and the others saw Deng Ai at Lao. Deng Ai greatly rejoiced and sent a letter of reply, in which he praised and accepted the request for surrender.

28. The Sovereign of Han sent the taibu Jiang Xian to Jiang Wei to order him to surrender to Zhong Hui. He also sent the shangshu lang Li Hu to bring the Census Record to Deng Ai: two hundred and eighty thousand households, nine hundred and forty thousand mouths, one hundred and two thousand men in armor, and forty thousand officials. [3]

29. When Deng Ai reached the North of the city of Chengdu, the Sovereign of Han, leading the Crown Prince and various princes of the blood as well as more than sixty of his officials, came to his headquarters, with his hands bound and carrying his coffin in a cart. [1] Holding his Tally, Deng Ai freed him from the binding, burnt the coffin, and invited him to an audience. [2] He commanded his generals and troops not to plunder; he soothed and accepted all those who surrendered and restored them to their former functions. Following the precedent of Deng Yu, he presumed Imperial authority and appointed Liu Shan, the Sovereign of Han, to be acting piaoji jiangjun, the Crown Prince to be fengche (duyu) and the various officials princes of the blood to be fuma duyu. [4] As for the various officials of Han, he appointed them, in accordance with their different ranks, as subordinate officials either of the Prince Liu Shan or of Deng Ai himself. He appointed Shi Zuan to be cishi of Yizhou, and the taishou of Longxi, Jian Hong, and others to be heads of various prefectures in Shu.

30. Hearing that Huang Hao was insidious, Deng Ai arrested and imprisoned him, intending to kill him. But Huang Hao bribed Deng Ai's attendants and so saved his life. [2]

31. Jiang Wei and his men heard of Zhuge Zhan's defeat but were not informed of what course the Sovereign of Han had taken; they therefore withdrew eastward and entered Ba. [1] Zhong Hui advanced with his troops to Fou, where he sent Hu Lie and others to persuade Jiang Wei. [2] Jiang Wei reached Qi, when he received the orders of the Sovereign of Han. He then ordered all his troops to lay down their weapons and he sent his tally and insignia to Hu Lie. He took the eastern route and, together with Liao Hua, Zhang Yi and Dong Jue, came to Zhong Hui and surrendered. [5]

32. His generals and troops were all angry, drew out their swords, and hewed down stones. The various prefectures, districts and encampments were all disarmed, through the command of the Sovereign of Han, and surrendered. Zhong Hui treated Jiang Wei and the others liberally and temporarily returned their seals and tallies to them. [3]

33. Hearing that Shu had already perished, the Wu disbanded the troops of Ding Feng and the others.

34. In Wu, the zhongshucheng Hua He of Wujun came to the palace gate and sent up his memorial, “In prostration I am informed: Gathered like ants, the rebel hordes were proceeding toward our western neighbor. Since the terrain of the western neighbor was steep and difficult of access, it was thought that there would be no danger, and Lu Kang would not have failed to report to the throne if there were; Chengdu has fallen, so that sovereign and subjects have dispersed and the dynasty is overthrown. Of old, when Wei was overthrown by Di, Duke Huan of Qi preserved it; but now, because of the distance, we cannot rescue them. We have thus lost a land that has been under our protection and forsaken a State that has been offering us tribute. Insignificant official though I am, I presume to have a feeling of uneasiness. In your sage-like benevolence, Your Majesty has been tranquillizing the distant land; hearing of this (its fall) suddenly, you are certain to take pity. I cannot forbear my grief and sorrow.”

35. A certain man of Wu said to Zhang Ti of Xiangyang, “Since the Sima took power in Wei, serious troubles have been occurring. They indeed have an abundance of resourcefulness and strength, but the people are not yet attached to them. Now, they make the troops toil and wear the people out, without taking pity on them. They will be defeated in their aim because they lack the wherewithal; how can they be successful in the end? Of old, when Fuchai attacked Qi, he certainly was not able to win victory; the reason why he met his ruin, however, was that he did not worry over what is fundamental. How much more should it be so with them, when they would contend for a land?”

Zhang Ti said, “Nay, it is not so. Cao Cao, in spite of the fact that his achievements covered Central China and his prowess shook the land within the four seas, prized deceit and had recourse to subterfuge, waging war unceasingly, the people were fearful of his power but did not love him for his virtue. Cao Pi and Cao Rui, who succeeded him, instituted a complicated system of punishments and imposed too heavy labor on the people, driving and using them now in the east and now in the west, and there was never a single year of peace. [9] They have long lost their people's love. Sima Yi and his sons, since they took power in their State, time and again achieved great merit; they eliminated harsh measures in their State and spread their just and benevolent rule. They became master-counsellors, in which capacity they gave succor. The people have long attached themselves to them. Therefore, when there were three rebellions in Huainan, [12] their internal situation was not disturbed; when Cao Mao was killed, the four quarters were not shaken. They crushed their strong enemies as if they were breaking desiccated twigs; they eliminated dissenters as easily as they would turn their palms. They employed the worthy and enlisted the able and under their service, all serving them with the utmost loyalty. Unless one possesses twice as much wisdom and courage as others, how can one achieve what they have achieved? Their foundation is laid firmly, and their treacherous plan is securely based.

Now, in Shu, the eunuchs are monopolizing state business. Despite the law of the land, they indulge in making campaigns, so that the people are tired and the troops are worn out; wrestling for success over the external foe, they neglect their defense. There is an inequality of strength between them (the Wei on one hand and the Shu on the other); and one is also superior to the other in wisdom and resourcefulness. If one takes advantage of the other's precarious situation to attack him, victory is always certain.

Even if they (Wei) do not win a victory, they will simply remain unsuccessful. At any rate, there cannot be any anxiety for them that they might be defeated nor worry that their army might be overthrown. Why should they not attempt it? Of old, when Chu swords were sharp, Duke Zhao of Jin was afraid; when Meng Ming was employed, the Jin worried. Alas, their attaining their aims will be a source of worry for us.”

The Wu had laughed at his words, but by this time they granted that he was right.

36. The Wu were afraid that the Wuqi, barbarians of Wuling, bordering on Shu, might rebel, now that Shu had perished, and so appointed the yueji jiao yu Zhongli Mu to be taishou of Wuling. [1] In the meanwhile, Wei had already sent the magistrate of Hanjia(-xian) Guo Chun to act, on probation, as taishou of Wuling. Leading the people of Fouling, he entered the Jianling region and halted at Chisha. He agitated the various barbarian tribes, and advanced and attacked Yuyang. [4] IN the prefecture of Wuling, everyone was in a panic. Zhongli Mu asked his subordinate officials, “The Western Shu is overthrown and our territory is invaded. How shall we defend it?” They all answered, “The two xian (Chenling and Yuyang) are mountainous and steep, while the various barbarian tribes are obstructing the progress of our troops. We should not disturb them with our troops. If they are disturbed, these barbarian tribes will maintain their positions obstinately. For the time being, we ought to put them at ease. You may send pacification officials to convey your instructions and tranquillize them.”

Zhongli Mu said, “Nay, not so. Now the external hordes are invading our territory and moreover are agitating the people. While their root has not yet struck deep, we should take them. This is just like the saying: 'One must make haste when one puts out a conflagration.'” He ordered that troops should be moved to the frontier. Thereof, his subordinate officials who were opposed he punished in accordance with military law. The fuyi jiangjun Gao Shang spoke to Zhongli Mu, “Of old, the taichang Pan Jun attacked the Wuqi barbarians only when he had fifty thousand men under his command. And at that time the Liu (i.e. Shu) were our ally, and the various barbarian tribes were obedient and submissive. Now, the legacy from the past is no more, and furthermore Guo Chun has already occupied Jianling. In spite of this, Your Excellency, with your three thousand men, would go far into their territory. I do not see what success you can achieve.”

Zhongli Mu said, “In times of crisis, how can we follow the former precedent?” He thereupon led what troops he had under his command; he advanced day and night, scaling mountains and crossing defiles, for a distance of almost two thousand li. From his frontier post, he killed more than one hundred leaders of these wicked people, who harbored rebellious thoughts, as well as their partisans, more than one thousand men in all. Guo Chun and his men dispersed and fled; the Wuqi barbarians were completely conquered.

37. In the twelfth month, on the day gengxu (February 3, 264 AD), the situ Zheng Zhong was appointed taibao.

38. On the day renzi (February 5, 264), a portion of Yizhou was ceded and named Liangzhou.

39. On the day guichou (February 6, 264), a special pardon was granted to the gentry and people of Yizhou, and they were exempted from paying half of their land tax for a period of five years.

40. ON the day yimao (February 8, 264), Deng Ai was appointed taiyu with his appanage increased by twenty thousand households, and Zhong Hui was appointed situ, with his appanage increased to ten thousand households.

41. The Empress Dowager, Guo, died.

42. While in Chengdu, Deng Ai was quite boastful of his achievements. He spoke to the gentry of Shu, “Thanks to having met me, you gentlemen are what you are today. Had you met men like Wu Han, you all could have been exterminated.” He further said, “Jiang Wei is indeed a hero of the time; it is because he had to deal with me that he is reduced to this extremity.” All men of sense laughed at him.

43. By letter, Deng Ai addressed the Duke of Jin, Sima Zhao, “In battle, sometimes uproar should precede action. If we now use our conquest of Shu as the opportunity to act against Wu, the Wu will be shattered by fear; this is the time when we should carry all before us. On the other hand, as a result of the great campaign we have made, our generals and troops are worn out and cannot be employed immediately. Therefore we must take time in executing our plan. We ought to leave here twenty thousand men of the Longyou troops and another twenty thousand me of the Shu troops, manufacture salt by boiling and iron by smelting [2] for the important functions of war and husbandry; at the same time we ought to construct ships in preparation for sailing downstream (toward the Wu). After these are done, we should send our envoys to tell them how their interests will be affected. Then, the Wu will be certain to surrender to us; we may thus conquer them without making any campaign against them.

Now we ought to treat Liu Shan liberally in order to induce Sun Xiu to surrender, bring peace to the gentry and the people in order to make the people from afar come to us. If we, without any ado, were to send Liu Shan to the capital, the Wu would think that he was being banished; they would be discouraged in their intention to come over to us. We ought to stretch a point and temporarily leave him as he is now. In the autumn or winter of the following year, when the Wu will have been conquered, it may be possible.

Liu Shan ought to be enfeoffed as Prince of Fufeng with emoluments; also his attendants ought to be supplied with their needs. In the prefecture of Fufeng, there is the Dongzhuowu [5], which ought to be converted into his palace. His sons ought to be enfeoffed as Dukes and Lords, with the different xian in the prefecture as their appanages. By this means, would he be shown special honors for having surrendered.

We ought to set aside Guangling and Chengyang for the Wu (i.e. Sun Xiu, who would be enfeoffed as Prince of one of these prefectures upon his surrender). Then will he be filled with awe and love us for our virtue, and will surrender voluntarily.”

Sima Zhao sent the jianjun Wei Guan to Deng Ai to instruct him to request approval first and not to act on his own authority.

Deng Ai again addressed him, “When, under your orders, I started on the expedition, I received your instructions. Now the arch-rebel has surrendered. IN presuming the Imperial authority and conferring appointments, my intention was to put the newly surrendered at ease; I think I acted properly as far as it was expedient. Now, the Shu have surrendered one and all; their territory extends to the South China Sea and in the east it abuts on Wujun and Kuaiji. Therefore, it is necessary that I restore tranquility as early as possible. If I must await instructions from the State, the journey back and forth would take days and months. It is a principle prescribed since the Chunqiu period that a Great Officer, 'if he, going out of the country, can stabilize the foundation of his country and effect advantages to the State, may take power into his own hand.'

Now, the Wu have not surrendered and they are intimately associated with the Shu. We should not bind ourselves to routine and fail to act properly. The Art of War (bingfa) says, 'One does not seek fame when advancing nor evade punishment when retreating.' I indeed fall short of the ancients of virtue, but I do not act too modestly and ruin the cause of the State.”

44. Zhong Hui, in his heart, harbored rebellious thoughts. [1] Knowing this, Jiang Wei wanted to incite him to revolt; he therefore persuaded him [2], “I have heard that since the rebellion of Huainan [3], you have never committed a single mistake in strategy and that the prosperity of the House of Jin is all due to your service. Now that you have also conquered Shu, your prowess and virtue shake the world; the people respect you for your achievements and your master is afraid of your plans. What are you going to do with yourself? Han Xin did not revolt to the Han when conditions were unsettled and so his loyalty was doubted after he had conquered the Empire. The Great Officer Zhong did not follow Fan Li to the Five Lakes and so he stabbed himself to death. Is it that their sovereigns were unenlightened and they, who were subjects, stupid? It was all because of a difference in interests. Now, you have made great achievements and your great virtue has become well known. Why do you imitate Gao Zhugong (Fan Li) in floating a boat and effacing yourself in order that you may keep your achievements unsullied and protect your person, and finally climb the O'mei mountain and roam in the company of Chisongzi?”

Zhong Hui said,”Your words are wide of the mark. I cannot do what you advise me to do. Furthermore, nowadays the Way probably is not exhausted as you say.” Jiang Wei said, “You have shown wisdom and power in many things. I, an old man, shall leave it to your own discretion.” From then on they became very intimate. When they went out, they shared the same carriage. When they sat, they shared the same mat. He said to his zhangshi Du Yu, “If Jiang Boyue (i.e. Jiang Wei) is to be compared with the illustrious personages of China, Zhuge Gongxiu, Zhuge Dan and Xiahou Taichu (i.e. Xiahou Xuan) cannot do any better than he.”

45. Because Deng Ai had presumed the Imperial authority and monopolized power, Zhong Hui together with Wei Guan secretly reported that Deng Ai was planning a rebellion.

46. Zhong Hui was a skillful imitator of other persons' calligraphy. When he was at Jiange, he intercepted Deng Ai's memorials and reports; he altered the diction and made his language wantonly arrogant, mostly boastful of his own achievements. [1] He also destroyed the replies of the duke of Jin; he forged new replies and made Deng Ai doubtful of his position.

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Chapter 44 Notes
Fourth Year of Jingyuan (263 AD)
Shu: First Year of Yanxing
Wu: Sixth Year of Yongan

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In the fourth year of Jingyuan, in spring, in the second month, the Emperor again commanded in an edict that the da jiangjun should have his rank, enfeoffment, and gifts advanced, all as in the former edict, but he again earnestly declined, and so the Emperor desisted.”

2. From the Jin shu, Biography of Tao Huang. Jin shu has: “During the time of Sun Hao, the taishou of Jiaozhi...” The date given here seems to be too late; as can be seen from Note 2.4, the rebellion broke out in this year and not during the reign of Sun Hao, who ruled from 264-280 AD. Huayang guozhi also gives a later date as well as a different name for the taishou: “In the first year of Xianxi (264 AD), in Wu, Lü Xing, a subordinate official of Jiaozhi, killed the taishou Sun Jing and offered his allegiance to the Wei; the Wei appointed him as annan jiangjun.” However, this sentence, as well as that in the Jin su, may be regarded as dating Lü Xing's appointment, rather than the beginning of the rebellion.

2.2 Jin shu has: “It happened that the chazhang Deng Xun arrived, and arbitrarily levied three thousand peacocks to send to Moling (i.e. Jianye).”

SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, under the fifth year of Yong'an (262 AD) states: “In this year, Sun Xiu sent the chazhan to Jiaozhi to levy peacocks and large pigs.”

2.4 Jin shu has: “Lü Xing, a subordinate official of the prefecture, killed Sun Xu and Deng Xun, and offered allegiance to the Jin. The Emperor Wudi of Jin appointed Lü Xing to be annan jiangjun and taishou of Jiaozhi; but soon afterwards he was killed by his gongcao Li Tong.”

The date given in the ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, under the sixth year of Yong'an (263 AD): “In the fifth month, Lü Xing, a subordinate official of the prefecture of Jiaozhi, and others, rebelled and killed the taishou Sun Xu. Previous to this, Sun Xu had drafted more than one thousand superior craftsmen and sent them to Jianye; now when the chazhan arrived, the people were afraid to be taken again. Taking advantage of this, Lü Xing and others agitated the troops and the people, attracting the various barbarian tribes to themselves.” SGZ states: “Having killed Sun Xu, Lü Xing sent an envoy to Wei requesting them to appoint a new taishou and to send troops.”

2.5 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, under the first year of Xianxi (264 AD) states: “In the ninth month, on the day xinwei (October 16, 264 AD), the Emperor issued an edict, 'The Wu rebels are harsh and cruel in their government and in their meting out of punishments, imposing taxes and corvee on the people without limit. Sun Xiu had sent his envoy Deng Ju (sic) to order the taishou of Jiaozhi to seize the people and send them (to Jianye) for military service. The Wu general Lü Xing, taking advantage of the people's anger and also our army's conquest of Ba-Shu, gathered together powerful men, killed Deng Ju and others, drove away the taishou as well as his assistant, and calmed the under-officials and the people, waiting in the meanwhile for orders from our State. The prefectures of Jiuzhen and Jinan heard that Lü Xing had deserted the rebels and joined us; they also united their hearts in responding to him and cooperating with him.'”

3. Mainly from SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In summer, in the fifth month, the Emperor commanded in an edict: 'Shu is a small country. Her territory is narrow and her population scanty, yet Jiang Wei has been cruelly employing her people, without ever thinking of putting a stop to it. In the preceding year, after his defeat, he continued tilling the lands at Tazhong, exploiting the Qiang, and imposing corvee without stopping; the people are unable to bear it. 'Absorb the weak, and punish the willfully blind' (from the Shu jing) is an excellent maxim the art of war; 'Make the enemy come and be not made to go by the enemy' is a supreme strategem advocated by writers on war tactics.

What the Shu relies on is Jiang Wei alone. Now that he finds himself at a place distant from his base, it will be easy for us to apply our strength against him. Herewith do I command the zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai to lead the various troops and proceed to Gansong and Tazhong to engage Jiang Wei; the cishi of Yongzhou Zhuge Xu to lead the various troops and proceed to Wudu and Gaolou; they both shall cooperate as head and tail of the attack. When they capture Jiang Wei, they shall advance simultaneously from both east and west and extirpate Ba-Shu.' He also ordered the zhenxi jiangjun Zhong Hui to attack Shu from Luogu.”

3.2 This sentence is partly from SGZ, and partly from the following sources. SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui, reads: “In the fourth year, in autumn, the Emperor issued an edict, by which he had Deng Ai and Zhuge Xu each lead more than thirty thousand men of the various troops; Deng Ai to proceed towards Gansong and Tazhong to engage Jiang Wei, and Zhuge Xu to proceed to Wujie and Qiaotou to cut off Jiang Wei's retreat. Zhong Hui would lead some ten odd myriads of men and enter Hanzhong from Yegu and Luogu.” SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai states: “In the fourth year, in autumn, the Emperor ordered the various troops to attack Shu; the Da jiangjun Sima Wenwang to direct their campaign. Deng Ai would engage Jiang Wei, and the cishi of Yongzhou Zhuge Xu would intercept Jiang Wei and make it impossible for him to retreat.”

Jinshu, Chronicle of Wendi states: “Thereupon, troops were mobilized from the four quarters, one hundred eighty thousand men in all; Deng Ai was ordered to attack Jiang Wei at Tazhong from Didao; the cishi of Yongzhou Zhuge Xu would proceed form Qishan to Wujie to cut off Jiang Wei's retreat. The zhenxi jiangjun Zhong Hui and the qian jiangjun Li Fu would invade Shu, and the hujun Hu Lie, et al., would launch a surprise attack on Hanzhong from Luogu.”

3.3 From the Jin shu, Biography of Wei Guan, where it reads: “Wei Guan, zi Boyu, was a man of Anyi in Hedong. His father Wei Ji was a shangshu of Wei. After the Prince of Chenliu had acceded the throne, he was appointed shizhong. He carried the Tally (zhijie) to pacify Hebei. For his merit in having pacified the region, his appanage was increased. A few years thereafter, he was transferred to the post of tingyu. Wei Guan, who was well versed in the law, passed sentence, whenever he dealt with lawsuits, in accordance with human sentiment. When Deng Ai and Zhong Hui attacked Shu, Wei Guan was appointed, in the capacity of his actual office, to carry the Tally and serve as superintendent of the troops of Deng Ai and Zhong Hui, acting as zhengxi junsi, with one thousand troops under his command.”

4. From the Jin Shu, Biography of Wang Rong.

4.1 Jin shu has: “Zhong Hui was going on an expedition against the Shu. On his way, he visited Wang Rong to take leave of him.” Jin Shu states: “Wang Rong, zi Ruichong, was a man of Linyi in Langye. His grandfather, Wang Xiong, was cishi of Yuzhou. His father Wang Hun was cishi of Liangzhou and Lord of Zhenglingting.”

4.2 Refernce to Laozi's Daodejing: “The Dao produces all things and nourishes them; it produces them and does not claim them as its own; it does all, and yet does not boast of it; it presides over all, and yet does not control them. This is what is called 'The Mysterious Quality' of the Dao.'”

4.3 After this, Jin shu continues: “After Zhong Hui met with calamity, critics said it had been a profound saying.

5. From the Jin shu, Biography of Liu Shi, where the following passage precedes: “Liu Shi, zi Zizhen, was a man of Gaotang in Pingyuan. Afterwards he became libulang and canjun to the xiangguo Wendi, and was enfeoffed viscount of Xunyang.”

5.1 Jin shu has: “When Zhong Hui and Deng Ai were attacking Shu, a certain person asked Liu Shi, 'Will the two generals conquer Shu?'” As Sima Zhao had recently declined to become xiangguo, it is careless of Sima Guang to follow the Jinn shu in the title “canjun to the xiangguo.” He ought to have written canjun to the da jiangjun.”

5.2 After this, Jin shu has: “Eventually it turned out to be as he said; Liu Shi's foresight was usually as accurate as this.”

6. From the Jin shu, Chronicle of Wendi.

7. From different passages of the SGZ.

7.1 From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei: “Only when Zhong Hui was proceeding to Luogu and Deng Ai was entering Tazhong did he (i.e. the Second Sovereign) send the you juji jiangjun Liao Hua to Tazhong to reinforce Jiang Wei and the zuo juji jiangjun Zhang Yi and the fuguo da jiangjun Dong Jue to the Yang'an pass to give help to the various encampments.”

7.2 From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign: “In the sixth year of Jingyao, in summer, the Wei mobilized a large force and ordered the zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai, the zhenxi jiangjun Zhong Hui, and the cishi of Yongzhou Zhuge Xu to attack simultaneously along different routes. Thereupon, the Second Sovereign sent Zhang Yi and Liao Hua, the zuo and you juji jiangjun respectively, and the fuguo da jiangjun Dong Jue, et al., to resist them. He issued a general amnesty and altered the reign title to Yanxing.”

7.3 From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui, where it reads: “Zhong Hui ordered the yamen Xu Yi to precede him and repair the road. Zhong Hui, who was following Xu Yi, came to a bridge in which there was a hole and one foot of his horse went through it. Thereupon he killed Xu Yi. Xu Yi was a son of Xu Chu, a man who had earned merit in the service of the ruling House. Even he was not excused. Hearing of this, the troops were all filled with trepidation. The Shu ordered the various encampments not to fight, but to retreat to the two walled cities of Hancheng and Luocheng. The acting taishou of Weixing, Liu Qin proceeded to Ziwugu. The various troops marched along different parallel routes to Hanzhong. The jianjun Wang Han of Shu defended Luocheng and the hujun Jiang Bin defended Hancheng, each with five thousand troops.”

8. From the SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

8.1 SGZ has: “Zhong Hui had the hujun Xun Kai and the qian jiangjun Li Fu each lead ten thousand men. Xun Kai went to besiege Hancheng and Li Fu besieged Luocheng.” For the names of the Shu generals defending these two cities, see Note 7.3.

9. From the Han Jin chunqiu. Concerning the betrayal of Jiang Shu, SGZ Biography of Jiang Wei states: “Defeated by Deng Ai, Jiang Wei retreated to Yinping. Zhong Hui attacked the two walled cities of Hancheng and Luocheng. He also sent a general with a detachment to advance and attack the Yang'an pass. Jiang Shu opened the city gate and came out to surrender. Fu Qian fought hand to hand and was killed. Zhong Hui failed in his attack on Luocheng; hearing that the pass had already fallen, he advanced, carrying all before him.”

9.1 The sentence is from the Shu ji, where it reads: “As du of Wuxing, Jiang Shu had not particularly distinguished himself in his function; the Shu replaced him with someone else and detained him to assist in the defense of Hanzhong. Jiang Shu was vexed at this, hence he opened the city gate and went out to surrender.”

9.2 From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui: “Zhong Hui had the hujun Hu Lie and others go forward to attack and capture the walled pass. He thus seized wares and grain kept in the storehouses.”

9.3 Here begins the Han Jin chunqiu passage, which reads: “About to go out and surrender, Jiang Shu spoke falsely to Fu Qian...”

9.7 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. Han Jin Chunqiu in place of it has: “The Wei esteemed him.” The Ji Han Fu Chen Can of Yang Xi states: “Fu Tong's son Fu Qian was appointed zuo zhonglang, later becoming dudu of Guanzhong. In the sixth year of Jingyao (263 AD), he offered his life at a critical moment. Those who spoke of father and son (Fu Tong had fought to the death at Yiling) praised them for serving loyally through two generations.”

10. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai. The events of this and the preceding two sections must have occurred in the ninth month. Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi states: “In the ninth month (October 21-November 17), he (i.e. Wendi, Sima Zhao) furthermore had the taishou of Tian Shui Wang Qi attack Jiang Wei's camp; the taishou of Longxi Qian Hong intercept them from the front; the taishou of Jincheng Yang Xin proceed to Gansong.

Zhong Hui divided his army into two divisions to enter Hanzhong from Yegu. He had Li Fu besiege Wang Han at Luocheng and also had his subordinate general Yi Kai (sic; it ought to be Xun Kai) attack Jiang Bin at Hancheng. Zhong Hui himself went directly towards Yang'an, and his hujun Hu Lie attacked and captured the walled pass. Hearing of this, Jiang Wei withdrew. Wang Qi pursued Jiang Wei to the river Qiangchuan, where he defeated him. Jiang Wei, Zhang Yi, and Liao Hua joined their forces and defended Jian'ge. Zhong Hui attacked them.”

10.7 After this sentence, SGZ continues: “Finally Jiang Wei retreated eastwards and defended Jian'ge.”

11. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

11.1 SGZ has: “Jiang Wei returned from Tazhong to Yinping.”

11.2 SGZ has: “He joined his force with that of the Shu Generals Zhang Yi, Liao Hua, et al., and defended Jian'ge against Zhong Hui.”

SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei states: “Zhang Yi and Dong Jue soon reached Hanshou. Jiang Wei and Liao Hua in the meantime gave up Yinping and retreated. They happened to meet Zhang Yi and Dong Jue, so they all returned to Jian'ge and defended it against Zhong Hui.”

12. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In autumn, in the ninth month, the taiyu Gao Rou died.” SGZ, Biography of Gao Rou states: “After the Duke of Gaoguixiang acceded to the throne, Gao Rou was advanced to be Lord of Anguo...In the fourth year of Jingyuan, he died at the age of ninety. He was canonized Lord Yuan.” In other words, he lived 174-263 AD.

13. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu.

13.1 SGZ has: “In winter, in the tenth month, the Shu sent an envoy to report that they were being attacked by the Wei.” After this, there follows another sentence, omitted in ZZTJ: “On the day guiwei, the southwestern section of the small walled city in Shitou in Jianye burned down, one hundred and eighty feet.” The day guiwei is not in the tenth month; it is the twenty-first day of the eleventh month (January 7, 264 AD).

14. From the following two sources. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu: “In winter, in the tenth month, on the day jiayin (December 9), the Emperor again commanded in an edict that the da jiangjun should have his rank, enfeoffment, and gifts advanced, all as in the former edict.” Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi, gives a more detailed account: “In winter, in the tenth month, the Son of Heaven, because the various feudal lords reported their victories in succession, reiterated his former command, saying, '...[the text of the edict]...' Ducal and other ministers, and generals all betook themselves to the headquarters of the da jiangjun to convey the Imperial wishes, but Wendi declined out of modesty. The sigong Zheng Chong at the head of the myriad officials advised him to accept, saying, '...[the text of the petition]...' Thereupon Wendi accepted the appointment.” Thus he finally became xiangguo and Duke of Jin.

15. From the Jin Shu, Biography of Wei Shu, where the following passage precedes: “Wei Shu, zi Yangyuan, was a man of Fan in Rencheng. While still young death deprived him of his father, and he was brought up in the house of his mother's family, the Ning. When the Ning built a house, there was a geomancer who declared that the house would produce a daughter's son prominent in the State service. The maternal grandmother thought that another grandson of hers, born of her daughter married to a Sheng, would fulfill the prophecy, because he was precocious. Wei Shu said, 'I am going to have the prophecy fulfilled for the sake of my mother's fmaily.' He then left the house to live apart. He grew to be eight feet and two inches in height (we must remember that the Chinese measurements at this time were much shorter than 'foot' and 'inch' are respectively today). He had a magnificent figure and was well formed. He could drink more than a picul-measure of wine.”

15.1 Sima Guang derives this sentence from the passage given in Note 15.12. Sima Zhao himself had become xiangguo. Jin Shu states that Wei Shu died in the first year of Taixi, 290 AD, at the age of eighty-two. He lived from the years AD 209-290. In this year he was fifty-five years old.

15.7 After this, Jin shu inserts the following story: “Once Wei Shu travelled to Yewang. During the night, his landlady gave birth to a child. Soon thereafter, Wei Shu heard the approach of carriages and horses, and the following dialogue, 'Is it a boy or a girl?'- 'It is a boy. Record it down; in his fifteenth yea,r he will die of a wound inflicted by a weapon.' Further, 'Who is the man sleeping?'- 'He is His Ducal Excellency Wei.” Fifteen years after this, he went to his former landlord and asked where the son at that time was. The answer was, 'When he was picking mulberry leaved, he received a wound from the axe and died of it.' Wei Shu then was convinced that he would become a Ducal Minister.”

This story, rightfully omitted in ZZTJ, seems to be derived from the Jin Yan qiu. In the Lie Yi zhuan, a similar story is told of Hua Xin, except that the child dies at the age of three. After quoting this story, the commentator Pei Songzhi writes that a similar story is told of Wei Shu in the Jin yangqiu. He believes that one and the same incident cannot be attributed to two different persons and is inclined to discredit one of the two stories.

15.12 Jin shu has: “He was transferred to the post of canjun to the xiangguo and was enfeoffed Viscount of Jiyang.”

15.13 In place of “Sima Zhao,” Jin Shu has “Wendi.” After this, Jin shu continues: “After the conclusion of each meeting, he would follow him with his eyes as he left and would say, 'Wei Shu is indeed a leader of men.'”

16. From various parts of the SGZ.

16.1 From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

16.2 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of the Empress Xuan named Bian, Consort of Wudi states: “The younger brother of the Empress Dowager, Bian Bing, was enfeoffed Lord of Duxiang because of his merit. In the seventh year of Huangchu (226 AD), his enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Kaiyang, with an appanage of one thousand two hundred households, and he was appointed zhaolie jiangjun. After Bian Bing's demise, his son Bian Lan succeeded him. While still young, he was talented and learned. He became fengju duyu, yuji jiangjun, and sanji zhangshi. After his demise, his son Bian Hui succeeded him. A part of Bian Bing's enfeoffment was ceded, and with it, Bian Lan's younger brother Bian Lin was enfeoffed as a Lord. He became bubing jiaoyu.

The daughter of Bian Long, a son of Bian Lan, became Empress to the Duke of Gaoguixiang. As father of the Empress, Bian Long became guanglu dafu, with the rank of tejin, and was enfeoffed as Lord of Suiyangxiang. His wife named Wang became Lady of Xianyangxiang and Bian Long's first wife, named Liu, was posthumously given the title of Lady of Shunyangxiang. This was because she was the mother of the Empress. Bian Lin's daughter became Empress to the Prince of Chenliu. At that time, Bian Lin was dead. Bian Lin's wife, named Liu, was enfeoffed as Lady of Guangyangxiang.” To tabulate the Bian family genealogically:

Image

Note: This is actually in the book. I just copied it using MS Paint.

17. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

17.2 SGZ has: “He chose picked troops and wanted to enter, from Deyang of the Han dynasty, the route of Zuodan in Jiangyu, then to proceed to Chengdu by way of Mianzhu. He went together with Zhuge Xu.”

18. From SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, where the following passage precedes: “Zhong Hui sent a letter to Jiang Wei, 'With your civil and military accomplishments, Your Lordship cherishes plans for rescuing the world; through your achievements you brought succor to Ba-Han (i.e. the Han dynasty in the Ba region) and your fame permeates our China. Far and near, there is no one that does not honor your name. I always recall that we once shared the Great Rule (i.e. you were once a subject of Wei, as I am now). The relationship between Gongzi Cha of Wu and Gongsun Qiao of Zheng (i.e. Zichan, whose ming is generally given as Qiao. The said relationship is in the Zuozhuan) may describe our friendship.'”

18.1 SGZ has: “Jiang Wei did not reply to the letter, but maneuvered his encampments and guarded the defiles.”

18.3 Sgz has: “As provisions had to be transported from afar, he planned to retreat.” SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui states: “Zhong Hui advanced and attacked Jian'ge. Unable to capture it, he retreated. The Shu troops guarded the defiles and defended their positions.” Various other notes in Sections 18 and 19 by Achilles Fang mention that the SGZ notes that Zhong Hui was unable to defeat Jiang Wei, etc.

19. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai.

19.5 After this, SGZ has the following passage: “The Book of War says, 'Attack them where they are unprepared. Take them unawares.' If we now rush at their weakly defended position, we shall be certain to destroy them.”

20. From the Huayang Guozhi, Biography of Huang Quan.

20.1 Huayang Guozhi has: “The Second Sovereign also sent the duhu Zhuge Zhan to lead the various troops and resist Deng Ai; heaving reached Fou in Han, he did not advance any farther. SGZ has: “Huang Chong, Huang Quan's son, left behind in Shu, was a shangshulang. In the company of the wei jiangjun Zhuge Zhan, he resisted Deng Ai. Having reached Fouxian, Zhuge Zhan tarried and did not advance.”

SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Zhan states: “In the sixth year of Jingyao, in winter, the zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai of Wei attacked Shu. From Yinping he took the Jinggu route and invaded it. Zhuge Zhan led the various troops. Having reached Fou, he halted.”

20.2 This sentence is not in SGZ, but in the Huayang Guozhi. Huang Quan is the Shu general who in his extremity surrendered to the Wei (see 222 AD, Section 24). SGZ states: “In the following year (240 AD), Huang Quan died and was canonized Lord Jing. His son Huang Yong succeeded him. Huang Yong died without a son, hence the inheritance was discontinued.” Evidently Huang Yong went over to the Wei with his father in 222 AD.

20.6 SGZ has the following passage instead: “Deng Ai advanced, carrying all before him. Zhuge Zhan retreated to Mianzhu, while continuing to fight with him. Huang Chong encouraged his troops, and was determined to die. He was killed in battle.”

21. From SGZ, Biography of Zhuge Zhan and the Huayang Guozhi.

21.1 SGZ has: “His vanguard was defeated and he retreated to Mianzhu.” Huayang Guozhi has: “His vanguard was in the meantime defeated and Deng Ai came to Fou. Zhuge Zhan retreated to Mianzhu.”

21.4 Sgz has: “In anger, Zhuge Zhan killed Deng Ai's envoy. Eventually he fought with him, but suffered a heavy defeat and died in battle. At that time he was thirty-seven years old (in other words he lived from AD 227-263 AD). His troops were all dispersed. Deng Ai came to Chengdu, carrying all before him. Zhuge Zhan's eldest son Zhuge Shang also died together with Zhuge Zhan. His second son, Zhuge Jing as well as Zhuge Fan's son Zhuge Xian, etc. were moved to Hedong in the first year of Xianxi (264 AD).”

22. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai, where the following passage precedes: “The wei jiangjun Zhuge Zhan of Shu retreated from Fou to Mianzhu and put his troops in battle array in expectation of Deng Ai.” See the last sentence in Section 21.

22.4 SGZ has: “They beheaded Zhuge Zhan as well as the shangshu Zhang Cun, et al.” The ZZTJ sentence is from the Huayang Guozhi, where it reads: “Zhuge Zhan's army was defeated, and Zhuge Zhan died in battle. Huang Chong as well as the yulindu Li Qiu and the shangshu Zhang Cun also died in this battle.”

23. From the Huayang Guozhi.

24. From SGZ, Biography of Qiao Zhou, where the following passage precedes: “In the sixth year of Jingyao, in winter, the da jiangjun (sic. This is an error, for Deng Ai was merely zhengxi jiangjun. Perhaps the title ought to read dajiang “Great General”) Deng Ai captured Jiangyu and advanced, carrying all before him.”

24.2 Hua yang guozhi has: “Hearing that Deng Ai had entered level terrain, the people were in panic and fled to the hills and wilderness. The Second Sovereign convoked an assembly of his myriad officials and discussed whether he should not flee southwards to the seven prefectures; some wanted him to flee to Wu.”

24.6 Hu Sanxing notes the seven prefectures are as follows: Yuehui, Zhuti, Cangke, Yunnan, Xinggu, Jianning, and Yongchang.

24.7 SGZ has: “Only Qiao Zhou maintained...” Huayang Guozhi states: “The guanglu dafu Qiao Zhou advised surrender to the Wei, saying that the Wei would be certain to cede its territory and enfeoff the Second Sovereign. The Second Sovereign followed this advice.” SGZ states: “Afterwards Qiao Zhou was promoted to be guanglu dafu, his rank being inferior only to the nine ministers (meaning the nine qing). To be sure, Qiao Zhou was not concerned with government but was respected because of his Confucian learning; he was, however, often consulted on important matters of State, when he would give his advice by basing his argument on the Confucian classics. Also, young students with inquiring minds had their doubts clarified through him.”

24.12 By double disgrace is meant: to be degraded to the position of a vassal is one disgrace, but to be vassals to the Wu who would themselves be degraded is a double disgrace.

24.23 Instead of this, SGZ has the following passage: “After this, they offered taxes and their men were levied for our army; they have been muttering against this. It is they who cause trouble to the State. Now, in your territory you would go to them and make them support you; I am afraid they will revolt again. This is my first point. The northern troops have come out to take Shu alone. If you flee to the southern territory, they will certainly take advantage of the opportunity afforded by our weakened position and pursue you in time. This is my second point. If you go to the southern territory, they will have to ward off the enemy externally and be responsible for your maintenance internally—their expenditures will be heavy; while there are no other resources to draw upon, the barbarian tribes will have to be drained excessively; if they are excessively drained, it is certain that they will soon revolt. This is my third point.

Of old, Wang Lang proclaimed himself Emperor in Handan. At that time, the Emperor Shizu was in Xundu; hard pressed by Wang Lang, he wished to give up Guanzhong. Pi Yong remonstrated with him, 'If you should return westwards, the people of the city of Handan will not be willing to forsake their parents nor to rise up against the governor of the city, nor will they accompany you on your distant voyage; they will be certain to revolt.' Shizu adopted his advice and in the end captured Handan. At this moment, the northern troops are coming and Your Majesty will go southwards; I am afraid that what Pi Yong said will prove true this time. This is my fourth point.

I wish that Your Majesty would make up your mind early, so that you may obtain enfeoffment. Should we go southwards and finally surrender when you are in your last extremity, the disaster will be certain to be serious. The Yi says: 'Kang indicates the knowing to get but not to lose, to maintain but not to let perish. He alone is the sage who knows to get and to lose, to maintain and to let perish; and that without ever acting incorrectly.'

After this memorial, SGZ continues: “Eventually, the Second Sovereign followed Qiao Zhou's advice. That the Liu (the ruling House of Shu) were spared from calamity and the entire State received benefit, was all due to Qiao Zhou's counsel.”

25. SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign states: “In winter, Deng Ai defeated the wei jiangjun Zhuge Zhan at Mianzhu. Following the counsel of the guanglu dafu Qiao Zhou, the Second Sovereign surrendered to Deng Ai. He sent the following letter: 'With the Jiang and the Han as my boundaries, I happened to find myself in a distant land; with my followers I have been occupying the land of Shu, a steep and out-of-the-way corner of the Empire. I have lived for years in presumptuousness, in the end isolated from the metropolitan district by a distance of ten thousand li. I always recall to mind the gracious edict which Wenhuangdi sent to me during the Huangchu period (220-226 AD) through the huya jiangjun Xianyu Fu; he graciously showed me his friendship and provided an opportunity for me, his just principle shining resplendently.

But I, virtueless and unenlightened, and still in my youth, was jealous of my inheritance. It has been several decades, yet I have not surrendered myself to the great instruction. Heavenly prowess has now shaken both men and spirits; the fate that commands me to surrender myself to the able is overwhelming. Since the royal army, divinely martial, has taken action, how do I dare not reform and obey the command? I have ordered the various troops to lay down their spears and relieve themselves of their armor; wares stored in government storehouses have all been kept free from damage. The people are scattered in fields and unharvested cereals are still in the fields; thus do I wait for the coming of the sovereign and to preserve the lives of the people.

In prostration I observe that the Great State of Wei shows benevolence universally and her Prime Minister is another Yi Yin and Duke of Zhou, tolerant even of the ailing. Respectfully, I sent my own shizhong Zhang Shao, the guanglu dafu Qiao Zhou, and the fuma duyu Deng Liang to carry my seal to request your mercy, express my sincere sentiments, and to tender my submission. It is yours to decide whether to grant me preservation or ruin. As I am bringing my coffin, I abstain from setting forth the details.'” This letter was drawn up by Qi Zheng. His biography in SGZ states: “In the sixth year of Jingyao, the Second Sovereign followed Qiao Zhou's counsel and requested permission to surrender to Deng Ai; the letter was composed by Qi Zheng.”

SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai states: “When Deng Ai advanced with his army to Lao, Liu Shan (the second Sovereign of Han) sent envoys with the Imperial seal and a letter to request permission to surrender to him.”

All this happened in the eleventh month. Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi states: “In the eleventh month (December 18, 263 AD-January 15, 264 AD), Deng Ai, leading more than ten thousand men, crossed the defiles from Yinping and reached Jiangyu, defeating the Shu general Zhuge Zhan at Mianzhu. He beheaded Zhuge Zhan and sent his head to the capital. He advanced with his army to Laoxian, where Liu Shan surrendered.”

26. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

26.5 So also in the Han Jin chunqiu, where the passage is concluded by: “Of those about him, there were none that did not weep for him.” SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, gives the following passage, to which the Hanjin chunqiu is there quoted as commentary: “On the day, the Prince of Beidi, Liu Chen, lamented the ruin of the state; he first killed his wife and children, and then killed himself.”

This heroic Liu Chen was one of seven sons of the Second Sovereign. The Shu shi pu by Sun Sheng, commentary to the SGZ, Biography of Liu Xuan states: “There were six younger brothers of Liu Xuan: Yao, Zong, Can, Chen, Xun and Chu. When Shu perished, Liu Chen committed suicide; the remainder of the six brothers were all moved inland.”

27. From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, where it reads: “Zhang Shao and Deng Liang met Deng Ai at Laoxian. Having received the letter, Deng Ai greatly rejoiced and sent a letter of reply; he sent Zhang Shao and Deng Liang back before him.” (Apparently Qiao Zhou did not go on this mission). The text of Deng Ai's letter is given in the Shu ji of Wang Yin, where it reads: “Deng Ai sent a letter of reply, which read: 'The royal sway fell and heroes rose simultaneously; dragons and tigers contended but in the end the Empire fell to the lot of a true sovereign. This indeed is ordained by Heaven. Since the time of the Sage Emperors of antiquity until the Han and Wei, all those who received the Heavenly Mandate and became sovereigns were in the Central Part of China. The He gave forth the map, and the Luo the writing, of both of which the sages took advantage.

And thus did they found their dynasties. Those who did not follow this, were all overthrown. Wei Xiao perished by relying on Long, Gongsun Shu was destroyed by occupying Shu. These are warning examples from past generations. Our sage sovereign is enlightened and sagacious, his Prime Minister is loyal and able; his rule is comparable to that of the Yellow Emperor Xuanyuan, his achievements are a match of those of past dynasties. By his order, I have come on an expedition; my desire was to have a praiseworthy response from you. Indeed, you took the trouble of sending your envoys to tell me your virtuous words. This is not of human making; is it not an inspiration from Heaven?

Of old, the Viscount of Wei surrendered himself to Zhou and became her honored guest. That 'the superior produces his changes as the leopard does when he changes his spots' is a principle mentioned in the Great Yi [Zhou Yi].”

(It should be noted here that Deng Ai is outdoing the Sovereign of Han in showing politeness. Liu Shan was earlier implying that he was a small man, but Deng Ai gallantly calls him a superior man.)

Deng Ai's letter continues: “Your words are humble, and you show regard for the proprieties by speaking of carrying your own coffin; these indeed are all in accordance with the usages of former men of wisdom when they surrendered. 'To keep the hostile country preserved is of first importance. To destroy it is secondary.' (from the sunzi ji ju) Unless one is a man of penetrating insight and emancipating wisdom, how can one see the principle of the sovereign?' Liu Shan (i.e. the Second Sovereign) again sent the taichang Zhang Xun and the biejia of Yizhou Ju {Ru?} Chao to him to receive his command.”

28. From the Shu ji

28.3 Shu ji adds: “Four hundred thousand and some odd myriads of piculs of unhusked rice, two thousand catties each of gold and silver, two hundred thousand pieces each of embroidered silk and dyed gauze, the other wares being more or less tantamount to these.”

29. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai.

29.1 SGZ has: “When Deng Ai reached Chengdu, Liu Shan, leading...” Elsewhere it's stated: “When Deng Ai reached the north of the city, the Second Sovereign, carrying his own coffin and himself bound, came to his headquarters. Deng Ai freed him from the binding, burned the coffin, and invited him to an audience. Assuming the Imperial authority, he appointed the Second Sovereign to be piaoji jiangjun. Having ordered all the encampments to lay down their arms, the Second Sovereign surrendered. Deng Ai let the Second Sovereign stay in his former palace; and so he went to it. Packing his luggage, he did not start for the capital of Wei yet.”

29.2 SGZ has: “Holding his Tally, Deng Ai freed him from the binding and burned the coffin, accepted his surrender and pardoned him.”

29.4 SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu states: “In the eleventh month (December 18, 263-January 15, 264 AD), a general amnesty was granted. In their campaigns against the Shu, Deng Ai and Zhong Hui won victory everywhere. In this month, the Sovereign of Shu came to Deng Ai and surrendered. Ba-Shu was completely conquered.”

30. From SGZ, Biography of Dong Yun.

30.2 SGZ has: “But Huang Hao heavily bribed Deng Ai's attendants and so saved his life.” Huayang Guozhi has: “Deng Ai seized Huang Hao and was about to kill him, but having received his bribes, he pardoned him.”

31. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

31.1 SGZ has: “In the end, Deng Ai came to Mianzhu, where he had a big battle with Zhuge Zhan and killed him. Jiang Wei and his men heard of Zhuge Zhan's defeat and so they led their troops eastwards and entered Ba.”

SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei states: “But Deng Ai marched from Yinping and, going along the Jinggu route, made his invasion. In the end he defeated Zhuge Zhan at Mianzhu. The Second Sovereign requested Deng Ai's permission to surrender. Deng Ai advanced and occupied Chengdu. Jiang Wei and his men were at first informed of Zhuge Zhan's defeat, and then, from one account, they heard that the Second Sovereign would strengthen his defense of Chengdu, and from another account that he wanted to go southwards and enter Jianning. Thereupon they withdrew and took the route of Qi in Guanghan to see how the situation was. Soon afterwards they received the command of the Second Sovereign and so they threw down their spears and laid aside their armor; they went to Zhong Hui and his army in Fou.”


31.2 SGZ has: “Zhong Hui advanced with his troops to Fou, where he sent Hu Lie, Tian Xu, Pang Hui, et al., to pursue Jiang Wei.”

31.5 SGZ has: “He then took the eastern route and came to Zhong Hui to surrender.” Sima Guang inserts the names of the three generals from the following passage which is found in SGZ, immediately after the sentence given here: “Zhong Hui memorialized the throne, 'The rebels, Jiang Wei, Zhang Yi, Liao Hua, and Dong Jue fled from death and were proceeding towards Chengdu. I sent the sima Xiahou Xian, the hujun Hu Lie, et al., to go by way of Jian'ge and cross the Dadu ford at Xindu to intercept them from the front, the canjun Yuan Qing and the jiangjun Gou An, et al., to pursue them, the canjun Huangfu Kai and the jiangjun Wang Mai, et al., to proceed from the South of Fou and rush at their heart. I myself occupied Fouxian with the intention of aiding our troops in the conquest of the region west of it.

Jiang Wei, et al., had under their command forty to fifty thousand infantry and cavalrymen; well armored and carrying excellent weapons. They filled the rivers and valleys for a distance of several hundred li. Their formation was continuous. Relying on their immense number, they were proceeding westward, with their carriages moving in double columns. I ordered Xiahou Xian and Huangfu Kai, et al., to divide their troops and occupy various key positions and spread out their nets; in the south they blocked the route the enemy might take to flee to Wu. In the west they obstructed the road to Chengdu. In the north they cut off the road he might take to flee away. From four sides our troops gathered like clouds, the van and the rear advancing simultaneously. All the mountain paths were thus cut off and no room was left for the enemy to lie in ambush.

I furthermore wrote a letter to indicate a way out for him to save himself. In dire need and hard pressed, the enemy troops knew that they had played their role to the end; they relieved themselves of their armor and threw down their spears; they came to surrender with their hands bound. Their seals amounted to over ten thousand, their implements were heaped high...(the latter half of his memorial does not give any facts)...' Thereupon, Zhong Hui forbade his troops to plunder. In all humility he induced the various officials of Shu to surrender. He was on very good terms with Jiang Wei.”

32. From SGZ

32.3 The meeting of Zhong Hui and Jiang Wei is told in the Jin ji of Gan Bao as follows: “Zhong Hui said to Jiang Wei, 'You are slow in coming.' Looking solemn and shedding tears, Jiang Wei said, 'Even my seeing you today is too early.' Zhong Hui admired him very much.

33. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, where it reads: “After the news that the Sovereign of Shu, Liu Shan, had surrendered to the Wei, the troops were disbanded.”

34. From SGZ, Biography of Hua He, where the following passage precedes: “Hua He, zi Yongxian, was a man of Wujin in Wujun. At first he was yu of Shangyu, then diannong duyu; from the post of wenxue he was called to the capital as bifulang, and then was promoted to be zhongshucheng.”

35. From the Xiangyang ji, where the following passage precedes: “Zhang Ti, zi Juxian, was a man of Xiangyang. While still young, he gained renown. During the time of Sun Xiu's reign, he was tunji jiaoyu.”

35.9 Xiangyang ji has: “Cao Pi and Cao Rui, who succeeded him, were harsh and cruel; internally they constructed their palaces; externally they stood in fear of heroic persons; they drove them now eastwards and now westward, and there was not a single year of peace.”

35.12 Meaning the rebellions of Wang Ling, Guanqiu Jian and Zhuge Dan.

36. From SGZ, Biography of Zhongli Mu

36.1 “Zhongli Mu was enfeoffed as Lord of Qinting and was appointed as yueji jiaoyu. In the sixth year of Yong'an, Shu was annexed to Wei. The Wuqi barbarians of Wuling bordered on Shu. It was feared that they might rebel, hence Zhongli Mu was appointed ping-Wei jiangjun and taishou of Wuling. He proceeded to the prefecture to take up his post.”

36.4 SGZ has: “He agitated the various barbarian tribes, some of whose chieftains joined Guo Chun. He further advanced and attacked Yuyangxian.”

37. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

38. From ibid.

39. From ibid.

40. From ibid. where it reads: “On the day yimao, the zhengxi jiangjun Deng Ai was appointed to be taiyu and the zhenxi jiangjun Zhong Hui to be situ.” Sima Guang inserts the information about their appanages from the following two passages. SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai states: “In the twelfth month, the Emperor issued an edict, '...Herewith is Deng Ai appointed taiyu, his appanage increased to twenty thousand households; two of his sons are enfeoffed as ting Lords, each with an appanage of one thousand households.'” SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui states: “In the twelfth month, the Emperor issued an edict, '...Herewith is Zhong Hui appointed situ and his enfeoffment is advanced to that of a xian Lord, his appanage being increased to ten thousand households; two of his sons are enfeoffed as ting Lords, each with an appanage of one thousand households.”

41. SGZ, Biography of the Empress Yuan, named Guo, Consort of Mingdi states: “In the fourth year of Jingyuan, in the twelfth month, she died. In the fifth year, in the second month (March 15-April 13, 264 AD), she was interred at the west of the mausoleum of Gaopingling.”

42. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai. The following passage precedes: “Deng Ai had a mound (jingguan) built at Mianzhu in order to commemorate his victory; there he buried his own soldiers, who had died in battle, together with Shu soldiers.”

43. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai.

43.2 Hu Sanxing notes that there were salt wells in Shu. Zhuti produced silver, Yandao and Qiongdu copper, Wuyang, Nan'an, Linqiong and Mianyang iron. The Han dynasty had officials in charge of salt administration and of iron. Deng Ai wanted to restore these offices so as to exploit new resources.

43.5 Dongzhuowu was a walled enclosure which Dong Zhuo had built at Meixian in Fufeng.

44. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

44.1 Han Jin chunqiu has: “Zhong Hui secretly harbored rebellious thoughts.” The ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui: “Zhong Hui harbored rebellious thoughts in his heart. Because Deng Ai presumed the Imperial authority and monopolized power, he secretly reported that Deng Ai was planning a rebellion.”

44.2 Han Jin chunqiu: “Jiang Wei read his thoughts and thought to himself that he might provoke him to cause a disturbance so that he could restore the State of Shu. He therefore deceitfully persuaded Zhong Hui...”

44.3 Referring to Zhong Hui's part in quelling the rebellion of Zhuge Dan in 258 AD.

45. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai. “Zhong Hui, Hu Lie, Shi Zuan, et al., all reported that Deng Ai's acts were rebellious.” The name Wei Guan in the ZZTJ sentence is inserted from the Jin Shu, where it reads: “After Shu was conquered, Deng Ai presumed the Imperial authority and conferred enfeoffments and appointments. Zhong Hui secretly harbored rebellious thoughts. Because Deng Ai monopolized power, together with Wei Guan he secretly memorialized the throne about him.”

46. From the Shi yu.

46.1 {Here Achilles Fang muses} Is Deng Ai's letter to Sima Zhao then (see Section 43) then also garbled by Zhong Hui?
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Jordan
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

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Chapter 45
First Year of Xianxi (264 AD)
Wu: First Year of Yuanxing

1. Spring, first month. On the day renchen (renxu? February 15), the Emperor in an edict commanded that Deng Ai should return to the capital in a cage-cart.

2. The Duke of Jin, Sima Zhao, feared that Deng Ai might not obey the command and so ordered Zhong Hui to advance with his troops to Chengdu. He also sent Jia Chong with troops to enter Yegu. [2]

3. Sima Zhao himself led a large force and followed the Emperor in his progress to Chang'an.

4. As the princes and dukes of the blood were all in Ye, he appointed Shan Tao to be xingjun sima and stationed him at Ye.

5. Now Zhong Hui had been given trust because of his talents and ability. Sima Zhao's wife nee Wang spoke to Sima Zhao, [2] “Zhong Hui will cease to be loyal when he comes across profit. He is also enterprising and ambitious. If you show him too much favor, he will be certain to arise in rebellion. He should not be given too much trust.”

6. When Zhong Hui was about to start on his expedition against the Han, the xi caoshu Shao Ti spoke to the Duke of Jin, “Now, you are sending Zhong Hui with more than one hundred thousand men to attack Shu. I am, however, of the opinion that, since Zhong Hui is alone and has no sons to serve as hostages, it would be better to send someone else.” [3] Laughing, the Duke of Jin said, “Do I not know this? The Shu have repeatedly invaded our territory; their troops are tired and their people are worn out. Our attack will now be as easy as pointing to one's palm. But the multitude says that Shu cannot be attacked. Human nature is such that once one becomes timid, both wisdom and courage will desert one; to coerce men to work in spite of this is just to make them become the enemy's captives. Only Zhong Hui is of the same opinion as I. Now I send Zhong Hui to attack the Shu, and the Shu will be certain to be destroyed.

If, after the Shu are destroyed, matters should turn out as you fear, why should we not be able to manage the situation? To a general who has been defeated, one cannot speak of courage; to a Great Minister whose State has perished one cannot speak of preservation; for their wit and courage have deserted them. Once Shu is destroyed, her subjects will be shaken by fear; one cannot plot anything with them. Generals and troops from Central China will all want to return home and will not be willing to participate. Should Zhong Hui act wickedly, he will only be annihilating his entire clan. You need not worry on this score. But keep it to yourself and do not divulge it to others.”

When the Duke of Jin was about to proceed to Chang'an, Shao Ti again said, “The troops under Zhong Hui's command are five or six times greater than those under Deng Ai. You only need to instruct Zhong Hui to seize Deng Ai. You need not go yourself.” The Duke of Jin said, “Is it because you have forgotten your former words that you tell me that I need not go myself? Still, you should not divulge what I have said. What I need to do is to treat others with trust, and others ought not to betray my trust. Must I forestall them and be suspicious? Recently, the hujun Jia Chong asked me, 'Do you somewhat doubt Zhong Hui?' I answered, 'Now that I am also sending you, should I doubt you too?' Jia Chong had nothing to say to this. When I reach Chang'an, matters will straighten out by themselves.”

7. Zhong Hui sent Wei Guan ahead to Chengdu to arrest Deng Ai. [1] Since the number of troops under Wei Guan was small, Zhong Hui wanted Deng Ai to kill Wei Guan so that Deng Ai might thereby be incriminated. Wei Guan knew his intention, but could not disobey. And so he reached Chengdu by night and issued a proclamation to the various generals under Deng Ai's command; he claimed that in accordance with an Imperial edict he was arresting Deng Ai, [4] that others would not be affected at all, and that all those who came forth to the government troops would retain their ranks and enfeoffments as before, but those who did not come would be executed as would the members of their families to the third degree. By cockcrow, all had come to Wei Guan, except those in Deng Ai's own tent who stayed behind. At dawn, Wei Guan opened the gate of his own camp, mounted the carriage of an Imperial envoy, and proceeded directly to where Deng Ai lived. Deng Ai was still in bed. In the end, he arrested Deng Ai and his son Deng Zhong and put Deng Ai in a cage-cart.

The various generals wanted to retake Deng Ai by force; well armed, they proceeded to Wei Guan's encampment. Wei Guan came out unarmed to meet them. He falsely promised them to write a memorial to clear up the Deng Ai affair. The various generals believed him and desisted from their plan. On the day bingzi (February 29), Zhong Hui reached Chengdu and sent Deng Ai to the capital.

8. Deng Ai was the only person of whom Zhong Hui stood in fear. Deng Ai and his son having been captured, Zhong Hui became the sole commander of all the troops, and the western region was overawed by his prowess. He thought to himself that, since his achievements were unsurpassed in the Empire, he should no longer remain in the service of another person. Furthermore, all the brave generals and crack troops were now in his hands. In the end, he decided to rebel.

Zhong Hui wanted to have Jiang Wei command fifty thousand men and go out to Yegu as his vanguard, Zhong Hui himself to follow with the main force; planning that when they should reach Chang'an, he would have the cavalry march along the land route, and the infantry take the water route and sail down the Wei river into the He (Yellow River), reaching Mengjin, as he calculated, on the fifth day and meeting the cavalry at Luoyang. He would thus conquer the Empire in one stroke.

Zhong Hui received a letter from the Duke of Jin, which read, “I am afraid that Deng Ai might not obey the order to return. Now I am sending the zhonghu jun Jia Chong with ten thousand infantry-men and cavalrymen to enter Yegu and station himself at Luocheng. I myself shall lead one hundred thousand men and station myself at Chang'an. We shall meet soon.”

Zhong Hui received this letter with astonishment and addressed his intimates, “As for arresting Deng Ai, the xiangguo knows well that I can manage it singlehanded. Now he comes with an altogether large force; it must be that he has some suspicion of my intention. I must execute my plot speedily; if I succeed I shall obtain the Empire; if I fail, I may retire to Shu-Han, where I can still become another Liu Bei. Since the Huainan rebellion, I have never committed a single mistake in strategy. What else am I going to do with myself?”

9. On the day dingchou (March 1), Zhong Hui summoned all the hujun, prefects (junshou), yamen and chitu and other higher officials, as well as the former officials of Shu to observe mourning for the Empress Dowager in the palace of Shu. He produced a false posthumous edict of the Empress Dowager ordering Zhong Hui to raise arms and dismiss Sima Zhao. He showed it to all those who were in the assembly and let them discuss it. He wrote down their agreement and gave official appointments; he had those in his confidence replace those who commanded the troops at that time. All the officials he had invited to observe the mourning he interned in the various government buildings of Yizhou. He also closed all the palace gates and city gates, and had troops guard those places strictly.

10. Wei Guan pretended that he was severely ill and went to an outer building. Zhong Hui believed him and did not fear him any more.

11. Jiang Wei wanted Zhong Hui to kill all the generals from the north, planning that he would afterwards kill Zhong Hui and massacre all the Wei troops, thus to restore the throne to the Sovereign of Han. [1] He sent a secret letter to Liu Shan, “I wish that your Majesty would put up with a few days' disgrace. I am planning to restore the fallen dynasty, and make the obscured sun and moon shine again.”

12. Zhong Hui was inclined to follow Jiang Wei's advice and kill the various generals, but he hesitated.

13. Zhong Hui's chang xiadu Qiu Jian was originally a subordinate of Hu Lie. Zhong Hui loved and trusted him. Qiu Jian took pity on Hu Lie for his solitary confinement and asked Zhong Hui to permit a trusted soldier to carry food to him; the various yamen, also, following this precedent, were each to have a man who would be allowed to enter their rooms. Hu Lie lied to the trusted soldier and also wrote the following note to his son Hu Yuan, [3] “According to the secret message I have received from Qiu Jian, Zhong Hui has already dug a large ditch and made several thousand white painted clubs. He intends to summon all the troops from the outside to make each of them a gift of a white cap and to appoint them as sanjiang, and then to kill them with the clubs one after another and throw their bodies into the ditch.” All the trusted soldiers of the yamen also told the same story. In a single night, the news spread everywhere. Someone advised Zhong Hui to kill all the yamen and jidu as well as the higher officials, but Zhong Hui hesistated.

ON the day jimao, at noon, Hu Yuan went out, leading his father's troops who were beating drums. The various troops also came out beating drums and making an uproar on their own. Although there was no one who commanded them, they rushed along toward the walled city. At that time, Zhong Hui was giving armor and weapons to Jiang Wei. Someone reported that there was a hubbub outside resembling that of a conflagration. After a while there came another report that the troops were proceeding toward the city walls.

Astonished, Zhong Hui said to Jiang Wei, “The troops are coming with some sinister intention. What shall we do?” Jiang Wei said, “There is nothing else to do but strike at them.” Zhong Hui sent his troops to kill the yamen and prefects he had until then held in confinement. Those within, however, piled up desks to blockade the doors. The troops attempted to hew the doors down, but could not break them open. Meanwhile, those outside the city gates scaled the walls with ladders, set fire to the walls and, in disorder, rushed in like a mass of ants. Arrows poured down like raindrops. The yamen and Prefects climbed to the roofs of the houses and came out; they then joined their own troops. Leading his attendants, Jiang Wei fought, killing five or six men by his own hand. The mass of troops grappled Jiang Wei and killed him, then rushed along and killed Zhong Hui. At that time, Zhong Hui was forty years old. Of Zhong Hui's generals and troops, several hundred were killed.

They killed the Crown Prince of Han, Liu Xuan, as well as Jiang Wei's wife and children. [17] The troops plundered, and the bodies of the dead were strewn everywhere. [18] Wei Guan directed the various generals and, in a few days, order was restored.

14. The generals and troops of Deng Ai's own camp had pursued Deng Ai, who was in a cage cart, and were bringing him back. [1] Wei Guan, thinking to himself that it was he and Zhong Hui who had brought ruin to Deng Ai, feared that he might turn against him. He also wanted to take for himself alone the credit of having put Zhong Hui to death. He therefore sent the hujun Tian Xu and others to lead troops and assault Deng Ai; they met him west of Mianzhu, where they killed Deng Ai and his son. [4]

15. When Deng Ai entered Jiangyou, Tian Xu did not advance; Deng Ai wanted to kill Tian Xu but pardoned him afterwards. Sending Tian Xu on the mission, Wei Guan said to him, “You may now vindicate the disgrace you suffered at Jiangyou.”

The zhangshi to the zhenxi jiangjun Du Yu spoke to the multitude, “Boyu will not be able to escape calamity. Being a man of renown and enjoying a high position, he not only does not speak any virtuous words but also does not guide his subordinates to do what is right. Being a mean man, he assumes the appearance of a superior man. How is he going to sustain the responsibility?” Hearing of this, Wei Guan went to thank Du Yu without waiting for his carriage to take him. Du Yu was a son of Du Shu. [8]

16. The other sons of Deng Ai, who were in Luoyang, were all put to death. Deng Ai's wife and his grandchildren were banished to Xicheng.

17. Zhong Hui's elder brother Zhong Yu once spoke secretly to the Duke of Jin, “Zhong Hui is crafty and one cannot vouch for his honesty. He should not be given too much trust.” [2]

At the time of Zhong Hui's rebellion, Zhong Yu was already dead. [3] In memory of Zhong Yu's achievements and Zhong Yu's worthiness, the Duke of Jin gave a special pardon to Zhong Yu's sons, Zhong Jun and Zhong Qian, allowing them to retain their official positions and enfeoffments. [4]

18. Zhong Hui's gongcao Xiang Xiong collected and buried Zhong Hui's corpse. The Duke of Jin summoned and reproved him, “Formerly when Wang Jing died, you mourned him at the East Market, but I did not take notice. Now, Zhong Hui has become a rebel and a traitor, yet you collected and buried his corpse without ado. Were I to tolerate this again, what would become of the laws of the land?”

Xiang Xiong said, “In ancient times, the former kings covered skeletons and buried corpses, their benevolence affecting desiccated bones. Did they first determine their merits and demerits before they collected and buried them? Now that the proper punishment of the land has been applied to Zhong Hui, the requirements of the law are fulfilled. Motivated by a sense of propriety, I have collected and buried him; this does not injure the sages' instructions. Thus, the law is enforced from on high, and the sages' instructions are spread below.

Since the world is thus instructed, is it not fine? Why must you let me betray the dead and act against the living as a means of maintaining myself in this world? Your Excellency would be hostile to desiccated bones and throw them into the wilderness. You will be ridiculed even by menials after a hundred generations. Can this be the goal of a benevolent and worthy man?” The Duke of Jin was pleased and dismissed him after having talked with him in a friendly manner.

19. Second month. On the day bingchen (April 9), the Emperor returned to Luoyang.

20. On the day gengshen (April 13), the Empress Yuan, Consort of Mingdi, was buried.

21. Liu Shan had the taishou of Badong, Luo Xian of Xiangyang, lead two thousand men to guard Yong'an. [1] Hearing that Chengdu had fallen to the enemy, under-officials and the people were seized by panic. [2] Luo Xian beheaded a man who said that Chengdu was in disorder, after which the people became calm again. When he received Liu Shan's command [3], he led forth his subordinates and troops to Duting (in Yong'an), where they wailed for three days. Hearing that Shu was overthrown, the Wu sent troops to the West; nominally the move was meant to give reinforcements, but actually their purpose was to assault Luo Xian.

Luo Xian said, “Now that our State is overthrown, the Wu, who are as closely connected to us as lips are to teeth, will not pity us in our adversity but try to seize some profit by breaking the covenant; they are most iniquitous. Furthermore, our Han having perished, will the Wu last long? Should we compel ourselves to surrender to the Wu?” He persisted in the defense of the city, repaired their armor, and conveyed his intention to the generals and troops, with whom he took an oath; there were none that did not express their indignation.

The Wu heard that Zhong Hui and Deng Ai had perished and consequently the hundred cities of Shu had no master; they harbored the ambition to annex Shu. But Ba-dong was strongly defended, so that their troops could not pass. And so they had their fujun Bu Xie lead the troops westward. Luo Xian's strength did not suffice to ward them off. [9] He sent his canjun Yang Cong to break through the siege and go northward to ask the andong jiangjun Chen Qian for help. He also sent the seals of civil and military officials (including his own), as well as his sons as hostages, to the Duke of Jin. Bu Xie attacked Yong'an. Luo Xian fought with him and inflicted a heavy defeat on him. The Sovereign of Wu was vexed at this and further sent the chenjun Lu Kang and others with thirty thousand men to strengthen the siege against Xian.

22. Third month. ON the day dingchou (April 30), the sigong Wang Xiang was appointed to be taiyu, the zhengbei jiangjun He Ceng to be situ, and the shangshu zuo puyi Xun Yi to be sigong.

23. On the day jimao (May 2), the rank of the Duke of Jin was advanced to that of Prince of Jin, with an additional ten prefectures as his fief.

24. Wang Xiang, He Ceng, and Xun Yi together visited the Prince of Jin to congratulate him. Xun Yi said to Wang Xiang, “The Prince, the xiangguo, is an exalted personage. Lord He Ceng as well as the officials of the entire Court have all paid respect to him. Today I intend to go with you and bow to him. Please have no suspicion.” Wang Xiang said, “The xiangguo, to be sure, is exalted, but after all he is a mere Prime Minister of Wei. We on the other hand are Three Ducal Ministers of Wei. The distance between a Prince and Ducal Ministers is merely one degree; in the official hierarchy there is, in the main, no difference. Must the Three Ducal Ministers of the Son of Heaven bow to other people? The renown of the Wei court will be thereby lessened and the virtue of the Prince of Jin will be depreciated. The superior man loves another by acting in conformity with propriety.”

When they entered the palace of the Prince of Jin, Xun Yi bowed, but Wang Xiang alone saluted him by holding up his hands. The Prince said to Wang Xiang, “Today I know how much you are concerned about me.”

25. Liu Shan and all the members of his family moved eastward to Luoyang. There was much disorder at that time and the matter hurried along; none of the ministers of Liu Shan followed in his suite. Only the bishu ling Qi Zheng and the tianzhong du Zhang Dong of Runan left their wives and children behind and followed Liu Shan by themselves. Thanks to the proper guidance given him by Qi Zheng, Liu Shan was saved from committing any error in his conduct. Being touched, he sighed, regretting that he had not prized Qi Zheng earlier {when} [people of the time commended him].

26. When the taishou of Jianning in Han, Huo Yi, who was acting as dudu in Nanzhong, heard that the Wei troops were coming, he wanted to come to Chengdu. [1] On the grounds that preparations against the enemy were all settled, Liu Shan did not permit it. When Chengdu capitulated, Huo Yi put on a white mourning garment and wailed for three days. His subordinate generals all advised Huo Yi to surrender speedily to the Wei. Huo Yi said, “Now, communication is cut off and we do not know whether the Sovereign is safe or not. To surrender is a serious matter; one should not do so too rashly. I the Wei treat our Sovereign in accordance with propriety, it would not be too late to surrender after defending the territory for some time. Should he be treated dishonorably, we shall resist until we die. It is immaterial whether late or early.”

Only when the news came to him that Liu Shan was moving eastward did he, at the head of the generals and troops of the six prefectures, send up a memorial [7] to the Wei throne, “I, Your Subject, have heard that one ought to treat the three kinds of persons in an identical manner: [8] When they are in adversity, one must sacrifice one's own life. Now, my country has perished and my Sovereign pays allegiance to you; there is no reason for me to die. Therefore, I surrender and shall not be disloyal.” The Prince of Jin commended him, and appointed him duyu of Nanzhong, entrusting him with his former duties.

27. On the day dinghai (May 10), Liu Shan was enfeoffed as Duke of Anle. His sons and grandsons as well as his former officials, more than fifty in all, were enfeoffed as Lords. [2]

28. The Prince of Jin entertained Liu Shan and had the music of the Former State of Shu played for him. The entire audience was touched, but Liu Shan laughed merrily as if nothing had happened. The Prince spoke to Jia Chong, “That a man should be so without feeling as this! Even Zhuge Liang in his day was not able to give such guidance as would sustain him for long. How much less then can Jiang Wei do this?” Jia Chong said, “If he were not so, how could your Highness have annexed his territory?” On another day, the Prince asked Liu Shan, “Do you give some thought to Shu?” Liu Shan said, “I am so pleased here that I do not think of Shu.” Hearing of this, Qi Zheng spoke to Liu Shan, “If the prince asks you again, you must weep and reply, 'The grave of my father is in distant Min-Shu. My heart, being in the west, is sad; a single day does not pass that I do not think of it.' After this, you must close your eyes.” The Prince happened to ask him again; Liu Shan answered as he was told to do. The Prince said, “How like Qi Zheng does this sound?” Liu Shan was astonished and said, “To be sure, it is as you say.” The attendants all burst out laughing.

29. Summer, fourth month (May 13-June 11). Wang Zhi, the xinfu du (Commander of the Recently Surrendered) sailed on the sea and entered Gouchang in Wu, bringing back its chief official as well as more than two hundred men and women captives.

30. Fifth month. On the day gengshen (June 12), the Prince of Jin memorialized that the system of five ranks be restored;[1] the jidu and higher officials, more than six hundred men, were enfeoffed. [2]

31. On the day jiaxu (June 26), the reign title was altered from Jingyuan to Xianxi.

32. On the day guiwei (July 5), the Lord of Wenxuan of Wuyang, Sima Yi, was posthumously enfeoffed as Prince Xuan of Jin, and the Lord of Zhongwu (of Wuyang), Sima Shi as Prince Jing of Jin.

33. Luo Xian had been under attack for six months, but no reinforcements came. Within the city, more than half of the people were ill. Someone advised Luo Xian to desert the city and take to flight. [2] Luo Xian said, “As the master of a city, I am one to whom the people look up. To be unable to rescue them from danger and yet to flee in times of urgency, this is not what a superior man will do. I shall die here.”

Chen Qian asked the Prince of Jin to send the cishi of Jingzhou, Hu Lie, with twenty thousand infantrymen and cavalrymen to attack Xiling in order to rescue Luo Xian.

Autumn, seventh month (August 10-September 7). The Wu army retreated. [5] The Prince of Jin let Luo Xian keep his former post, appointed him lingjiang jiangjun and enfeoffed him as Lord of Wannian ting.

34. The Prince of Jin memorialized that the sigong Xun Yi fix the rituals, the zhonghu jun Jia chong rectify the laws, the shangshu puyi Pei Xiu discuss the official hierarchy, with the taibao Zheng Zhong superintending them all.

35. The Wu partitioned Jiaozhou and named this portion Guangzhou.

36. Gravely ill, the sovereign of Wu could not speak. IN his own hand, he wrote a letter summoning the chengxiang Puyang Xing to his presence. He ordered his son Sun Wan to come and bow to him. Grasping Puyang Xing's arm, Sun Xiu pointed to Sun Wan, thus entrusting him to his care.

37. On the day guiwei (November 3), the Sovereign of Wu died; he was canonized Jingdi. [1] The myriad officials proffered the title of Empress Dowager to the Empress Ju.

38. Because the Shu had recently perished and Jiaozhi had fallen into the hands of the rebels, and the entire country was seized by fear, the Wu wanted to have an adult Sovereign. The zuo dianjun Wan Yu was once ling (Magistrate) of Wuchang and maintained friendly relations with the Lord of Wuchang Sun Hao; he praised Sun Hao as possessing bright talents and sound judgment, a veritable peer of Prince Huan of Changsha (Sun Ce), and furthermore as fond of study and observant of the laws of the land. He spoke of him frequently to the chengxiang Puyang Xing and the zuo jiangjun Zhang Bu. Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu told the Empress Dowager Ju that they wanted to make Sun Hao successor to the throne. The Empress Dowager Ju said, “I am only a widow; how can I know anything of matters that concern the State? If the State of Wu does not perish and the Ancestral Temple has its support, that will be fine.” They thereupon welcomed Sun Hao to the throne; the reign title was altered to Yuanxing and a general amnesty was granted. [9]

39. Eighth month. ON the day gengyin (September 10), the zhongfu jun Sima Yan was appointed assistant to the xiangguo.

40. When Zhong Hui was attacking Han, Xin Xianying said, “Zhong Hui is ambitious and presumptuous. He is not one to remain a subordinate to others. I am afraid that he has other aims.” Yang Hu said, “Aunt, do not speak of it to others.”

Zhong Hui asked to have her son, the langzhong Yang Xiu, as his canjun. Xin Xianying was worried and said, “The other day I was worried about the State, but calamity has today fallen upon our family.” Yang Xiu earnestly petitioned the Prince of Jin, but the Prince would not hear of his refusal. Xin Xianying said to Yang Xiu, “You may go, but be cautious. The superior man of antiquity behaved filially towards his parents when he was at home and served the State loyally when he went out. Occupying an official position, he thought of his duties; in regard to righteousness, he thought of where he stood. The only thing that will preserve you while you are in the army is benevolence and magnanimity. May you be prudent.”

Yang Xiu in the end returned safely. ON the day guisi (September 13), the Emperor, in an edict, conferred the title of a Guannei Lord on Yang Xiu because he had remonstrated with Zhong Hui not to rebel. [11]

41. Ninth month. ON the day wuwu (October 8), the zhongfu jun Sima Yan was appointed fujun da jiangjun.

42. On the day xinwei (October 21), the Emperor, in an edict, appointed Lü Xing to be annan jiangjun and dudu of all the armed forces in Jiaozhou, and the jianjun of Nanzhong Huo Yi to be cishi of Jiaozhou with the authorization to appoint his own under officials. [1] Huo Yi, in a memorial, reported that he had appointed Cuan Gu of Jianning to be taishou of Jiaozhi and made him lead the yamen Dong Yuan, Mao Gui, Meng Gan, Meng Cong, Cuan Neng, Li Song, Wang Su, et al. With troops to give reinforcement to Lü Xing; before they arrived, Lü Xing was killed by his gongcao Li Tong. [2]

43. The Sovereign of Wu demoted the Empress Dowager Ju to Jing Huanghou (Empress Consort of Jing Huangdi), canonized his father Sun He as Wen Huangdi, and conferred the title of Empress Dowager on his mother He.

44. Winter, tenth month. On the day dinghai (November 6), the Emperor in an edict appointed the captives from Shouchun, the canjun, to the xiangguo of Wu, Xu Shao, to the post of sanji changshi and the shuicaoyuan Sun Yu to that of jishi huangmen shilang, and sent them to Wu as envoys; those members of their families who were here in Wei were all allowed to go with them, and the envoys were not obliged to return, so that our trust and confidence might be widely spread. [1] The Prince of Jin on this occasion sent a letter to the Sovereign of Wu admonishing him where the latter's interests lay. [2]

45. The Prince of Jin had married a daughter of Wang Su; she gave birth to Sima Yan and Sima Yu. [2] Sima Yu was made heir by Prince Jing (i.e. Sima Shi). By nature, Sima Yu was filial and fraternal; he was versatile in his talents, and was quiet and balanced, fair and just; hence his fame surpassed that of Sima Yan. [4] The Prince of Jin loved him and used to say, “The Empire is Prince Jing's. I am now serving as Prime Minister in proxy, but after my death the great function will be handed over to Sima Yu.” [5] When Sima Yan stood, his hair touched the ground and his hands reached his knees. [6] Once he quietly asked Pei Xiu, “Is there such a thing as a man's physiognomy?,” and showed him his extraordinary physiognomy; from then on, Pei Xiu's heart inclined toward him. [7] Yang Xiu, who was a good friend of Sima Yan, schemed for Sima Yan; he observed what measures should be introduced or rejected in government and let Sima Yan commit them all to memory, so that he was ready to answer any question the Prince of Jin might ask him. [8]

The Prince of Jin wanted to appoint Sima Yu as Crown Prince. Shan Tao said, “It is against the rules of propriety as well as inauspicious to dismiss the elder and appoint the younger.” [10] Jia Chong said, “The zhongfu jun Sima Yan possesses the virtues of a Sovereign; he should not be replaced.” [11] He Ceng and Pei Xiu said, “The Zhongfu Jun {Sima Yan} is intelligent and far-sighted, and gifted with godlike prowess. People look up to him; thus is his Heaven-endowed appearance. His is certainly not the physiognomy of a subject of a Sovereign.”

And so the Prince of Jin made up his mind. On the day bingwu (November 25), he appointed Sima Yan as Crown Prince.

46. The Sovereign of Wu enfeoffed the Crown Prince Sun Wan and his three younger brothers as feudal princes, [1] and enthroned his consort Deng as Empress.

47. When the Sovereign of Wu first acceeded to the throne, he issued edicts written in benign language, which soothed the gentry and the people; he opened State granaries to give relief to the poverty stricken, selected and sent out palace-ladies to marry them to those who had no wives, and released all the birds and quadrupeds that were being kept in the Imperial park. At this time, he widely enjoyed the reputation of being an enlightened Sovereign.

48. But when he had attained his aims, he became coarse and wild, arrogant and haughty; he abhorred and shunned many things superstitiously, and was fond of wine and women. High and low, all were disappointed in him.

Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu privately regretted having brought him to the throne. Someone slandered them to the Sovereign of Wu. Eleventh month. ON the first day of the month (December 6), Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu entered the Court to pay homage to their Sovereign on the day of the new moon. The Sovereign of Wu seized them and banished them to Guangzhou; on the way thither, he had them killed, and exterminated the members of their families to the third degree. [4]

He appointed the father of the Empress, Deng Mu, to be wei jiangjun and lu shangshu shi. Deng Mu was of the clan of Teng Yin. [5]

49. IN this year, officials in charge of agricultural colonies were dismissed, in order that governmental functions be systematized. The diannong zhonglangjiang were all reappointed as taishou (prefects) and the diannong duyu were all reappointed as ling or zhang (District Magistrates). Encouragement was given the Shu to migrate inland (i.e. to Central China) by the promise of free distribution of provisions for two years and exemption from taxation for twenty years.


===================

Chapter 45
First Year of Xianxi (264 AD)
Wu: First Year of Yuanxing

1. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu. The date renchen is not in the first month, for it is the second day of the second month (March 16). It must be read renxu, which is the first day of the first month (February 15), as Pan Mei suggests.

2. From SGZ and Jin Shu.

2.1 Biography of Zhong Hui, where it reads: “Thereupon the Emperor, in an edict, commanded that Deng Ai should return to the capital in a cage-cart. Sima Wenwang feared that Deng Ai might not obey the command and so ordered Zhong Hui to advance with his troops to Chengdu.”

2.2 This is Sima Guang's own sentence, derived from the passage given in note 8.7. Jin Shu, Biography of Jia Chong has: “When Zhong Hui revolted in Shu, Wendi conferred the Tally on Jia Chong and had him command, in the capacity of his original office, the various troops of Guanzhong and Longyou to go westward to occupy Hanzhong. Before he reached his destination, Zhong Hui died.”

3. SGZ reads: “On the day jiazi (February 17), the Emperor went to Chang'an.” Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi, gives a more detailed account and also a different date: “In the first year of Xianxi, in spring, in the first month, Deng Ai was ordered to return in a cage-cart. On the day yichou (February 18), Wendi, together with the Son of Heaven, started on a western expedition. They halted at Chang'an. At this time, the various princes and lords of Wei were all in the city of Ye. He appointed the congshi zhonglang Shan Tao to serve as Acting jun sima and stationed him at Ye. He sent the hujun Jia Chong with Tally (chijie), to lead the various troops and occupy Hanzhong. Zhong Hui eventually revolted in Shu. The jianjun Wei Guan and the you jiangjun Hu Lie attacked Zhong Hui and killed him.”

4. Jin Shu, Biography of Shan Tao states: “When Zhong Hui started his rebellion in Shu, Wendi was about to conduct a western expedition. At that time, the various princes and dukes of the blood of Wei were in Ye. Wendi spoke to Shan Tao, 'I shall manage the western affair myself; I entrust you entirely with the remaining matters.' He then appointed him to serve, in the capacity of his original office, as Acting jun sima, gave him five hundred men of his own troops, and stationed him at Ye.”

The Imperial princes of Wei had been concentrated in Ye since 251 AD.


5. From the Jin shu, Biography of the Empress Ming named Wang, Consort of Mingdi. The biography states that she died in the fourth year of Taishi. She must have lived 217-268 AD.

5.2 Jin shu states: “The Empress Ming, named Wang, was named Yuanji; she was from Tan in Donghai. Her father Wang Su was zhonglingjun and Lord of Lanling in Wei.”

6. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

6.3 Hu Sanxing writes, “It was ordained in Wei times that any general who went on a campaign had to leave his family behind as hostages, but Zhong Hui did not have any sons or younger brothers. Hence the sentence here.”

7. From the Jin shu, Biography of Wei Guan.

7.1 Jin shu has: “The Emperor, in an edict, commanded that he (Deng Ai) should return to the capital in a cage-cart. Zhong Hui sent Wei Guan ahead to arrest Deng Ai.”

7.4 SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui gives a slightly different account: “The jianjun Wei Guan went ahead of Zhong Hui. He showed an order of Sima Wenwang written in his own hand to exhort Deng Ai's army. Deng Ai's troops all laid down their arms; in the end he arrested Deng Ai and put him in a cage-cart.”

8. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui. SGZ Biography of Jiang Wei reads: “Through Zhong Hui's impeachment of Deng Ai, it was ordered that Deng Ai should return to the capital in a cage-cart. He then led Jiang Wei and others and came to Chengdu, where he proclaimed himself mu (Governor) of Yizhou and rebelled. He wanted to give Jiang Wei fifty thousand men and make him serve as his vanguard.”

9. From SGZ

10. Sima Guang's own sentence derived from the Jin shu, Biography of Wei Guan.

11. From the Huayang Guozhi.

11.1 Huayang Guozhi: “Jiang Wei told Zhong Hui to kill all the generals from the North; he wanted, once they were killed, to kill Zhong Hui at the proper occasion and massacre all the Wei troops, and thus to restore the Shu throne.” A different edition of Huayang Guozhi, however, has: “Jiang Wei failed in his strategy, but he then knew that Zhong Hui cherished a great ambition. He told Zhong Hui to kill all the northern generals; he wanted, once these generals were killed, to kill Zhong Hui at the proper occasion and bury alive all the Wei troops, and thus to reinstate the Second Sovereign.”

12. Sima Guang's own sentence.

13. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

13.3 The name Hu Yuan is omitted in SGZ. Sima Guang supplements it from the Jin ju gong can, where it reads: “The ming of Hu Lie's son was Yuan, with Shiyuan as his zi. He was a grandson of Hu Cun...Hu Yuan's baby zi was Yaochi (“Eagle”). At this time, he was eighteen years old. Because he had killed Zhong Hui and rescued his father, his renown spread far and near.” This Hu Yuan must have been born in 247 AD.

13.17 SGZ, Biography of the Crown Prince Liu Xuan states: “In the sixth year of Jingyao, in winter, Shu perished. In the first year of Xianxi, in the first month, Zhong Hui rebelled in Chengdu. Liu Xuan was killed by the rebellious troops.” SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei reads: “The Wei generals and troops exerted their strength and killed Zhong Hui as well as Jiang Wei; Jiang Wei's wife and children were all put to death.”

The Shi yu states: “After his death, Jiang Wei's body was opened; his gall bladder was as big as a bushel.” Sima Guang in his Zizhi Tongjian kao yi quotes this passage and writes, “A thing as large as a bushel cannot be contained in a human body. I suspect that 'bushel' is an error for 'pint.'” By this exaggerated story of the size of the gall bladder, the idea is conveyed that Jiang Wei was very courageous, the size of the gall bladder being always taken as an index of one's courage.

Sima Guang also quotes the following two passages. One is from the Jin shu, Biography of Wei Guan: “Zhong Hui then summoned all the generals, Hu Lie and others, seized them and imprisoned them in the government buildings of Yizhou. He mobilized his troops and rebelled. Thereupon, the troops all wanted to return; there was disturbance everywhere and general panic reigned. Zhong Hui detained Wei Guan as his advisor. He wrote down his orders on a tablet, saying that he wanted to kill Hu Lie and others. He raised the tablet and showed it to Wei Guan. Wei Guan would not agree to this. And so there was suspicion between them.

When Wei Guan went to relieve himself, he met a former subordinate of Hu Lie. He had him proclaim to the army that Zhong Hui had rebelled. Zhong Hui pressed Wei Guan to make a decision. Throughout the night they did not sleep keeping their swords on their laps. Meanwhile the troops had conspired together to attack Zhong Hui. But Wei Guan had not come out, and they did not dare to start precipitously. Zhong Hui sent Wei Guan to go out and pacify the troops. Really wanting to go, Wei Guan wished to confirm Zhong Hui's permission, saying, 'You are the chief of the army, hence you ought to go yourself.' Zhong Hui said, 'Since you are in charge of supervision, you ought to go first. I will come after.' Then Wei Guan left the hall. Zhong Hui regretted that he had sent him and he recalled Wei Guan. Wei Guan excused himself saying that he had a sudden swooning spell and pretended to fall down on the ground. He was out of the building some tens of steps when the pursuers reached him.

Having reached an exterior building, Wei Guan drank a salt solution and vomitted greatly. Being a man of weak constitution, Wei Guan looked as if he were seriously ill. Zhong Hui sent his trusted men and a physician to see how he was; they all said that he was seriously ill. Hence Zhong Hui did not fear Wei Guan any more. Towards evening, when the gates were closed, Wei Guan issued a proclamation to the troops; the troops had, all of them, already risen against the rebellion. At dawn, they all attacked Zhong Hui. Leading his attendants, Zhong Hui fought; the generals struck at him and defeated him. Only several hundred men belonging to Zhong Hui's own barracks were running around the buildings with Zhong Hui. They were all killed.”

The next passage quoted by Sima Guang is from the Huayang Guozhi, where it reads: “After the Empress Dowager of Wei had died, Zhong Hui ordered the generals to observe mourning for her and wanted to kill them on this occasion. Half the generals had entered, when the taishou of Nan'an Hu Lie et al., who knew of the plot, set fire to the eastern gate of Chengdu and fell upon and killed Zhong Hui as well as Jiang Wei, Zhang Yi and the Crown Prince of the Second Sovereign, Liu Xuan. The troops plundered; after a few days order was restored.”

Having quoted these two passages, Sima Guang writes that he follows the story as given in Sanguozhi.

13.18 From SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, where it reads: “In the following year, in spring, in the first month, Deng Ai was arrested and Zhong Hui came from Fou to Chengdu, where he started a rebellion. Zhong Hui having died, the troops in Shu plundered, and the bodies of the dead were strewn everywhere; order was restored in a few days.

14. From the Jin Shu. The section is also partly from SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai, where it reads: “The generals and troops of Deng Ai's own camp had pursued Deng Ai's cage cart and were bringing him back. Wei Guan sent Tian Xu and others to attack Deng Ai; they met him west of Mianzhu, where they killed him. His son Deng Zhong also died with Deng Ai. His other sons who were in Luoyang were all put to death; Deng Ai's wife and grandchildren were banished to the Western Regions.”

14.1 Jin shu has: “The generals and troops of Deng Ai's own camp pursued him; they broke open the cage-cart and released Deng Ai. They were returning to Chengdu.”

14.4 Jin shu has: “He therefore sen the hujun Tian Xu; they came to Mianzhu, where by night they assaulted Deng Ai at Sancaoting and killed Deng Ai and his son Deng Zhong.”

15. From the Han Jin chunqiu. The first paragraph is also given in the Jin shu, Biography of Wei Guan.

15.8 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. For Du Shu, see his biography appended to that of his father Du Ji in SGZ. Du Yu is the famous commentator of the Zuozhuan. His biography in the Jin shu states: “Du Yu, zi Yuankai, was a man of Duling in Jingzhao. His grandfather Du Ji was shangshu puyi of Wei, and his father Du Shu was cishi of Yuzhou. When Zhong Hui attacked Shu, Du Yu was appointed zhangshi ot the zhenxi jiangjun. When Zhong Hui rebelled, all his subordinate officials met their death, but Du Yu alone was able to escape the calamity through his wisdom.”

16. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai. Besides Deng Zhong who died together with his father and the other sons left in Luoyang, there could not have been any other sons of Deng Ai left alive. It must be noted that SGZ has characters that are generally translated as Western regions, meaning Chinese Turkestan in place of characters which Hu Sanxing in his commentary locates in Weixingjun.

17. From SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui.

17.2 The Han Jin chunqiu states: “Sima Wenwang commended his loyalty and sincerity; laughing, he replied to Zhong Yu, 'If things should turn out as you say, I promise that your family will not be affected.'” Sima Zhao meant that should Zhong Hui turn out to be a rebel, the punishment would not be meted out to Zhong Yu's family.

17.3 Sgz notes: “Zhong Hui's elder brother Zhong Yu died in the winter of the fourth year of Jingyuan (263 AD), so that Zhong Hui never heard of it.” {He was campaigning in Shu}

17.4 This is Sima Guang's own sentence, rewritten from the following passage in SGZ: “Zhong Yong, a son of Zhong Hui's elder brother, was with Zhong Hui and died together with him. Zhong Yi, another son of his elder brother who had been adopted by Zhong Hui, and two other sons of his elder brother, Zhong Jun and Zhong Qian, were sent to prison; they were to be put to death. Through Sima Wenwang's memorial, the Son of Heaven issued the following edict, 'Zhong Yao, the grandfather of Zhong Jun et al., served as Highest Minister throughout the reign of the Three Ancestors (Wudi, Wendi and Mingdi). He achieved much by assisting them, and his table is placed in the Ancestral Temple. Their father Zhong Yu served both within and without the palace and achieved excellent results. Of old, the Chu, in remembrance of the good rule of Ziwen, did not exterminate the heirs of the Dou; the Jin, in consideration of the loyalty of the Zhao. I am grieved to exterminate the scions of Zhong Yao and Zhong Yu because of the crimes of Zhong Hui and Zhong Yong. The brothers Zhong Jun and Zhong Qian shall be given a special pardon, retaining their official positions and enfeoffments.

But Zhong Yi and Zhong Yong's children shall be punished by death.'” After this there follows the passage given in the first paragraph of this section.

18. From the Han Jin Chunqiu.

19. The Jin Shu only states that it was Sima Zhao who returned, but as this ambitious and vigilant minister would not let the puppet Emperor alone, it is certain that he and the Emperor came back together, hence the ZZTJ sentence.

20. From SSGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

21. From the Xiangyang ji, where the following passage precedes: “Luo Xian, zi Lingze. His father Luo Meng came from Xiangyang to Shu as a refugee from disorder and attained the official post of taishou of Guanghan. While still young, Luo Xian became famous through his talents and learning. At the age of thirteen, he could compose literary pieces. When the Second Sovereign became Crown Prince, he became shren to the Crown Prince, then was promoted to be his shuren and finally libulang in the shangshu. In the capactiy of xuanxin jiaoyu, he went to Wu twice as an envoy; the Wu praised him. At that time, Huang Hao was participating in government, and the multitude attached itself to him. But Luo Xian stood apart, hence Huang Hao disliked him and demoted him to the post of taihou of Ba-dong.”

Jin shu, Biography of Luo Xian, gives a similar story. Evidently the Jin Shu here is derived from the Xiangyang ji.

21.1 Xiangyang ji has: “At that time, the you da jiangjun Yan Yu took command of the troops in Ba-dong as lingjun. The Second Sovereign appointed Luo Xian to be Yan Yu's assistant. When the Wei attacked Shu, he recalled Yan Yu to the west. Yan Yu left his two thousand men behind and ordered Luo Xian to guard the city of Yong'an with them.”

21.2 Xiangyang ji has: “Soon afterwards, it was reported that Chengdu had fallen to the enemy; within the city there was a panic, and the officials of the cities along the Jiang deserted their posts and the cities.”

21.3 This refers to the command issued by the Second Sovereign to his generals to lay down their arms.

21.9 “From his position along the Jiang, Luo Xian resisted them by shooting arrows, but could not ward them off.”

22. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

23. From SGZ, where it reads: “On the day jimao, the rank of the Duke of Jin was advanced to that of Prince and ten prefectures were (additionally) given him as his fief, amounting in all to twenty prefectures.”

24. From the Han Jin chunqiu. The story is also reproduced, in an abridged form, in the Jin Shu, Biography of Wang Xiang. A similar story is told of different persons in the Jin shu, Biography of He Ceng. “When Wendi became Prince of Jin, He Ceng, Gao Rou, and Zheng Chong, who were of the rank of the Three Ducal Ministers, visited him; He Ceng alone paid him extreme obeisance while the other two saluted him by holding up their hands.” But Gao Rou had died in the preceding year (see 263 AD, Section 12)!

25. From SGZ, Biography of Qi Zheng.

26. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

26.1 Han Jin chunqiu has: “Huo Yi heard that the Wei army was coming. Huo Yi wanted to come to Chengdu.” SGZ, Biography of Huo Yi appended to that of his father Huo Jun states: “Huo YI was promoted to the post of jianjun jiangjun and was appointed taishou of Jianning. Returning to his post, he directed affairs in Nanzhong. In the sixth year of Jingyao, his rank was advanced to that of annan jiangjun. In this year, Shu was annexed to Wei. Huo Yi and the lingjun of Badong, Luo Xian, of Xiangyang, defended their respective territories and came over to offer allegiance to Wei. Both had their original posts conferred upon them and were given favorable treatment.”

26.7 Hu Sanxing writes that whereas Nanzhong consists of seven prefectures, the text here mentions six, the explanation being that Yuehui had already surrendered. The seven prefectures are Zhuti, Yuehui, Cangke, Jianning, Xinggu, Yongchang and Yunnan..

26.8 The three kinds of persons are: sovereigns, parents and teachers.

27. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu. This Anle refers to Anlexian, in Yuyangjun, which had been restored in the second year of Jingchu.

27.2 SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign reads: “Liu Shan was given ten thousand households as his appanage as well as ten thousand pieces of silk and one hundred male and female slaves, also other things proportionate to these. His sons and grandsons became sanduyu and more than fifty men were enfeoffed as Lords, the shangshuling Fan Jian, the shizhong Zhang Shao, the guanglu dafu Qiao Zhou, the bishulin Qi Zheng, and the tianzhongdu Zhang Tong being all enfeoffed as Lords.”

As the Huayang Guozhi states, the Liu controlled Shu for fifty years and ruled as Emperors for forty-two years (221-263 AD).

28. From the Han Jin chunqiu.

29. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, where it reads: “In summer, in the fourth month, the Wei general Wang Zhi, the xinfudu went by sea and entered Gouzhang; he seized its chief official Shang Lin as well as more than two hundred men and women captives. The jiangjun Sun Yue of Wu intercepted him and captured one boat containing thirty men.”

30. From various sources.

30.1 From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In summer, in the fifth month, on the day gengshen, the xiangguo, Prince of Jin, through...” The five ranks are gong, hou, bo, zi and nan, which may be translated as “Duke, Marquis, Earl, Viscount and Baron.” {In hierarchy, they are ranked in that order. i.e. Duke [gong] is the highest rank, then marquis [hou], etc}

30.2 From the Jin shu, Biography of Pei Xiu, where it reads: “In the beginning of the Xianxi period of Wei, the government was reformed: at that time Xun Yi fixed the rituals and Jia Chong rectified the laws, while Pei Xiu reformed the official hierarchy. Pei Xiu argued for the five grades in ranks; jidu and higher officials, more than six hundred men, were enfeoffed.”

31. From SGZ.

32. From SGZ or Jin Shu. The canonization Wenxuan, here in the ZZTJ sentence, is an error. It should be Xuanwen.

33. From the Xiangyang ji.

33.2 Xiangyang ji has: “Someone advised Luo Xian to take flight.” Jin shu has: “Someone advised him to either go to Cangke in the south or Shangyong in the north so that he might preserve himself.”

33.5 SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu reads: “In autumn, in the seventh month, pirates captured Haiyan and killed the siyan jiaoyu (Salt Commissioner) Luo Xiu. Sun Xiu had the zhongshulang Liu Quan lead forth troops toward the place. Zhang Jie, a many of Yuchang, in Luling, and others started a rebellion; their men amounted to more than ten thousand. The Wei had the jiangjun Hu Lie and twenty thousand cavalrymen and infantryment invade Xiling in order to rescue Luo Xian. Lu Kang and his men withdrew their troops.”

34. From the Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi, where it reads: “For the first time the division of ranks into five grades was established.” This Jin shu passage gives the impression that the five grades of ranks were introduced only in this month (i.e. the seventh month). In that case, the more than six hundred officials mentioned in Section 30 must have been enfeoffed as Lords only. But the impression given in that section is that their ranks were already divided into five grades. As an explanation it may be suggested that Sima Zhao proposed to introduce the five grades on the day gengshen of the fifth month, but the Emperor gave his approval in the seventh month. But this is not feasible: the puppet Emperor would not wait so long to give his nominal sanction.

Another explanation, more reasonable, is that the phrase of the ranks being established now was added here because it happens to occur in the same context in Pei Xiu's biography. The Jin shu being notoriously unreliable, we may stand by this second explanation and persist in believing that the new system of ranks was actually put into force on the day gengshen of the fifth month.


35. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu: “Jiaozhou was again partitioned and this portion was named Guangzhou.” The word again is used here because Jiaozhou had already been partitioned (see 226 AD, Section 29), and then the newly created Guangzhou was again dissolved (see 226 AD, Section 34). Hu Sanxing is apparenntly forgetful; after giving a history of Jiaozhou in the Han dynasty, he writes in such a way as to give the impression that Jiaozhou was divided into two prefectures only at this time.

36. From the Jiangbiao zhuan.

37. From SGZ

37.1 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu, where it reads: “On the day renwu (September 2), a general amnesty was granted. On the day guiwei (September 3), Sun Xiu died; he was thirty years of age; he was canonized Jinghuangdi.” The general amnesty was the last desperate attempt of Sun Xiu to recover his health; a good deed might contribute to drawing the service of spirits in favor of the dying sovereign. Sun Xiu lived 235-264 AD.

38. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao, where the following passage precedes: “Sun Hao, zi Yuanzong, was a grandson of Sun Quan and a son of Sun He. His other ming was Pengzu, zi Haozong. After Sun Xiu acceded to the throne, he enfeoffed Sun Hao as Lord of Wuchang and sent him to his fief. Jing Yang, a man of Xihu, read the physiognomy of Sun Hao and told him that he would one day attain an exulted position. Secretly happy at this, Sun Hao did not dare to divulge it to others.” SGZ notes: “Sun Xiu died. At that time, Shu had recently perished and Jiaozhi had fallen into the hands of the rebels; the entire country was seized by fear and was desirous of having an adult sovereign.”

38.9 SGZ has: “They thereupon welcomed Sun Hao to the throne; he was twenty-three years of age then. The reign title was altered and a general amnesty was granted. This was the first year of Xianxi of Wei.” Sun Hao then must have been born in 242 AD. The Wu lu has: “In the fifth year of Tianji (281 AD), Sun Hao died in Luoyang.”

the new reign title of Yuanxing is supplemented by Sima Guang from the passage following the one given in the present section; there it reads: “In the first year of Yuanxing, in the eighth month (September 8-October 7), the shang da jiangjun Shi Ji and the da jiangjun Ding Feng were appointed respectively as zuo da sima and you da sima. Zhang Bu attained rank as piaoji jiangjun, with the additional title of shizhong. Officials were promoted in their ranks, all according to precedent.


39. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where the passage is followed by the following sentence: “This was in conformity with the Duke of Lu's appointment of his successor.”

40. From the Shiyu, continuing from the passage given in 249 AD, Section 13. The story is in the Jin Shu, Biography of Xin Xianying.

40.11 This is Sima Guang's own sentence, from the following passage in SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu: “On the day guisi, the Emperor issued an edict, 'Some time ago the disloyal official Zhong Hui plotted rebellion. He convoked an assembly of the generals and troops who had gone with him on the expedition and threatened them with his troops. He then uttered his rebellious plot; his words were atrocious. He coerced the assembled multitude into agreeing with him. Since it was so sudden and unexpected, there was none who was not taken by surprise and seized by fear.

The zuo sima to the xiangguo Xiahou He and the jishicao shu Zhu Fu were at the time in Chengdu as envoys; the sima to the zhonglinjun, Jia Fu, and the langzhong Yang Xiu were both serving as canjun to Zhong Hui. Xiahou He, Yang Xiu and Zhu Fu all persevered in their loyalty without bending, and refuted Zhong Hui's iniquitous words; they did not think of their own persons although they were in danger, and the contents of their words were correct and loyal. Jia Fu told the sanjiang Wang Qi that Zhong Hui was planning rebellion and that he wanted to massacre the generals and troops. He also told him that the xiangguo was on his way to the west with his three hundred thousand men in order to attack Zhong Hui; in saying this, his intention was to move the hearts of the multitude by means of this exaggerated version of the situation. Having gone out, Wang Qi addressed the various troops to exert their strength. They ought to have honors bestowed on them to make the loyal and uprighteous prominent.

Herewith are Xiahou He and Jia Fu enfeoffed as xiang Lords, and Yang Xiu and Zhu Fu as Guannei Lords. Wang Qi spread Jia Fu's words to the generals and troops, hence his rewards should be different; Wang Qi is herewith appointed as buchujiang.”

41. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

42. This section is one which Sima Guang had coordinated out of several contradictory accounts.

42.1 SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu has: “On the day xinwei, the Emperor issued an edict,” and then gives the text of the edict, the first half of which is given in 263 AD, Note 2.5. At the end of this edict it is stated: “Herewith do I appoint Lu Xing to be shichijie, dudu of all the armed forces of Jiaozhou and nanzhong da jiangjun, and enfeoff him as Lord of Dinganxian. He is empowered to act at his own discretion; he may report after he has taken his measures.' This edict of appointment had not yet arrived when Lu Xing was killed by his subordinates.” It does not mention that Lu Xing had been appointed annan jiangjun, which seems to be derived from the Huayang Guozhi and the Jin Shu. Nor does the edict mention that Huo Yi was given an appointment.

42.2 Huayang guozhi states: “At that time, the jianjun of Nanzhong, Huo Yi, in a memorial, reported that he had appointed Zuan Gu of Jianning to be taishou of Jiaozhi and made him lead the yamen jiangjun Dong Yuan, Mao Gui, Meng Gan, Meng Tong, Ts'uan {Zuan??} Xiong, Li Song, Wang Su, et al., of Jianning with troops to attack him; before they arrived, Lu Xing was killed by his subordinate Li Tong.”

In one respect, this passage contradicts the ZZTJ sentence; for here it is said that Huo Yi sent these men to attack Lu Xing, whereas the ZZTJ version has it that they went to help Lu Xing. Sima Guang probably modifies the original version because the Han Jin Chunqiu states: “Afterwards, Huo YI sent generals and troops to give reinforcement to Lu Xing.”

The name of one of the generals, written Zuan Xiong in the Huayang Guozhi passage, is also written Zuan Neng in the Jin Shu, Biography of Tao Huang.

43. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao.

SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu's Consort named Zhu states: “Sun Hao had been on the throne for a month and more when he demoted her to Jinghuanghou and designated her as the Anding Palace.”


44. From SGZ

44.1 From sGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In winter, in the tenth month, on the dai dinghai, the Emperor issued an edict, '...The canjun to the xiangguo Xu Shao and the shuicaoyuan Sun YU were both captured in Shouchun. Xu Shao, originally the du of Nanling, is a man of excellent parts, and Sun Yu, a relative of Sun Quan, was given his post because of his loyal service. Herewith do I send Xu Shao back to the south, with Sun Yu as his lieutenant, to propagate our command to the Wu. What they say will in every case conform to the truth. If they (the Wu) should come to their senses, there will be no need for us to conduct a campaign; to think out excellent policy in the Court is what has been advocated since antiquity.

Herewith do I appoint Xu Shao to be sanji changshi and fengju duyu and enfeoff him as Lord of Duting. I also appointed Sun Yu to be jishi huangmen shilang and enfeoff him as a Guannei Lord. The concubines I have conferred on Xu Shao, et al., and the members of their families, male and female, who happen to be here are all allowed to go along with them, in order to demonstrate our graciousness; and the envoys are not obliged to return, so that our trust and confidence might be widely spread.'”

Hu Sanxing writes that the Wu had not appointed any xiangguo; this title is used here because the Wei themselves had it; it corresponds to the “chengxiang” of the Wu.

44.2 From SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao, under the first year of Yuanxing, where it reads: “In this year, the Wei established the prefecture of Jiaozhi, and the taishou proceeded there to take up his post. Wendi of Jin, in his capacity as xiangguo of Wei, sent the Wu generals who had surrendered at the city of Shouchun, Xu Shao and Sun Yu, with a letter, under his order, to set forth the general situation and interests (of the parties concerned) in order to admonish Sun Hao.” This letter, advising Sun Hao to surrender, is reproduced in the Han Jin Chunqiu.

45. This section is coordinated from various sources.

45.2 From the Jin shu: “Wendi had nine sons. The Empress Ming, Consort of Wendi, named Wang, gave birth to Wudi.”

45.4 Jin Shu, Biography of Prince Xian of Qi, Sima Yu, states: “Prince Xian of Qi, Sima Yu, zi Dayu. While still young, he distinguished himself. When hew grew up, he was quiet and balanced, fair and just; he associated with the worthy and was fond of philanthropy. He loved books and could compose literary pieces; he was skilled in the epistolary style, and his style became a model for the age. His fame surpassed that of Wudi (Sima Yan). Xuandi (Sima YI) always appreciated him. Jingdi (Sima Shi) being without a son, ordered him to become his heir.

He joined in the campaign against Wang Ling; for this service he was enfeoffed as Lord of Changluoting. When Jingdi died (in 255 AD), Sima Yu, only ten years old, moved the attendants by his grief and was greatly praised. He inherited the enfeoffment as Lord of Wuyang and served Empress Xian, Consort of Jingdi, named Yang, in her palace. He was renowned for serving the Empress filially.” (Sima Yu must have been born in 246 AD).

45.5 Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wudi states: “Wu Huangdi, hui Yan, zi Anshi, was the eldest son of Wendi. He was broad-minded and benevolent, grave and tolerant. During the Jiaping period of Wei he was enfeoffed as Lord of Beipingting; he passed through the posts of jishizhong, fengju duyu, zhonglei jiangjun, sanji changshi, and eventually zhonghujun. He was given the Tally (jiajie) to welcome the Duke of Chengdaoxiang from Dong Wuyang. He was then promoted to be zhongfujun and his enfeoffment was advanced to that of Lord of Xinchangxiang. When the State of Jin was founded, he became Crown Prince and was appointed fujun da jiangjun, kaifu, and Assistant Xiangguo.

Now, Wendi, on the grounds that Jingdi, who was the eldest son of Xuandi, had died early without a son, made Wudi's younger brother Sima YU his heir and was especially affectionate toward him. He claimed that he himself was serving as Prime Minister in proxy and that after his death the great function was to be handed over to Sima Yu. He used to say, 'This is Prince Jing's Empire. What have I to do with it?'”

45.6 Jin shu states: “When the question of appointing a Crown Prince was discussed, he (Wendi) was in favor of Sima Yu. He Ceng and others earnestly argued against this, saying, 'The zhongfujun is intelligent, far-sighted, and gifted with godlike prowess; he possesses a talent unsurpassed in the world. His hair touches the ground and his hands reach his knees. This is not the physiognomy of a subject of a sovereign.' And so the question was decided in his favor.”

45.7 Jin shu, Biography of Pei Xiu states: “At first, Wendi did not appoint his heir, but he was favorably inclined toward the Lord of Wuyang Sima Yu. Afraid that he might not be appointed, Wudi asked Peixu, 'Is there such a thing as a man's physiognomy?' He then showed him his extraordinary appearance. Afterward Pei Xiu spoke to Wendi, 'The zhongfujun is not only looked up to by others, but his Heaven-endowed appearance justifies this. His is certainly not the physiognomy of a subject of a sovereign.' And so, the Crown Prince was appointed.”

45.8 Jin shu, Biography of Yang Xiu states: “At first, Wudi had not yet been appointed Crown Prince. His fame was inferior to that of his younger brother Sima Yu. Wendi used to prize Sima Yu and intended to have him, who was heir to another branch, become his successor. Yang Xiu secretly schemed on behalf of Wudi, giving much help; he observed carefully Wendi's management of State affairs and guessed what questions he would ask, and let Wudi commit them all to memory. Afterward when Wendi and Wudi discussed affairs of the day and human affairs in general, Wudi answered everything satisfactorily. And so he became his heir.”

45.10 Jin shu, Biography of Shan Tao states: “Wendi appointed the Prince of Qi (Sima Yu), the heir to Jingdi. He also used to prize Sima Yu. Once he asked Pei Xiu, 'The da jiangjun (i.e. Sima Shi) ladi the foundatioin, without bringing it to completion. As for me, I have only been working on what he left behind. Therefore I shall appoint Sima Yu as my successor, thereby attributing merit to my elder brother Sima Shi. What do you say to this?' Pei Xiu disapproved. He then asked Shan Tao. Shan Tao replied, 'It is against the rules of propriety as well as inauspicious to dismiss the elder and appoint the younger; dangers to the State always come from this.' The position of the Crown Prince was settled. The Crown Prince in person bowed to Shan Tao in gratitude.”

45.11 Jin shu, Biography of Jia Chong states: “At first, Wendi was about to transmit his position to the Lord of Wuyang Sima Yu on the ground that it was Jingdi who had founded the royal work. Jia Chong said that Wudi was magnanimous and benevolent and furthermore was the eldest born, possessing the virtues of a sovereign and hence ought to succeed to the throne.”

46. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao.

46.1 SGZ has: “In the tenth month (November 6-December 5), Sun Hao enfeoffed Sun Xiu's Crown Prince Sun Wan as Prince of Yuzhang, his next son as Prince of Runan, the next as Prince of Liang, and the youngest as Prince of Chen.”

47. From the Jiangbiao zhuan.

48. From SGZ.

48.4 SGZ has: “In the eleventh month (December 6, 264-January 3, 265), he put Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu to death.” The ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Puyang Xing, where it reads: “In the seventh year of Yong'an, in the seventh month, Sun Xiu died. The zuo tianjun Wan Yu, who used to be friendly with the Lord of Wuchang Sun Hao, advised Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu in his favor. Thereupon Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu dismissed Sun Xiu's heir and welcomed Sun Hao to the throne. Having acceded to the throne, Sun Hao conferred the titles shizhong and mu of Qingzhou on Puyang Xing. Soon thereafter, Wan Yu slandered Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu with the charge that they had regretted what they had done. In the eleventh month, on the first day of the month, when they entered the Court, Sun Hao seized Puyang Xing and Zhang Bu and banished them to Guangzhou. He had them pursued and killed them on the way, exterminating the members of their families to the third degree.”

48.5 SGZ has: “In the twelfth month (January 4-February 2, 265 AD, or January 5-February 2, 265 AD, according to the calendar used by the Wu), Sun Xiu was buried in the mausoleum of Dingling. Sun Hao enfeoffed the father of the Empress Teng Mu as Lord of Gaomi, and all his three maternal uncles, He Hong et al., as Lords with appanages.” SGZ, Biography of Sun He's concubine named He states: “Ascending the throne, Sun Hao conferred the title of Zhaoxian Huangdi on his father Sun He. (The Wulu commentary quoted here as commentary states: “Sun Hao first conferred the title of Zhaoxian Huangdi, but soon afterwards altered it to Wenhuangdi”) and that of Zhaoxian Huanghou on his mother, the Concubine named He, designating her as the Shengping Palace.

After a month and more, he advanced her title to that of Empress Dowager and enfeoffed her brothers He Hong as Lord of Yongping, He Jiang as Lord of Liyang, and He Zhi as Lord of Xuancheng. After He Hong's death, his son He Mo succeeded him and became jianjun of Wuling. He was killed by the Jin. He Zhi attained the rank of da situ. At the end of the Wu, when there were troubles and misrule, the He family were arrogant and presumptuous. Their sons and younger brothers acted lawlessly and the people were troubled by them. The people, therefore, spread the rumor that Sun Hao had died a long time before, the man on the throne being a son of the He.”

The ZZTJ sentence is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao's Consort named Teng, where it reads: “Sun Hao's consort named Teng was of the clan of the late taichang Teng Yin. At the time when the members of Teng Yin's family were exterminated, her father Teng Mu was banished to a frontier prefecture because he was distantly related to him. After Sun Xiu came to the throne, a general amnesty was granted and he was allowed to return. Teng Mu was then appointed wuguan zhonglangjiang. Being enfeoffed as Lord of Wucheng, Sun Hao took Teng Mu's daughter as his consort. Acceding to the throne, Sun Hao enthroned her as Empress and enfeoffed Teng Mu as Lord of Gaomi and appointed him wei jiangjun and lu shangshu shi.

Regarding Teng Mu's ming, the Wu li states: “Teng Mu's original ming was Mi; to avoid the ming of Ding Mi, it was altered to Mu. Ding Mi himself altered his ming to Gu in order to avoid Teng Mu's original ming.” Evidently it was after Sun Hao acceded to the throne that Ding Mi altered his ming out of respect for the Empress's father.

49. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.
Last edited by Jordan on Tue Jul 01, 2014 7:01 am, edited 2 times in total.
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Re: Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms (Organized)

Unread postby Jordan » Fri Jan 06, 2012 3:49 pm

First Year of Taishi (265 AD)
Wu: First Year of Ganlu

1. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao.

1.1 SGZ has: “In the third month, Sun Hao sent his envoys in the company of Xu Shao and Sun Yu. The letter of reply to Sima Zhao read: 'I know that you, a man of unsurpassed talents, occupy the position of Prime Minister and are assiduous to the extreme in the guidance of state affairs. I, who am without virtue, have inherited the Imperial line. I consider taking the counsel of the worthy and the good to effect good rule. Since there are obstacles intervening between us, I have not had the opportunity to meet you. Your excellent intention is well displayed in your letter; I think of you affectionately.

Now I am sending the guanglu dafu Ji Zhi and the wuguan zhonglangjiang Hong Qiu to convey my innermost thoughts.'” This letter is meant as a reply to Sima Zhao's letter referred to in 264 AD. The Wu envoys arrived at the Wei court in the fourth month. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu states: “In summer, in the fourth month (May 3-31), Nan Shencexian reported that sweet dew had fallen there. The Wu sent Ji Zhi and Hong Qiu as envoys to conclude peace.”

1.2 SGZ has: “Xu Shao had reached Ruxu when Sun Hao summoned him back and killed him, and banished his family to Jian'an. It was because someone reported that Xu Shao had eulogized Central China.”

2. From SGZ, where it reads: “In summer, in the fourth month, Jiangling reported that sweet dew had fallen there; and so the reign title was altered to Ganlu (sweet dew) and a general amnesty was granted.”

3. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu, where it reads: “In the fifth month, the Emperor issued an edict: 'The xiangguo, Prince of Jin, has magnificently spread his spirit-like thoughts, which read to the four seas; the brilliance of his military achievements has made his prowess known throughout the land within the four seas; his benign rule has permeated every place and there is no region uninfluenced by it. Taking pity on the region on the far side of the Jiang (i.e. the Wu), he made it his business to rescue and nourish it; he laid down arms and prized benevolence, demonstrating his prowess and virtue. His letter has caused the Wu to offer allegiance to us. They have sent envoys to us to show how obedient they are; by means of treasures and valuable objects they have expressed their sincere thoughts.

Yet the Prince, extremely humble and modest, has sent me all of these things with an inventory of them; but this is not the way to make new adherents contented nor to comply with fervent wishes. Herewith shall all these things, offered by Sun Hao, be returned to the Prince, so that the ancient usages may not be violated.' The Prince earnestly declined, and the Emperor desisted. He further commanded that the Prince of Jin should have twelve pennants on his royal headgear, set up the banners and streamers of the Son of Heaven, appear in public or halt with his guards of honor, ride in a 'Golden Root' carriage drawn by six horses, have 'Five season' auxiliary carriages, have maotou (forerunners) to his carriage and yunhan streamers, entertain himself with eight rows of mimes, set up bells and enjoy the gongxuan music. He advanced the rank of the Prince's Consort to that of wanghou, that of the Crown Prince to taizi; as for wangzi, wangnu, wangsun (sons, daughters, grandsons, respectively, of the Prince), their ranks and titles were conferred in conformity with ancient institutions.”

4. From SGZ

5. From sGZ, Biography of Sun Hao, where it reads: “In autumn, in the seventh month, Sun Hao forced the Empress Jing named Zhu to commit suicide. She did not die in the main hall, and her body was put into a coffin in a small building in the garden. All the people knew that she did not die of illness, and everyone lamented her death bitterly. He also sent Sun Xiu's four sons to a small city in Wujun, but soon thereafter he had them pursued and killed the two eldest.” SGZ, Biography of Sun Xiu's consort named Zhu states: “In the first year of Ganlu, in the seventh month, she was pressed to commit suicide. She was buried in the Dingling mausoleum together with Sun Xiu.”

6. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

6.1 SGZ has: “In autumn, in the eighth month, on the day xinmao, the xiangguo, Prince of Jin, died.” Jin shu, Chronicle of Wendi states: “In autumn, in the eighth month, on the day xinmao, Wendi died in his main hall at the age of fifty-five.” Sima Zhao lived 211-265 AD.

6.2 SGZ has: “On the day renchen (September 7), the Crown Prince of Jin, Sima Yan, succeeded to his enfeoffment and inherited his rank; he assumed the Presidency of the myriad officials and had gifts and documents of appointments conferred upon him, all in conformity with ancient institutions.” Jin shu, Chronicle of Wudi states: “In the second year of Xianxi, in the fifth month, Sima Yan was appointed Crown Prince of Jin. In the eighth month, on the day xinmao, Wendi died and the Crown Prince inherited his rank as xiangguo and Prince of Jin. He issued an order that punishments be eased and pardon be given to prisoners, and that the population be soothed and the corvee stopped, and that all in the land should wear mourning clothes for three days.”

7. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

7.1 So also in SGZ. The day yiwei is not in the ninth month. It is either the thirteenth day of the eighth month (September 10) or the fourteenth day of the tenth month (November 9). In all probability, the general amnesty was granted very soon after Sima Zhao's death (the Jin shu passage given in Note 6.2 mentions that after Sima Zhao's death, his son ordered the easing of punishments; is this not a case of a general amnesty?) We should be inclined to accept the first date and delete “In the ninth month” in the sentence, in which case the day yiwei automatically belongs to the eighth month as recorded in Section 6.

8. From SGZ

8.1 SGZ has: “On the day wuwu, the situ He Ceng became chengxiang of Jin.” The wuzi in the ZZTJ sentence must be a misprint for wuwu. The day wuzi is either the sixth day of the eighth month (Sept. 3) or the seventh day of the tenth month.

9. From SGZ, Biography of Sun Hao.

9.1 SGZ has: “In the ninth month (September 27-October 26 AD), following the memorial of the du of Xiling, Bu Chan, Sun Hao moved the capital to Wuchang.” It is strange that Sima Guang should alter this definite date to “in winter.”

9.3 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Bu Zhi has: “In the eleventh year of Chiwu (i.e. 248 AD), Bu Zhi died. His son Bu Xie succeeded him and took command of the troops under Bu Zhi; he was given the title of fujun jiangjun. Bu Xie having died, his son Bu Ji succeeded him to the title of Lord. Bu Xie's younger brother, Bu Chan, inherited the work from his elder brother and became du of Xiling. He was given the title of zhaowu jiangjun and was enfeoffed as Lord of Xiting.”

10. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Chenliu.

Hu Sanxing writes that Jinyongcheng was the name of a small city at the northwestern corner of the city of Luoyang.

The Wei shi pu states: “The Emperor was enfeoffed as Prince of Chenliu. At the age of fifty-eight, he died in the first year of Tai'an. He was canonized as Yuanhuangdi.” According to this, he lived 245-302 AD, while according to his SGZ passage he was born in 246.

11. From the Jin shu, Biography of Prince Xian of Anping, Sima Fu.

11.2 Jin shu states: “About to die, Sima Fu made his will, 'I, loyal gentleman of Wei, Sima Fu of Wenxian in Henei, zi Shuda, have not acted the part of Yi Yin nor of the Duke of Zhou, nor of Boyi or Liuxia Hui; in my conduct of life and practice of truth, I was constant from beginning to end. I shall be buried in an unornamented coffin with a single layer of outer coffin, and shrouded in the vestment of the season.' He died in the eighth year of Taishi (272 AD) at the age of ninety-three.” That is, he lived 180-272 AD.

12. From the Jin shu, Chronicle of Wendi, where it reads: “In the first year of Taishi, in winter, in the twelfth month, on the day jingyin (i.e. bingyin), an altar was set up in the Southern Suburb, where the myriad officials and those with rank as well as the Southern Shanyu of the Xiongnu and the barbarian tribes of the four quarters, tens of thousands of men, were assembled; a beacon was lighted and August Heaven was informed: '…' The ceremony having been completed, he betook himself to his palace in Luoyang; in the front hall of Taijitian, he announced in an edict: '…' Thereupon, he granted a general amnesty, altered the reign title, conferred five grades of rank upon each one of the population of the land, gave five piculs of grain to widowers, widows, the fatherless, and the sonless, who could not maintain themselves, exempted the land from land tax and customs duties for a period of a year, annulled all past debts, removed past enmities, gave freedom to those who had been confined in their own homes, and restored official titles and ranks to all those who had lost them.”

Jin Shu, Chronicle of Wendi states that Wudi died on the day jiyu of the fourth month in the first year of Taixi (May 16, 290 AD) at the age of fifty-five. He lived 236-290 AD. AT this time he was thirty years old according to Chinese computation.

13. From the Jin shu, where it reads: “On the day dingmao, the Emperor sent the taipu Liu Yuan to report to the Ancestral Temple. He enfeoffed the Wei Emperor as Prince of Chenliu, with an appanage of one hundred thousand households, and made him live in Ye. The various princes of the blood of Wei were all appointed xian Marquises.”

Jin shu states: “On the day jisi (February 11, 266 AD), the Emperor in an edict decreed that the Prince of Chenliu may carry Imperial banners and streamers, have auxiliary carriages for the 'Five Seasons,' use the Calendar of Wei, offer Suburban Sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, that in rites and music he may retain the ancient usages of Wei, that in sending a letter to the throne he was not to call himself 'vassal.' The Emperor conferred the title of fuma duyu on a younger brother or son of the Duke of Shanyang Liu Kang and of the Duke of Anle Liu Shan.”


The rest is from the Jin shu and I'm too lazy to type that stuff up. Let's just say that this is done. :twisted:
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