First Year of Jiaping (249 A.D.)
Shu: Twelfth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Twelfth Year of Chiwu
1. Spring, first month. On the day chia-wu (Feb. 5) the Emperor went to visit the mausoleum of Gaopingling [1], attended by the da jiangjun Cao Shuang and his younger brothers, the zhongling jun Cao Xi, the wuwei jiangjun Cao Xun, and the sanji changshi Cao Yan (曹彥). [2]
2. The taifu Sima Yi, in the name of the Empress Dowager, closed the various city gates, dispatched troops to occupy the Arsenal, and led out the army to take up his position on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui.
3. He had the situ Gao Rou receive the Tally and act as da jiangjun to occupy Cao Shuang’s headquarters [1], and made the taipu Wang Guan acting as zhongling jun to occupy Cao Xi’s headquarters. [2]
4. Then he memorialized the Emperor on Cao Shuang’s crimes: “When I returned from Liaodong some time ago, the late Emperor ordered Your Majesty, the Prince of Qin, and myself to mount the imperial couch, and holding my arm he expressed his deep concern in behalf of his successor. I said, ‘Both Cao Cao and Cao Pi entrusted me with their respective successors, as Your Majesty witnessed in person. There shall be no cause for worry: should anything go amiss, I will observe your command though I die.’ [This is something the huang-men-ling Dong Ji (董箕) and the cairen (Accomplished Ladies) who attended the sickbed all heard.] Now, the da jiangjun Cao Shuang has disobeyed the testamentary charge and trampled down the laws of the land. Within his home he emulates the imperial dignity, without he abuses power. He has destroyed the barracks and taken possession of the entire palace bodyguard, appointed his intimates to various important offices and replaced the palace guards with his own men. He has fostered corruption, daily indulging in his wantonness. Thus is his conduct outside the palace. Then, he has appointed as dujiang the huang-men Zhang Dang (張當), who monopolizes important connections. He spies on Your Majesty’s August Person, on the lookout to usurp the throne. He brings estrangement between the two palaces (i.e., the Emperor and the Empress Dowager), wounding the relationships of the blood. The empire is disturbed and the people sense danger. Your Majesty sits on the throne as a mere tolerated guest; how long can you remain in peace? This is not what the late Emperor intended when he ordered Your Majesty and me to mount the imperial couch.
Old and decrepit though I am, I dare not forget his words. Of old, Zhao Gao reveled in his desires and the Qin perished thereby; after the Lu and Huo were extirpated in good time, the lineage of the Han was perpetuated. This is a great warning for Your Majesty, and one which obliges me to act accordingly. The taiyu Jiang Ji, the shang-shu-ling Sima Fu, and others all believe that Cao Shuang has a heart which knows no Sovereign, and that he and his younger brothers therefore should not command the imperial bodyguards. I have memorialized the Yongning Palace, and the Empress Dowager has commanded me to act as I proposed in my memorial. Thereupon I ordered the official in charge, as well as the huang-men-ling, that Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, and Cao Xun are relieved of their command of the troops and are to proceed to their fiefs as Lords, and are not to tarry to detain the imperial carriage; should they detain it or themselves linger, they will be tried and punished in accordance with military regulations. Struggling against my ailments, I have led out the army and stationed it on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui in anticipation of any eventuality.”
Receiving this memorial of Sima Yi’s, Cao Shuang intercepted it and did not pass it on to the Emperor. He was greatly distressed and at a loss what to do.
5. He detained the imperial carriage and made the Emperor pass the night on the south bank of the Yishui. [1] He had trees hewed down to put up spiked barricades, and drafted several thousand troops of the agricultural colony as guards.
6. Sima Yi sent the shizhong Xu Yun (許允) of Gaoyang and the shang-shu Chen Tai to persuade Cao Shuang to plead guilty as early as possible. [1] He further sent the dianzhong jiaoyu Yin Damu, a man trusted by Cao Shuang to assure Cao Shuang that there would result nothing more than his dismissal; by the Luoshui he took an oath of his good faith. Chen Tai was Chen Qun’s son. [2]
7. On the grounds that Huan Fan was a senior and experienced man of his native district, Cao Shuang used to show him especial honor above the rest of the Nine Minsters, but was not very intimate with him. Having put the army into action, Sima Yi summoned Huan Fan in the name of the Empress Dowager, wishing to have him act as zhongling jun. Huan Fan was willing to accept the appointment, but his son stopped him, saying, “With the Emperor out of the city, it is better for you to go out and proceed to the south.”
Huan Fan remained undecided for some time; his son again urged him. When Huan Fan was about to go, the sinong cheng and subordinate officials under him stopped Huan Fan. Huan Fan did not listen to them.
Huan Fan then left and went to the Ping-chang gate. The gate was already closed. The gate-keeper Si Fan (司蕃) happened to be a former subordinate of Huan Fan. Huan Fan addressed him and raised the tablet in his hand to show it to him. Falsely, he said, “I am summoned by an imperial rescript. Be quick and open the gate for me.”
Si Fan wanted to see the text of the rescript. Huan Fan scolded him and said, “Were you not my subordinate in the past? How dare you act like this?” Thereupon he opened the gate. Once out of the city, Huan Fan turned to Si Fan and said, “The taifu has revolted. You had better go along with me.” Si Fan, who was on foot, could not follow him and finally hid himself on the roadside.
8. Sima Yi observed to Jiang Ji, “The ‘bag of wisdom’ is gone.” “Huang Fan is indeed wise,” said Jiang Ji, “but stupid horses are too much attached to the beans in their manger. Cao Shuang is certain not to employ his counsel.”
9. When he arrived, Huan Fan advised Cao Shuang and his younger brothers to escort the Emperor to Xuchang and draft troops from the four quarters to strengthen his position. Cao Shuang was dubious and remained undecided. Huan Fan said to Cao Xi, “The thing is clear as day. What is the use of your having studied books? Your House being today what it is, could you become poor and lowly even if you wanted to? [6] Besides a commoner can still hope, by providing a hostage, to keep on living. You are now in the company of the emperor; if you command the empire, who will dare not to rally to you?”
They all said not a word. Huan Fan again spoke to Cao Xi, “You have another headquarters near at hand, south of the capital, and the Luo Yang Superintendent of Agriculture has his seat of office outside the city. Both are at your beck and call. If you go with the Emperor to Xu Chang, there is no need of staying more than two nights. The subsidiary arsenal to Xu Chang is adequate to arm the troops. Our only worry is provisions, but I happen to have the seal of da sinong with me.”
Cao Xi and his brothers remained silent and did not consent. This lasted from early evening until dawn, when Cao Shuang threw his sword to the ground and said, “At any rate I shall not fail to remain a rich man.” [11] Huan Fan wailed and said, “Cao Zhen was a good man, yet sired you and your brothers, little pigs and calves that you are! I never expected to be involved with you and have my family annihilated. Cao Shuang then passed Sima Yi’s memorial to the Emperor, requested a rescript of dismissal from office, and escorted the Emperor back to his palace. [13]
10. After Cao Shuang and his brothers had returned to their residences, Sima Yi drafted some officials and soldiers of Luo Yang to surround and guard them. [1] At the four corners he had high towers built and stationed men in them to watch Cao Shuang’s and his brothers’ movements. When Cao Shuang went to his rear garden, carrying a bow, the men in the towers would yell, ‘The former da jiangjun is going to the southeast. Cao Shuang was in despair and did not know what to do. [4]
11. On the day wu-xu (Feb.9), the officials in charge memorialized the throne that the huang-men Zhang Dang, on his own authority, had given Cao Shuang the cairen (Accomplished Ladies) he had selected for the palace; and that there was a suspicion of illicit relations; Zhang Dang was arrested and sent to the tingyu for examination. [1] He told it that Cao Shuang, together with the shang-shu He Yan, Deng Yang, and Ding Mi, the sili jiaoyu Bi Gui, and the cishi of Jingzhou Li Sheng et al., had formed a conspiracy against the throne and were going to execute their plan in the third month (Mar. 31 – Apr. 29). [2] Thereupon, Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, Cao Xun, He Yan, Deng Yang, Ding Mi, Bi Gui, Li Sheng and Huan Fan as well, were all imprisoned and charged with high treason. Together with Zhang Dang they were all put to death, and also the members of their families to the third degree. [4]
12. When Cao Shuang had gone out of the capital with the Emperor, his sima Lu Zhi (魯芝) had stayed behind at his headquarters. Hearing of the coup, he had led away the mounted troops of Cao Shuang’s garrison, hewed open the gate Jinmen and gone out to Cao Shaung. When Cao Shuang was about to give up his seal and go out to meet Sima Yi, his jubu Yang Zong (楊綜) had stopped him, saying, “Your Excellency has the protection of the Sovereign and wields power. Do you want to end up at the Eastern Market (where public executions were held) by giving it up like this?” Cao Shuang had not accepted his admonition.
The officials in charge memorialized the Lu Zhi and Yang Zong be arrested and punished. The taifu Sima Yi said, “Each of them was serving his own master.” And pardoned them. Soon afterwards he appointed Lu Zhi yu-shi zhongcheng, and Yang Zong shangshulang.
13. When he was about to go out to where Cao Shuang was, Lu Zhi had called the ts’a-chun {?} Xin Chang and invited him to go with him. [1] Xin Chang was Xin Pi’s son. [2] His elder sister Xin Xianying was the wife of the taichang Yang Dan (楊耽). Xin Chang took counsel with her, saying, [4] “The Son of Heaven is out and the taifu closes the city gates. People say it does not bode well for the state. Should things go like this?”
Xin Xianying said, “As far as I can make out, the taifu intends in this move nothing further than putting Cao Shuang to death.” [5] Xin Chang said, “In that case, will he succeed?” Xin Xian-Ying said, “Why should he not succeed? Cao Shuang is no match for the taifu as far as ability is concerned.” Xin Chang said, “If so, would it be well for me not to go out?” Xin Xianying said, “How can you not go out? To execute one’s duty is man’s greatest principle. When even a stranger is in distress, one must pity him. But to forsake one’s duty in the service of others is a most inauspicious thing. Furthermore, one who is trusted by another person must die for him; this is the duty delving from such a close relation. You only have to follow what others do.” And so Xin Chang went out. [8] After the matter was all brought to order, Xin Chang exclaimed, “Had I not consulted my elder sister, I would have missed doing right.”
14. Sometime before this, Cao Shuang had given official appointments to Wang Shen and Yang Hu of Taishan; Wang Chen advised Yang Hu to accept the appointment. [1] Yang Hu said, “It is so difficult to serve other people!” Wang Chen eventually went to take his appointment. [2] When Cao Shuang met his disaster Wang Shen escaped it because he had been merely a subordinate. He then said to Yang Hu, “I have not forgotten what you told me.” Yang Hu said, “This is not what I had in mind at the time.”
15. Xiahou Lingnu, the wife of Cao Shuang’s younger cousin Cao Wenshu had early become a widow and had no son. [1] Her father Xiahou Wenning (夏侯文寧) wanted to re-marry her; Xiahou Lingnu cut off both her ears to show her determination not to marry again. [2] She was a supporter of Cao Shuang. After Cao Shaung was put to death, her family sent up a letter to the throne repudiating any matrimonial relationship with the Cao, and compelled her to return intending to re-marry her. [4] Xiahou Llingnu retired secretly to her bedroom, drew out a knife and cut off her nose. [5] Her family was astonished and regretful.
“Our life in this world is like a particle of light dust on a blade of weak grass.” They said to her. “Why torment yourself to this extent? Besides, your husband’s family is completely exterminated. What purpose does it serve for you to persevere in your chastity?” Xiahou Lingnu said, “I have heard that a person of worth does not renounce his principles because of changes in fortune, nor a righteous person change his mind with a view to preservation or destruction. While the Cao flourished, I was bent on keeping my chastity. Now that they have declined and perished, can I bear to renounce them? Even animals do not act this way; how can I?” Hearing of this, Sima Yi commended her and gave her permission to adopt a son as heir to the Cao.
16. While in power, men like He Yan considered themselves the great talents of the age, unequaled by anybody else. [1] He Yan once wrote an Evaluation of Famous Men, reading, “’Those operations searched out what was deep: – therefore they could penetrate to the views of all under heaven.' This refers to Xiahou Taichu (i.e. Xiahou Xuan). 'They made apparent the minutest springs of things:--therefore they could bring to completion all undertakings under heaven.' This refers to Sima Ziyuan (Sima Shi). 'Their action was spirit-like:--therefore they could make speed without haste, and reached their destination without traveling.' I have heard this saying, but I have not yet met the man."
The implication is that he took the spirit-like one to be himself.
17. The xuanbulang Liu Tao (劉陶) was a son of Liu Ye. While still young, he was already an eloquent speaker. [1] Deng Yang and others praised him as another Yi Yin or Lu Shang. Liu Tao once said to Fu Xuan, [3] “Confucius was not a sage. How do I know this? A wise man stands among the masses of the stupid people as if he were playing with a ball in his palm. [5] But Confucius was not able to become mater of the empire. How can he, then, be called a sage?” Fu Xuan did not refute him at all, but merely said to him, “The world is full of vicissitudes. I shall soon witness your distress.” After Cao Shuang met his disaster, Liu Tao retired to his country home and apologized for his extravagant words.
18. Guan Lu’s maternal uncle asked Guan Lu, “How did you know before that He Yan and Deng Yang would come to destruction?” [1] Guan Lu said, “By meeting men of ill fortune, one comes to know the influences of the spirits; by approaching men of good luck, one comes to know how wonderfully the sages and the worthy sought refinement. Now when Deng Yang walked, his muscles did not bind his skeleton, nor did his pulse control his flesh; he stood aslant as if he had no hands and feet. This is known as the ghostly gait. As for He Yan’s physiognomy, his soul did not maintain its dwelling, nor his blood ornament his color; his spirit floated like smoke and he looked like a desiccated tree. This is known as ghostly obscurity. These two things are not signs of good fortune.
19. He Yan was vain by nature; powder never left his hands, and he looked at his shadow when he walked. He was especially fond of the writings of Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi. [2] With men like Xiahou Xuan, Xun Can (荀粲), and Wang Bi (王弼) of Shangyang, he competed in metaphysical disquisition, and held nihilism in great esteem. [3] These men considered the Six Classics the mere dregs left by the sages. [4] As a result scholars throughout the empire rivaled each other in emulating them, and this became a trend which could not be suppressed anymore. Xun Can was a son of Xun Yu.
20. On the day bing-wu (Feb. 17), a general amnesty was given.
21. On the day dingwei (Feb. 18), the Emperor appointed the taifu Sima Yi chengxiang (Prime Minster) and conferred on him the Nine Gifts; Sima Yi earnestly declined and did not accept.
22. Now, the you jiangjun Xiahou Ba had been on good terms with Cao Shuang. [1] Because his father Xiahou Yuan had been killed by the Shu, he was always gnashing his teeth, cherishing the aim of avenging him. [2] As tao-Shu hujun, he had been stationed in Longxi subordinate to the zhengxi jiangjun. The zhengxi jiangjun Xiahou Xuan was Xiahou Ba’s nephew and Cao Shuang’s cousin. After Cao Shuang was put to death, Sima Yi summoned Xiahou Xuan to the capital and replaced him with the cishi of Yongzhou, Guo Huai. Xiahou Ba did not get along with Guo Huai, and felt certain calamity would befall him; he was much afraid and fled to Han. The Sovereign of Han said to him, ‘Your father met his end through his own actions on the battlefield; it was not my father’s hand that killed him.” He treated him very liberally.
23. Jiang Wei asked Xiahou Ba, [1] “Now that Sima Yi holds the political power, does he not intend to begin military expeditions?” Xiahou Ba said, “He is occupied at present with setting up his House, and has no time for external affairs. There is a man called Zhong Shiji; young as he is, it will be a cause of anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu if he takes charge of the court’s administration.” [2] This Zhong Shiji was the shang-shu-lang Zhong Hui, a son of Zhong Yao. [3]
24. Third Month (Mar. 31 – Apr. 29). The Wu zuo da sima Zhu Ran died. Zhu Ran was less than seven chi in height, but all his features were distinct and clear, and he cultivated his inner self. He ornamented only his military weapons; all other things were simple and plain. All day long he was as solemn as if he were on the battlefield. In emergencies he was brave and calm, far surpassing others. Even in times of peace, he would have drums beaten vigorously every morning and night; the soldiers of his barracks all marched in formation. He maneuvered with the enemy in this fashion, so that they never knew what he was prepared to do, and for this reason his campaigns were always successful. [6]
Zhu Ran had been ill, and his condition became more and more serious. The Sovereign of Wu during the day cut down his meals, and at night stayed awake. Palace messengers carrying medicines and food crowded the road. Each time Zhu Ran sent an envoy to report on his condition, the Sovereign of Wu received him and made inquiries in person; when he entered, he gave him wine and food; when he went out, he gave him cloths and silken fabrics. [9] When Zhu Ran died, the Sovereign of Wu grieved over him bitterly. [10]
25. Summer, fourth month. On the day Yichou (May 8) the reign-title was altered (from the tenth year of Zhengshi to the first year of Jiaping).
26. When Cao Shuang was south of the Yi River, Jiang Ji, later canonized as Lord Qing of Changling, sent him a letter saying that the tai-fu intended nothing further than removing him from office. [1] After Cao Shuang was put to death, Jiang Ji was raised in enfeoffment to be Lord of Duxiang. He sent up a memorial earnestly declining this promotion, but he was not permitted to do so. [3] Chagrined at his words to Cao Shuang not being fulfilled, he fell sick, and on the day bingzi (May 19) he died.
27. Autumn. The Han wei jiangjun Jiang Wei invaded Yongzhou. [1] He built two walled fortresses on the Chu-shan and had the yan-men-jiang Gou An and Li Xin, etc., guard them. [2] He also incited Qiang barbarians such as Zhi Ren (質任) to invade neighboring prefectures. The zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai and the cishi of Yongzhou Chen Tai, were holding them off. Chen Tai said, the “Chucheng (one of the fortresses) is indeed strong, but it is too far from Shu and the road is steep; yet provisions have to be transported to it. The Qiang barbarians are suffering from the labors imposed on them by Jiang Wei; they are certain not to work loyally for him. If we besiege and capture it now, we can take it without bloodying our swords. Reinforcements may come, but the mountain paths are steep and are not suitable ground for troop marches.”
Thereupon Guo Huai let Chen Tai lead the tao-Shu hujun Xu Zhi and the taishou of Nan-an Deng Ai and advanced with the troops to besiege Chu-cheng. They cut off its supply route and the stream outside it. Gou An and the others tried to provoke them to a battle, but it was not permitted. The Han generals and troops were in distress; they divided their provisions and gathered snow, in order to gain time. Jiang Wei brought reinforcements, coming from the mountain Niutou-shan and confronting Chen Tai. Chen Tai said, “The Art of War places value on defeat of the enemy without fighting. [8] If we now cut off Niu-tou-shan and leave Jiang Wei no route of retreat, then he will be our captive.”
He then commanded the various troops to strengthen their fortifications and not to fight. He sent a messenger to Guo Huai telling him that while he himself was going to cross the Bo-shui to the south and then go east along the river, Guo Huai should hasten to Niutou-shan and intercept the route of retreat, so that together they could capture not only Gou An and his colleagues, but also Jiang Wei. Guo Huai followed this plan, and moved his troops forward to the Tao-shui. Jiang Wei fled in panic. Gou An and the others, thus isolated, surrendered.
28. Thereupon Guo Huai proceeded to the west to strike the various Qiang tribes. Deng Ai said, “The enemy has not gone far and may possibly return. We had better leave a part of the troops as a precaution.” Thereupon Deng Ai was left behind, north of the Bo-shui. Three days later Jiang Wei sent his general Liao Hua to move ahead from the Bai-shui toward Deng Ai’s camp. Deng Ai said to his generals, “Now Jiang Wei has come. Our troops being as few as they are, the thing for him to do would be to cross the river; but he is building no bridge. This shows that Jiang Wei is letting Liao Hua keep us occupied so we will not withdraw. It is certain that Jiang Wei himself is attacking to the east to take Taocheng.” This Taocheng was north of the river, sixty li from where Deng Ai was stationed. That same night Deng Ai secretly took his troops to the place. As was expected, Jiang Wei came and crossed the river, but since Deng Ai had forestalled him in occupying the city, no disaster ensued. The Han troops withdrew.
29. The cishi (governor) of Yanzhou Linghu Yu, son of a sister of the sigong Wang Ling, had been stationed at Pingyi. Both the nephew and his uncle held important military positions [2] south of the Huai river. Wang Ling and Linghu Yu, regarding the emperor as unintelligent, weak, and controlled by a powerful minister (Sima Yi), and hearing that Cao Biao, Prince of Chu, was intelligent and courageous, plotted to enthrone the latter, with Xu Chang as capital. [3]
Ninth month (Oct. 24 – Nov. 21). Linghu Yu sent his subordinate general Zhang Shi to Baima to contact the Prince of Chu. Wang Ling also sent his subordinate official Lao Jing (勞精) to Luo Yang to tell his son Wang Guang (王廣). Wang Guang said, [6]“In embarking on a great venture, one must take as basis the sentiments of men. Cao Shuang lost his popularity with the people because of his arrogance and luxury; He Pingshu (He Yan) was vain and ungoverned. Ding Mi, Bi Gui, Huan Fan, and Deng Yang were all men of renown, but they made too much of themselves in the world. Besides, they time and again altered governmental institutions and changed the laws – all of which may have been from high aims, but had no connection with the sentiments of those below; the people were accustomed to the ancient usages, and did not follow them. Therefore, in spite of the fact that their power extended over the land within the four seas and their renown shook the empire; they were all put to death on the same day. With such famous men halved in number, the people found peace, and none pitied them. All this was because they lost popularity with the people. Now Sima Yi cannot be fathomed, but what he does never runs contrary to the situation. He gives his assignments to the worthy and capable, and liberally credits those who are better than he; he practices the laws of the former rulers and satisfies the people’s desire. Of whatever Cao Shuang did wrong, he has left nothing uncorrected. He does not relax his efforts day and night, his primary aim being to soothe the people. He and his sons all wield military power; it will not be easy to ruin them”
Wang Ling did not follow this advice.
30. Winter, eleventh month (Dec. 22, 249 – Jan. 19, 250). Linghu Yu again sent Zhang Shi to the Prince of Chu; before he had returned, it happened that Linghu Yu died of illness.
31. Twelfth month. On the day xinmao(Jan. 28, 250), while still at his post at Shou Chun, Wang Ling was given the appointment of taiyu.
32. On the day gengzi (Feb. 6, 250), the sili jiaoyu Sun Li was appointed sigong.
33. The guanglu dafu Xu Miao died. Xu Miao was renowned for his high principles. [1] Lu Qin once wrote an easy in praise of Xu Miao, saying, “His Excellency Xu Miao is lofty in aim and pure in deed, broad in talent and vehement in spirit. In his conduct he is lofty but not precipitous, pure but not uncompromising, broad but true to his words, vehement but able to be tolerant. Purity is what sages held to be difficult to attain, but it is any easy matter for His Excellency Xu Miao. Someone asked me how it was that during the time of Wu-Ti (Cao Cao), His Excellency Xu Miao was known as a man of free spirit, but since he had become cishi of Liangzhou and returned to the capital, he was thought to be uncompromising. I answered, ‘In earlier times, when Mao Xiaoxian and Cui Jigui were directing affairs, they prized men of purity and simplicity, so all their contemporaries changed their carriages and clothing to seek high repute. But His Excellency Xu Miao did not change from his usual manner, hence he was held to be a man of free spirit. In recent times, the whole empire has become luxurious and extravagant, one aping and emulating the other. But His Excellency Xu Miao remained constant and was not like the crowd. Hence he was said to be free in former days and uncompromised today. This only proves that the world is inconstant, while His Excellency Xu Miao is constant.’”
Lu Qin was a son of Lu Yu. [8]
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Chapter 30 Notes
First Year of Jiaping (249 A.D.)
Shu: Twelfth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Twelfth Year of Chiwu
1. From SGZ, Chronicle of Prince of Qi.
1.1 The mausoleum was that of the late Mingdi. The Wei shi ji of Sun Sheng reads: “Gaoping ling is on Dashishan, south of the Luoshui and ninety li from the city of Luoyang.”
1.2 Added by Sima Guang. SGZ continues, “The taifu Sima Xuanwang, through a memorial, had the da jiangjun Cao Shuang and his younger brothers dismissed from their offices and sent to their residences as Lords.” SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang has: “In the tenth year of Zhengshi (i.e. first year of Jiaping), the Emperor paid homage at Gaopingling. Cao Shuang and his younger brothers were all in his suite.”
2. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang. “Sima Xuanwang took command of the army; first he occupied the arsenal and then went out and took up station on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui.”
SGZ, Biography of the Empress Yuan, named Guo, Consort of Mingdi, states: “The three dethroned Sovereigns being young and weak, ministerial guardians directed and decided state affairs; on matters of great importance, they first consulted with the Empress Dowager before measures were taken.” For the Empress Dowager's connection in this coup d'etat, see Section 4. For the sentence on the closing of the city gates, see Note 7.2
3. From two biographies.
3.1 SGZ, Biography of Gao Rou: “When the taifu Sima Xuanwang memorialized to have Cao Shuang dismissed, the Empress Dowager conferred the Tally on Gao Rou and had him act as da jiangjun occupying Cao Shuang's headquarters. The taifu said to Gao Rou, 'You are now another Zhou Bo.'”
3.2 SGZ, Biography of Wang Guan: “Cao Shuang and his men lived luxuriously and extravagantly. They often infringed upon the shaofu (which was Wang Guan's office until then). Fearing Wang Guan for his adherence to the laws, he transferred him to be taipu. When Sima Xuanwang was punishing Cao Shuang, he had Wang Guan act as zhonglingjun and occupy the headquarters of Cao Shuang's younger brother, Cao Xi.”
4. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.
5. From the Jin ji of Gan Bao.
5.1 Jin ji: “Cao Shuang declined...” By omitting the first character, Sima Guang links this with the last sentence of Section 4, which in ZZTJ reads: “He was greatly distressed and at a loss what to do, but detained...”
Wei mo zhuan: “Sima Xuanwang said to his younger brother Sima Fu, 'His Majesty should not pass the night in the open while he is out of his palace,' and had tents, the taiguan (Superintendent of the Imperial Kitchen), and table utensils sent to the Emperor's temporary quarters.”
6. From SGZ and Shi yu.
6.1 From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, which reads: “The shizhong Xu Yun and the shangshu Chen Tai persuaded Cao Shuang that he should plead guilty as early as possible.” This does not state that Sima Yi had sent them; but ZZTJ derives the story also from the Shi yu. The provenience of Xu Yun comes from SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Shang.
6.2 From the Shiyu, which reads: “Sima Xuanwang sent Xu Yun and Chen Tai to relieve Cao Shuang of his anxiety. Jiang Ji also sent a letter to him conveying Sima Xuanwang's intentions. He further sent the dianzhong jiaoyu...Cao Shuang believed him and dismissed his troops.”
7. From the Weilue.
8. From the Jin Shu.
9. Principally from the Weilue.
9.6 Weilue: “Today your House is overthrown.” The ZZTJ version (also the two sentences following it) are derived from SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang: “The da sinong Huan Fan of Peiguo heard that the army had been put into action, but did not obey the summons of the Empress Dowager. He had the pingchang Gate opened by falsely giving out that he held an Imperial rescript. Unsheathing his sword, he took the gate-keeper by force along with him, and fled south to Cao Shuang. Informed of this, Sima Xuanwang observed, 'Huan Fan may give counsel, but Cao Shuang is certain not to employ Huan Fan's plan.' Huan Fan tried to persuade Cao Shuang to move the Emperor to Xuchang and enlist troops from the provinces. Cao Shuang and his younger brothers hesitated and did not come to any decision. Huan Fan then said to Cao Xi...Still Cao Xi was not able to follow this advice.”
9.11 Weilue has: “When Cao Shuang threw down his sword to the ground and said to those officials who were in the Emperor's suite, 'I am convinced that the taifu intends no more than to have me and my younger brothers submit to him. I must indeed be rather disliked far and near.” The ZZTJ version is from the Wei shi chunqiu, which reads: “Having disarmed himself, Cao Shuang said, 'I shall not fail to remain a rich man.'”
9.13 Weilue continues the story as follows: “Finally he advanced and said to the Emperor, 'Your Majesty will issue a rescript dismissing me from office and thus comply with the Empress Dowager's command.' Huan Fan knew that after Cao Shuang gave up and was dismissed, he himself would be charged with having instigated open resistance. He came up and then said, 'I, an old man, am going to have myself and my family annihilated for having been involved with your brothers.'
After Cao Shuang and the others were dismissed from their offices, the Emperor sent out to return to his palace, and Huan Fan was ordered to follow the Emperor in his suite. Arriving at the north of the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui, he saw Sima Xuanwang; he alighted from his carriage and knocked his head on the ground before him without uttering a word. Sima Xuanwang addressed him by his surname, 'Huan dafu, why act thus?'
After the Emperor entered the palace, he ordered Huan Fan reinstated in his office. Huan Fan came to the palace to receive the Imperial command and offer thanks. It so happened that Si Fan came to the Honglu and gave himself up; he reported in detail what Huan Fan had said to him when going out of the city. Sima Xuanwang was vexed and said, 'What measures does the law take toward a man who falsely charges another with rebellion?'
The official in charge said that according to the Criminal Code, he must be punished with the same punishment that would be meted out to the rebel. Huan Fan was then seized in the palace. They pressed Huan Fan very hard; Huan Fan said to the judiciary officials, 'Be lenient, for I am also a righteous gentlemen.' In the end he was sent to the tingyu.
SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang, continuing from the passage given above, reads: “Thereupon Cao Shuang sent Xu Yun and Chen Tai back to Sima Xuanwang with the message that he pleaded guilty and deserved capital punishment. Then he passed Sima Xuanwang's memorial to the Emperor. In the end, Cao Shuang and his younger brothers were dismissed from their offices and sent to their residences as Lords.”
10. From the Wei mo zhuan.
10.1 Wei mo zhuan has: “After Cao Shuang and his brothers had returned to their residences, the magistrate of Luoyangxian was ordered to levy eight hundred men and put them under the command of a yu to surround the four corners of Cao Shuang's residence.”
10.4 Modified from Wei mo zhuan, the story goes into detail as follows:
“Cao Shuang returned to the main hall. The brothers deliberated on the matter, but they did not know what intentions Sima Xuanwang had concerning them. He then sent a letter to Sima Xuanwang: 'Cao Shuang, a lowly son, laments and is fearful beyond description; he indeed deserves butchering for his crimes. Some time ago he sent a servant of his house to obtain provisions, but until now the man has not returned. We have lacked provisions for some days and beg to obtain some from you to continue our lives.' When he received this letter, Sima Xuanwang was greatly surprised and replied to him immediately, 'I never thought of your lack of provisions, and am extremely sorry. However, I have ordered that you be sent a hundred bushels of grain, as well as preserved meat, salt and spices, and beans.' These were soon sent, whereupon Cao Shuang and his younger brothers, not understanding the changed situation, rejoiced and thought they would be spared from death.”
11. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang.
11.1 SGZ: “Now, Zhang Dang on his own authority had given to Cao Shuang the cairen Zhang, He, and others he had selected, and there was a suspicion of illicit relations; Zhang Dang was arrested for punishment.” Sima Guang also took note of SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi, which reads: “On the day wuxu, the officials in charge memorialized the throne to arrest the huangmen Zhang Dang and send him to the tingyu for examination.”
11.2 SGZ: “Zhang Dang set forth how Cao Shuang, together with He Yan and others, had formed a conspiracy against the throne and, having already trained themselves in arms and weapons, were inteding to...”
SGZ, continues the passage given in Note 11.1 as follows: “He told that Cao Shuang and he had formed an insidious plot, and that furthermore the shangshu Ding Mi, Deng Yang and He Yan, the sili jiaoyu Bi Gui, the cishi of Jingzhou Li Sheng, and the da sinong Huan Fan had all joined Cao Shuang in this conspiracy. They and the members of their families to the third degree were all put to death.”
11.4 Sgz gives a detailed account: “It happened that the ducal and other ministers and court dignitaries deliberated at court as follows: 'In accordance with the principles of the Chunqiu, a man does not plot against one's Sovereign or parents; if he does, he must be put to death. Cao Shuang, belonging to a collateral branch of the Imperial House and receiving especial favors through many generations in his family, personally received the treatment from the late Emperor, who then grasped his hand, and was entrusted with the charge of the Emperor. Yet he has harbored an insidious plot and neglected the testamentary charge; with He Yan, Deng Yang, Zhang Dang and others he has plotted to usurp the throne. Huan Fan has taken the side of these criminals. They are guilty of high treason. Thereupon, Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, Cao Xun, He Yan, Deng Yang, Ding Yi, Bi Gui, Li Sheng, Huan Fan and Zhang Dang were all put to death and the members of their families to the third degree were exterminated.”
Wei shi chunqiu gives a different account: “Now Sima Xuanwang had He Yan inquire into the case of Cao Shuang and the others. He Yan investigated his partisanship without mercy in the hope of obtaining pardon for himself. Sima Xuanwang, however, said to him, 'There are eight clans.' He Yan told him there were the Ding and the Deng, etc., seven clans in all. Sima Xuanwang said, 'They are not all.' Hard-pressed, He Yan said, 'You do not mean me?' Sima Xuanwang said, 'Quite so.' Thereupon he arrested He Yan.”
Sima Guang quotes this passage in the Zizi Tongjian kaoyi and comments as follows: “Sima Xuanwang, engaged in punishing the partisans of Cao Shuang, could not possibly let He Yan take charge of the case; even if it were possible, could He Yan, who himself was well aware that he was on terms of the greatest intimacy with Cao Shuang, have hoped that he alone would evade the punishment? In this, Sun Sheng (author of the Weishi chunqiu) was perhaps following an inaccurate story.”
12. From Shi Yu.
13. From Shi Yu, where it is preceded by the following, “Xin Chang, zi Taiyong, attained to the office of weiyu. Xin Pi's daughter, Xin Xianying, was married to the taichang Yang Dan of Taishan. Her grandson by her daughter Xiahou Zhan wrote a biography of her:
“Xianying was gifted with intelligence and talent. The future Wendi and Prince Si of Chen (Cao Zhi) were contending to become Crown Prince. Eventually Wendi so became, and embracing Xin Pi's neck he joyfully said, 'Master Xin, do you know how happy I am?' Xin PI told this to Xianying, who exclaimed, 'A Crown Prince is one who eventually will replace the Sovereign and inherit the Ancestral Temple and the Dynasty. Since he is going to replace the Sovereign (upon his death), he ought to be depressed; since he is going to rule over a state, he ought to be fearful. Though he ought to be depressed, he is now happy. How can it all last long? The Wei will not prosper.' Her brother, younger in age, Xin Chang was canjun to the da jiangjun Cao Shuang. Intending to kill Cao Xuang, Sima Xuanwang closed the city gates while Cao Shuang had gone out...”
Jin shu gives a similar story, apparently derived from Shi yu.
13.1 Shi yu has: “The sima to the da jiangjun Lu Ji was about to lead away the troops of his superior's headquarters to breach the gates and passes and go out through the city gate to Cao Shuang; he came and summoned Xin Chang to go along with him.”
13.2 Interpolated by Sima Guang. SGZ, Biography of Xin Pi states: “Xin Pi's son, Xin Chang, was his heir and, during the Xianxi period (264-265), became taishou of Henei.”
13.4 Shi yu: “Xin Chang was afraid and asked Xin Xianying...” According to Shi yu, Xin Xianying died in the fifth year of Taishi (269 AD) at the age of seventy-nine. That is to say, she lived 191-269 AD; at this time she was fifty-nine years old.
13.5 Shi yu: “'There are some things in this world which we cannot know, but as far as I can make out, the taifu perhaps cannot but act thus. When he was about to die, Ming Huangdi held the taifu's arm and charged him with the care of things after his death. His words still linger in the ears of the court dignitaries. Furthermore, Cao Shuang and the taifu were both charged with his trust, but the former has monopolized power and lived arrogantly and lavishly; he has been disloyal to the royal House and not upright in matters of human relations. The taifu intends in this move of his nothing further than putting Cao Shuang to death.'”
13.8 After this, Shiyu has a sentence which ZZTJ omits: “True to her prediction, Sima Xuanwang put Cao Shuang to death.”
14. From Jin Shu, Biography of Yang Hu.
14.1 Jin shu: “He, Yang Hu, and Wang Chen were both given official appointments by Cao Shuang. Wang Chen advised acceptance of the appointment.” Jin Shu: “Yang Hu, zi Shuzi, was a native of Nancheng in Taishan. He served his father's younger brother Yang Dan assiduously.” This Yang Dan was the husband of the sagacious lady in the preceding section.
14.2 Interpolated by Sima Guang. Jin shu, Biography of Wang Chen states: “Wang Chen, zi Chudao, was a man of Jinyang in Taiyuan. The da jiangjun Cao Shuang appointed him his yuan; he was finally promoted to be zhongshu shilang and huangmen shilang. When Cao Shuang met his ruin, Wang Chen escaped it because he had been merely a subordinate.”
15. From the Lie nu zhuan of Huangfu Mi.
15.1 Lie nu zhuan: “The wife of Cao Shuang's younger cousin Cao Wenshu, daughter of Xiahou Wenning of Qiaojun, was named Xiahou Lingnnu; Cao Wenshu having died early, she wore mourning for him. Well aware that she was still young and had no son, she feared that her family might remarry her; she therefore cut her hair to show her determination.”
15.2 Lie nu zhuan: “Afterwards, her family, as she anticipated, desired to re-marry her; hearing of this, Xiahou Lingnu again took up a knife and sliced off her two ears.”
15.4 Lie nu zhuan: “When Cao Shuang was put to death and the Cao all perished, the younger brother of Xiahou Lingnu's father sent up a letter to the throne repudiating any matrimonial relationship with the Cao and compelled Xiahou Lingnu to return. At that time, Xiahou Wenning was serving as minister to the Prince of Liang; he regretted her perseverance in chastity in spite of her youth, and furthermore since there was no offspring of the Cao left, he hoped she might be dissuaded from her determination. He therefore sent a messenger to her advising her to remarry. Xiahou Lingnu sighed and wept, saying, 'I am of the same mind; it is right to consent.' Her family believed her and their watch over her was relaxed a bit.”
15.5 Lie nu zhuan: “Thereupon Xiahou Lingnu retired secretly to her bedroom, cut off her nose and lay down with the bedcover over her face. When her mother called her there was no answer. When she raised the bedcover and looked, there was blood all over the bed and mat. The entire family was surprised and rushed to see her; there was no one who did not shed tears.”
16. From Wei shi chunqiu, where the passage precedes that given above in the second paragraph of Note 11.4.
16.1 Sima Guang's own sentence. Wei shi chunqiu: “To go back, Xiahou Xuan, He Yan, et al., in their time achieved renown, which Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) shared as well.”
17. From Fu zi.
17.1 Fu zi: “Liu Tao, Zi Jiye, was renowned and eloquent in speech. In Cao Shuang's time he was xuanbulang.”
SGZ, Biography of Liu Ye: “Liu Ye's son Liu Yu became his heir. The second son Liu Tao also possessed great talent, but was frivolous in his conduct; he attained to the office of taishou of Pingyuan.”
17.3 Fu zi: “He said to Fu Xuan...” Fu Xuan was the author of the Fu zi.
17.5 Fu zi has: “A wise man's aim is dominion over the state; the masses of the stupid people of the world are a mere ball in his palm.”
18. From the Guan Lu bie zhuan. SGZ, Biography of Guan Lu reads: “On New Year's Day (January 31, 249) a northwesterly wind blew violenty and dust covered the sky, and this continued for over ten days. Hearing that He Yan and Deng Yang had all been put to death, his uncle then admired him.”
18.1 Lu bie zhuan: “Guan Lu's maternal uncle, the dafu Xia, asked Guan Lu, 'Did you not say on the day when you saw He Yan and Deng Yang that they already showed presages of calamity?'”
19. From SGZ and Wei lue.
19.2 SGZ, Biography of Cao Shuang states: “He Yan was a grandson of He Jin. His mother named Yin became a furen (concubine) of Taizu (Cao Cao), and so He Yan grew up in the palace. Added to this, he married an Imperial princess (a daughter of his stepfather Cao Cao). While still young, he became renowned because of his talent. He was fond of the sayings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. He wrote Dao de lun and other items in prose and verse; his works numbered tens of items in all.”
19.3 Sima Guang's own sentence. The biography of Xun Can written by He Shao, states: “Soon afterwards, Xun Can became friendly with Fu Jia; Xiahou Xuan was also intimate with him.”
SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui states: “While still in their teens, Zhong Hui and Wang Bi of Shangyang both became renowned. Wang Bi was skilled in discussing Confucianism and Daoism; he was eloquent and keen. He wrote commentaries in the Changes and the Laozi. He became shangshulang and died in his twenties.”
Wang Bi's biography by He Shao states: “At this time He Yan, who was libu shangshu, greatly admired Wang Bi.”
Concerning the so-called romantic school of this time, in particular on qingtan, pessimism and nihilism, see Shi shuo xinyu.
19.4 He Shao's biography of Xun Can: “Xun Can, zi Fengjiang. Xun Can's elder brothers all argued in favor of Confucian studies. Xun Can alone was fond of talking Daoism. He used to say that since Zigong reported, 'The Master's discourses about man's nature and the Way of Heaven cannot be heard,' the Six Records, though still extant, were the mere dregs left by the sages.” The reference to Zigong is from Lunyu (the Analects of Confucius).
20. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.
21. SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “On the day dingwei, the Emperor appointed the taifu Sima Xuanwang chengxiang, but he earnestly declined, so the Emperor desisted.”
Han Wei chunqiu (by Gong Yan): “The Emperor had the taichang Wang Su write down an edict appointing the taifu to be chengxiang, increasing his appanage by ten thousand households, and commanding the officials not to mention his ming when they memorialized the throne, just as in the case of Huo Guang of Han times.
The taifu sent up a letter declining this honor: 'Having received the testamentary charge of the Late Emperor, I have been in great anxiety because of the heavy responsibility devolving upon me. Thanks to Your Majesty's celestial prowess, I have been able to crush the iniquitous; I congratulate myself in thus earning an acquittal from my remissness. As for merit, this is nothing to speak of. Furthermore, the offices of the Three Ducal Ministers were instituted by sage Kings and are made prominent in institutional writings. As for chengxiang, its beginning dates from Zheng of Qin (the First Emperor, i.e. Ying Zheng or Qin Shihuangdi), and the Han accepted the institution without changing it. A few favored officials would go against the ancient institution; they would modify the norm of the sages' insight and follow in the footsteps of Qin and Han. Even a subject who is not directly concerned ought to rectify this error; If I, whom directly concerned in the matter, do not contend against this, what will the critics of the four quarters say against me?'
He sent up a letter more than ten times. In the end, the Emperor acquiesced, but then conferred on him the Nine Gifts. The taifu again said, 'Taizu had earned a supreme achievement and distinguished himself as a man of a supreme virtue, hence the Han showed their appreciation by conferring the Nine Gifts on him. In all the past this is an extraordinary event, a usage that should not be followed by Sovereigns and subjects of later ages.'
Thus he again declined and did not accept them.”
Jin Shu, Chronicle of Xuandi differs in matters of dates and gives more details: “Second Month (March 1-30, 249). The Son of Heaven appointed Xuandi chengxiang, increased his fief with Fanchang, Yanling, Xinji and Fucheng, all in Yingchuan, which including his former fiefs made in all eight xian consisting of twenty-thousand households, and commanded that his ming should not be mentioned in memorials to the throne. He earnestly declined the appointment to chengxiang. Winter, twelfth month (January 20-February 18, 250). The Emperor conferred on him the Nine Gifts and gave him the privilege of not bowing at court; he earnestly declined to accept the Nine Gifts.”
Ambitious as he was, Sima Yi was practical enough to leave the job of usurping the throne to his son. Of course all these honors he is reported to have refused were shown him at his own instigation, but by refusing them he was merely making the path easier for his son.
22. Except first sentence, this section is from Weilue, which reads: “Xiahou Ba, zi Zhongquan. Because Xiahou Yuan had been killed by the Shu, Xiahou Ba was always gnashing his teeth and wanted to take revenge on the Shu. During the Huangchu period, he was pian jiangjun. At the battle of the Ziwu valley, Xiahou Ba was assigned the vanguard. He advanced to Xingshi (in 244 AD) and camped in the valley. The Shu recognized him to be Xiahou Ba and rushed to attack him. Xiahou Ba defended his position, fortified by spiked barricades (something like chevaux de frise). Thanks to timely arrival of reinforcements, the encirclement was broken. Later he was appointed yu jiangjun, in which capacity he was stationed at Longxi. He took good care of his troops and was friendly with the Rong barbarians, and was liked by both.
During the Zhengshi period, he replaced Xiahou Ru as zhengshu hujun and was subordinate to the zhengxi jiangjun. At that time, the zhengxi jiangjun was Xiahou Xuan, a nephew of Xiahou Ba and a cousin of Cao Shuang. Having put Cao Shuang to death, Sima Xuanwang recalled Xiahou Xuan, who came east. Hearing that Cao Shuang had been put to death and also that Xiahou Xuan had been recalled, Xiahou Ba thought that disaster would befall him next, and was fearful at heart. In addition, Xiahou Ba did not get along with the cishi of Yongzhou, Guo Huai, and Guo Huai now replaced Xiahou Xuan as zhengxi jiangjun. Xiahou Ba became all the more uneasy in his mind and finally fled to Shu.
He went south to Yinping, but lost his way and wandered into an out-of-the-way valley. His provisions being exhausted, he killed his horse and walked on foot, and his feet became cracked. Lying down below a rock, he sent a man to find a road, but he did not know which way to take. Hearing of this, the Shu sent a man to welcome him. Now in the fifth year of Jian'an (200 AD), a female cousin of Xiahou Ba, aged thirteen or fourteen, while living in her native prefecture went out to gather firewood; she was seized by Zhang Fei, who knew she was a girl from a respectable family and took her to wife. She gave birth to daughters who became Liu Shan's consorts. This is why after Xiahou Yuan's death, Zhang Fei's wife gave him his funeral. When Xiahou Ba entered Shu, Liu Shan met him and explained to him, 'Your father met his end through his own actions on the battlefield. It was not my father's hand that killed him.' He then pointed to his son and said, 'This is a nephew of the Xiahou family.' He conferred rank and favors on him liberally.”
22.1 SGZ, Biography of Xiahou Yuan: “During the Zhengshi period, Xiahou Ba became taoshu hujun and you jiangjun and he was advanced in enfeoffment to be Lord of Bochang ting. He had been on good terms with Cao Shuang. Hearing that Cao Shuang had been put to death, he felt uneasy for himself and went to Shu. Because of the former merits of Xiahou Yuan, Xiahou Ba's sons were pardoned and banished to Lelangjun.”
22.2 Xiahou Ba was the second of the five sons of Xiahou Yuan.
23. From Han Jin chunqiu.
23.1 Han Jin chunqiu, “After Xiahou Ba had submitted to Shu, Jiang Wei asked him...”
23.2 Han Jin chunqiu: “'There is a man called Zhong Shiji, who, young as he is, will turn out to be a cause for anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu. However, only a man of extraordinary ability can make use of him.' Fifteen years later, Zhong Hui, true to this saying, destroyed Shu.”
The slight verbal difference in the ZZTJ sentence is derived from Shi yu, also quoted in SGZ. The commentator Pei Songzhi, who quotes from these two books, thinks that Xi Zuochi, author of Han Jin chunqiu, here did not draw from any independent source, but rather adopted and amplified the version given in the Shi yu, which reads: “When Xiahou Ba fled to Shu, the Shu court asked what his Excellency Sima was doing. Xiahou Ba said, 'He is building his own House. But there is in the capital a man of excellent parts, called Zhong Shiji; it would be a cause for anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu for him to take charge of the court's administration.”
This translation assumes that either one or the other of [insert certain Chinese characters] is redundant. Otherwise the sentence must be rendered: “But men of intelligence in the capital say, 'If Zhong Shiji takes charge of the court business, there will be cause for anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu.'” This does not fit the context as well. Note how Sima Guang produces a tertium quid.
23.3 Sima Guang's own sentence. SGZ, Biography of Zhong Hui: “Zhong Hui, zi Shixiu, was a man of Changshe in Yingchuan. He was the youngest son of the taifu Zhong Yao. While still young, he was precocious.” The man's zi must have been Shiji, for he was the youngest son. Shixiu is a misprint.
24. Except first sentence, from SGZ, Biography of Zhu Ran. The first part is from SGZ, Biography of Sun Quan.
24.6 After this, SGZ has a passage ZZTJ omits: “Zhuge Jin's son, Zhuge Rong, and Bu Zhi's son, Bu Xie, had inherited their fathers' offices, but Sun Quan especially charged Zhu Ran with the duty of General Superintendent (dadu) over them. Even Lu Xun, who happened to be the only meritorious official and renowned general still alive, fell short of Zhu Ran in receiving distinctions.”
24.9 After this, SGZ has a passage ZZTJ omits: “Of the meritorious officials who had fallen sick, Sun Quan showed most anxiety for Lü Meng and Ling Tong, Zhu Ran coming next in order.”
24.10 SGZ: “At the age of sixty-eight, in the twelfth year of Chiwu, he died. Sun Quan put on white clothes in mourning for him and grieved over him bitterly.” In other words, he lived 182-249 AD.
25. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.
26. From Shi yu.
26.1 Shi yu: “Now Jiang Ji had been with Sima Xuanwang on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui; Jiang Ji sent a letter to Cao Shuang saying that Sima Xuanwang intended nothing further than removing him from office.”
With regard to this letter, the Jin Ji of Gan Bao, says: “Maintaining that Cao Zhen for his merits and achievements did not deserve to have his lineage cut off, Jiang Ji had Cao Xi succeed to it. Furthermore, Jiang Ji was chargrined at his word to Cao Shuang not being fulfilled, and he fell sick and died.”
The passage to which the foregoing serves as commentary reads: “During the Jiaping period, the family lines of meritorious officials were made to continue: Cao Zhen's grand nephew (i.e. a nephew of Cao Shuang, who was the eldest son of Cao Zhen), Cao Xi, was enfeoffed as Lord of Xinchang ting, with an appanage of three hundred households; thus he was made heir to Cao Zhen.”
For a third reference to the letter, see above Note 6.2.
SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji states: “After the Prince of Qi ascended the throne, Jiang Ji was transferred to be linjun jiangjun and raised in enfeoffment to be Lord of Changling Ting.” For his canonization as Jing, see Note 26.3 below.
26.3 Sima Guang's own wording. SGZ, Biography of Jiang Ji: “Because he had been with the taifu Sima Xuanwang on the pontoon bridge over the Luoshui and thus helped to bring about the execution of Cao Shuang and the others, he was raised in enfeoffment to Lord of Duxiang, with an appanage of seven hundred households. Jiang Ji sent a memorial saying, 'I was invested with high office, yet Cao Shuang dared to harbor iniquitous intentions; this proves that I was incapable. The taifu exerted himself and took the matter in his hands for decision. Your Majesty has shown recognition of his loyal service. That criminals are put to death is a good fortune for the state. On the other hand, enfeoffment and rewards should be given to those who have earned merit. But as far as counsel is concerned, I was not aware beforehand; as far as battle is concerned, I am not one who led it.
If right measures are missed above, those below will suffer the evil consequences. I happen to be a State Minister, and in the eyes of all people, I am afraid a precedent of receiving rewards undeservedly might thus begin, and the excellent usage of modest declining fall into desuetude.' He earnestly declined, but was not permitted to refuse. He died in this year, and was canonized Lord Jing.”
27. Except first sentence, this is from SGZ Biography of Chen Tai, where the passage is preceded by: “At the beginning of the Jiaping period, Chen Tai replaced Guo Huai as cishi of Yongzhou and was given the additional title of fenwei jiangjun.”
27.1 SGZ, Biography of the Second Sovereign, where it reads: “In autumn, the wei jiangjun Jiang Wei went out to attack Yongzhou. He returned without taking it, and the generals Gou An and Li Shao (李韶) surrendered to the Wei.”
27.2 Sgz refers to Jiang Wei here as da jiangjun. The Wei historiographer, from whose records Chen Shou compiled the Wei section of SGZ, must have been misinformed, for Jiang Wei did not become da jiangjun till 256 AD. SGZ, Biography of Jiang Wei, states, “In the tenth year of Yanxi, Jiang Wei was promoted to wei jiangjun.”
Li Xin here must be identical with Li Shao; it is not certain which name is correct.
27.8 Sun zi ji ju has: “Therefore a good general defeats the enemy troops, but not with a battle.”
28. From SGZ, Biography of Deng Ai, continuing from the passage given in 241 AD. ZZTJ omits the following introductory passage: “He then received a provincial appointment as canjunshi to the zhengxi jiangjun, then was promoted to taishou of Nan'an. In the first year of Jiaping, together with the zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai, he repelled the bian jiangjun Jiang Wei of Shu (this again is an error of the Wei historiographer). Jiang Wei withdrew.”
29. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling and Han Jin chunqiu.
29.2 After this sentence, SGZ has a passage which does not fit the sequence of the narrative and is incorrect in its chronology, hence omitted in ZZTJ: “Wang Ling was promoted to be sigong (see 248 AD, section 4). Having put Cao Shuang to death, Sima Xuanwang had Wang Ling promoted to be taiyu, with the Tally.”
29.3 Han Jin chunqiu, “Wang Ling and Linghu Yu, regarding the Emperor, who was still young and controlled by a powerful minister, as hence not worthy to be a Sovereign, and regarding Cao Biao, Prince of Chu, as mature and able, plotted to enthrone the latter, so that the House of the Cao might flourish.”
SGZ: “Wang Ling and Linghu Yu secretly deliberated that the Prince of Qi was not competent for the Celestial position, while the Prince of Chu was elderly and able; they wished to enthrone Cao Biao, with Xuchang as capital.”
The ZZTJ wording also borrows from the Weilue, which reads: “Linghu Yu heard that Cao Biao, the Prince of Chu, was intelligent and courageous.” This Prince of Chu was a son of Cao Cao.
29.6 Wang Guang's words are taken from Han Jin chunqiu, with few changes. The SGZ commentator Pei Songzhi, who quotes them, suspects that they were forged by the book's compiler Xi Zuochi, since they are not countenanced by other historians and are not in proper style.
30. From SGZ, Biography of Wang Ling: “In the eleventh month of the same year, Linghu Yu sent Zhang Shi to Cao Biao; before he returned, it happened that Linghu Yu died of illness.”
31. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi: “Winter, twelfth month. On the day xinmao, the sigong Wang Ling was appointed taiyu.”
32. From SGZ, Chronicle of the Prince of Qi.
33. From SGZ, Biography of Xu Miao, continuing from the passage given in year AD 248, section 2.
33.1 Rewritten from the following: “In the first year of Jiaping, at the age of seventy-eight, and as guanglu dafu, he died at his home (thus he lived 172-249 AD). He was given a state funeral and was canonized Lord Mu. His son Xu Wu succeeded him as his heir. In the sixth year (254 AD), the Court honored men of high principle, the Imperial edict reading: 'To honor the able and show distinction to the virtuous was a thing the sage Kings prized highly. To make the good prominent and thus to instruct the world was a thing Confucius commended.
The late sigong Xu Miao (actually he declined to become sigong—See 248 AD, Section 2), the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Zhi and the weiyu Tian Yu all served under their former rulers, continuing their service through four generations (Cao Cao, Cao Pi, Cao Rui and Cao Fang, the present Emperor). Outside the Court they commanded troops; within it, they assisted in government. They were loyal and high-minded in their service of the State, and in their concern for it were forgetful of their private interests. They did not devote their attention to the betterment of their fortunes; after their death, there was no excess wealth left in their families. I commend them exceedingly. I herewith confer on the families of Xu Miao and the others two thousand bushels of grain and three hundred thousand cash in money. This shall be published throughout the Empire.'
Han Guan, zi Manyu, from the same district as Xu Miao, was a man of penetrating intelligence and great ability, as renowned as Xu Miao. He preceded Sun Li and Lu Yu as cishi of Yuzhou. His administration was very successful, and he died in office.”
33.8 Interpolated by Sima Guang. SGZ, Biography of Lu Yu, states: “Lu Yu had two sons, Lu Qin and Lu Ting. During the Xianxi period (264-266 AD), Lu Qin became shangshu and Lu Ting taishou (prefect) of Taishan.”