The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

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The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:00 am

The two volumes of Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms cover chapters 69-78 of the Zizhi Tongjian. It is now out of print and the translation was done by Achilles Fang. I'm continuing here with volume two which covers the years 246 - 265 AD. Here's the link to Vol. 1 with further information: http://www.the-scholars.com/viewtopic.php?t=14567

When I began typing this I was in a hurry and I haven't made much of an effort to change the transliterated names to the more familiar system. I may try to do so over time and any mod etc. who can edit my posts can feel free to work on it as well if they choose.

Dong Zhou edit: Completed version, thanks to Jordon, here
"Death is but death, and why are you scared at it?"-Zhang Liao
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:13 am

Chapter 75

Seventh Year of Cheng-shih (246 A.D.)
Shu: Ninth Year of Yen-his
Wu: Ninth Year of Ch’ih-wu

1. Spring, second month
(Mar. 5 – Apr. 2). The Wu chu-chi chiang-chun Chu Jan invaded the Tsu-chung; killed or captured several thousand persons, and departed.

2. The King of Kao-kou-li, Wei Kung, having rebelled several times and made incursions, Guanqiu Jian, Governor of Yu-chou, commanding various forces, comprising ten thouand infantry and cavalry to the banks of the Fei-liu River and fought a severe engagement at Liang-k’ou. Wei Kung was defeated and took to flight. Guanqiu Jian in the end massacred the people of the Kao-kou-li capital Wan-tu and took prisoner a thousand chiefs. A Kao-kou-li official named Te-Lai had repeatedly advised Wei Kung against rebellion, but Wei-Kung would not accord. Te-Lai sighed and said, “Very soon we shall see wild grass growing in this place.” He finally abstained from food and starved to death. His countrymen all respected him. Guanqiu Jian ordered the troops not to demolish his tomb nor cut down its trees. When the widow and children came into his hands he released them all.

Wei-Kung, without retinue, fled with his wife and children. Guanqiu Jian and his forces withdrew, but before long attacked him again. Wei-Kung then fled to Mai-kou. Guanqiu Jian sent after him Wang Ji, prefect of Hsuan-t’u, who moved on more than a thousand li, from Wo-chu to the southern border of the land of the Su-shen. He had his military achievements carved on stone and then returned. He killed and brought to surrender more than eight thousand persons. Over a hundred (of his subordinates) were enfeoffed for their achievements.

3. Autumn, ninth month (Sept. 28 – Oct. 26). The Sovereign of Wu appointed the p’iao-chi chiang-chun Pu Chih as his Prime Minister; the chu-chi chiang-chun Chu Jan to be tso ta-ssu-ma; and the wei chiang-chun Ch’uan Tsung to be yu ta-ssu-ma. Dividing Jingzhou into two sections, he appointed the chen-nan chiang-chun Lu Tai as shang ta-chiang-chun to take charge of the right section from Wu-ch’ang west to P’u-ch’I, and the wei-po chiang-chun Zhuge Ke as ta chiang-chun, to be in charge of the left section and stationed at Wu-ch’ang as Lu Xun’s successor.

4. (a) In Han, a general amnesty was granted. (b) The ta ssu-nung Meng Kuang, of Ho-nan, reproved Fei Yi at a gathering. “Amnesty,” he said, “is a more or less worn-out thing, not proper to an age of enlightened rule. It is granted only when decadence has gone beyond remedy, under extreme circumstances when there is no other choice. Our present Sovereign is good and capable, and the hundred officials are fulfilling their function. What imminent urgency is there that such an extraordinary favor should be repeated, only to benefit the willfully wicked? To pardon the crimes of those who strike like hawks is to violate the seasons of Heaven above and subvert human nature below. You are a dotard who has not mastered the principle of good government. I venture to believe this law can hardly endure, for how can it be what is expected from a Sovereign’s brilliant virtue, lofty and fair for the people to look up to?”

Fei Yi only looked at him and thanked him with much deference.

(c) Back in the time of Zhuge Liang as Prime Minister, someone said His Excellency was niggardly about granting amnesties. Zhuge Liang answered, “An age is well ruled through great virtue, not through petty kindness. Thus K’uang Heng and Wu Han did not like to grant general amnesties. The late Sovereign too said, ‘When I studied under Ch’en Yuan-Fang and Cheng K’ang-Ch’eng, at each instruction they revealed to me entirely the way to govern, but they never mentioned amnesties. Men like Liu Ching-Shing, Liu Chi-Yu, and his father, granted general amnesties year after year, and what good did it do for the way of government?’”

For this the people of Shu praised Zhuge Liang’s ability, and knew that Fei Yi was not his equal.

(d) Chen Shou comments, “Although in the course of his administration Zhuge Liang made many military campaigns, he never granted a general amnesty lightly. Was he not unsurpassed!”

5. The people of Wu found the Big Coins inconvenient, so they were discontinued.

6. The Sovereign of Han appointed the governor of Liangzhou, Jiang Wei, to be wei chiang-chun and had him participate in the business of the lu-shang-shu together with the ta chiang-chun Fei Yi.

The barbarians of Wen-shan and P’ing-k’ang rebelled; Jiang Wei quelled and pacified them.

7. The Sovereign of Han was going out on frequent pleasure trips, and increasing his troupe of dancing girls. Qiao Zhou of Pa-his, the chia-ling to the Crown Prince, proffered a memorial in admonition, saying: “Long ago, at the time of the fall of Wang Mang, when ambitious opportunists rose up simultaneously to occupy provinces and prefectures and contend for the sacred vessels, men of talent and intelligence all looked for someone to rally to – not necessarily for the extent of his power but simply for his richness in virtue. At that time the Emperor Keng-Shih, Kung-Sun Shu and others were already powerful, but none of them refrained from giving vent to his desires, indulging in pleasure, and neglecting to do good. Hunting and banqueting, they had no heed for the people’s livelihood. When the future Emperor Shih-Tsu first entered Ho-po, men like Fent Yi urged that he should act as other men were unable to do; and he made it his business to deal justly with innocent prisoners and to honor frugality. The northern provinces sang his praises and his fame spread afar to the four quarters. Thereupon Teng Yu went to him form Nanyang; Wu Han and K’ou Hsun, who had not known him, helped him with troops. As for the others who follwed him in admiration of his virtue – such as P’I Yung, King Ch’un, and Liu Chih – and as for those who came carrying their sick in carts, their dead in coffins, and their infants in swaddling clothes – they could not be counted. Thus, from being weak he became powerful; he slaughtered Wang Lang, annexed the T’ung-ma, crushed the Ch’ih-mei, and succeeded in becoming Emperor.

While at Luo Yang he once was going to make a trip incognito. His carriage was already harnessed. When Yao Ch’I came forward and remonstrated, the Emperor promptly had his carriage sent back. When bandits rose in Yingchuan, K’ou Hsun begged Shih-Tsu to proceed in person against the bandits; on hearing the proposal he went at once. Thus, when a matter was not urgent he did not venture to go out on a little trip even if he wanted to; when it was urgent, he did not sit at ease. So it is with a Sovereign who is bent on doing good. Hence the saying that ‘the people adhere to the Sovereign not blindly, they have indeed been prepared by his virtue.’

Now the Han dynasty has met with misfortune; the empire is split into three sections. It is time for men of parts to reflect and look toward an enlightened Sovereign. My wish is the Your Majesty again will be able to act as others cannot, and so fulfill the hopes of the people.

Another thing – continuing service at your Ancestral Shrine is not merely for seeking good fortune, but for setting an example for the people in revering superiors. Now sometimes you do not attend to the sacrifices of the four seasons, but you do keep on with visits to ponds and gardens. In my stupidity and obtuseness, I am personally disquieted. One who is loaded with worrisome tasks has not the time for unlimited pleasure.

As for the late Sovereign’s aims – his hall is not yet raised nor the roof completed. This certainly is not the time for limitless pleasure. I would wish you to follow the practices of the late Sovereign, and so hand down the lesson of frugality to your descendants."

The Sovereign of Han paid no heed.
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:18 am

Eighth Year of Cheng-shih (247 A.D.)
Shu: Tenth Year of Yen-his
Wu: Tenth Year of Chi’ih-wu

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 22 – Mar. 23).
Ch’uan Tsung (Quan Zong) of Wu died.

2. Second month (Mar. 24 – Apr. 21.). Eclipse of the Sun.

3. At this time the shang-shu He Yan and others, in league with Cao Shuang, were bent on altering laws and institutions. The t’ai-yu Chiang Chi proffered a memorial: “Long ago when the great Shun assisted Yao in governing, he was wary of ‘ignoble intimacies.’ The Duke of Zhou, in supporting the government as regent of King Ch’eng attended to ‘the associates.’ When the Marquis of Ch’I asked about a calamity, Yen Ying replied with the granting of grace. When the Prince of Lu asked about a strange event, Ts’ang-sun replied with the dismissal of works. To respond to heaven and meet accidents of nature is to consolidate human affairs. Now the two rebels Shu and Wu are not yet annihilated; for decades soldiers have been exposed to war, men and women murmur against separation, the people as a whole suffer poverty and hardship.
As for the laws and institutions of a state, only the most gifted men of their age are competent to rectify them and leave models for posterity. Are they things mediocre and inferior officials may alter? This will result in no benefit to peace and order, in fact it will be injurious to the people. It is proper for servants both civil and military to stick to their duties with obedience and composure; then natural harmony and auspicious signs will be induced.”

4. The Sovereign of Wu ordered the timbers and tiles of the palace at Wu-ch’ang transported for the remodeling of the palace at Jian Ye. The officials concerned memorialized that since the palace at Wu-ch’ang had stood twenty-eight years, it was feared that its materials would be unfit for use and that orders should be issued everywhere to cut down and forward fresh timbers.

The Sovereign of Wu said, “At present war is not yet ended and we are levying heavy taxes everywhere; if more timbers are cut it will injure agriculture and silk production. It will be sufficient to move the timbers and tiles of the palace at Wu-ch’ang and use them.”

5. He then moved the South Palace (Nan-kung).

Third month (Apr. 22 – May 21). The T’ai-ch’u Palace was repaired. He ordered all military and provincial officials to assist in carrying out his wishes.

6. The ta chiang-chun Cao Shuang, following the counsel of He Yan, Teng Yang, and Ting Mi, moved the Empress Dowager to the Yung-ning Palace. He monopolized the government, he and his younger brothers commanding the palace guards, and enlarged his own faction. He repeatedly altered laws and institutions; the t’ai-fu Sima Yi being unable to stop this, he and Cao Shuang were on bad terms.

Fifth month (June 20 – July 19). Sima Yi for the first time pretended illness and did not participate in the government.

7. The Wu ch’eng-hsiang Pu Chih died.

8. The Emperor liked and associated with mean fellows, with whom he used to hold parties in rear garden of the palace.

Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 18 – Sept. 16.). The shang-shu He Yan proffered these words: “From now on, whether Your Majesty presents himself in the Shih-ch’ien Hall or relaxes in the rear garden, it would be well to be attended by your ministers. Your parties, accordingly, should be held quietly. At the same time state documents should be inspected, government matters studied, and interpretation of the Classics expounded. This may be made a regulation for ten thousand generations.”

9. Winter, twelfth month (Jan. 13 – Feb 11, 248). K’ung Yi, the san-chi ch’ang-shih and chien- i ta-fu, proffered these words: “The empire is now at peace and the distinction between Sovereign and subjects is clear. Your Majesty, to obtain service, need only be diligent in your position, bestowing rewards and punishments with firmness and justice. You might well leave off riding horseback in the rear gardens, and when you go abroad always ride in the Imperial carriage. This would be a blessing to the empire, and is the sincere wish of your subjects.”

In neither case did the Emperor listen.

10. The Sovereign of Wu raised large masses and assembled them at Jian Ye, noisily proclaiming his intent to launch an invasion. Zhuge Dan, governor of Yangzhou took advice of Wang Chi, prefect of An-feng. Wang Chi said, “Before, Sun Quan came twice to Hefei and once to Jiang Xia; later Quan Zong came to Lu Jiang and Chu Jan invaded Xiang Yang. In each case they returned having accomplished nothing. Now Lu Xun and his like are dead and Sun Quan is old, without a competent heir in his palace nor a master counselor in his land. If Sun Quan himself should issue forth, he would expose himself to the danger of internal dissension arising suddenly – the ulcer would break open. Should he send one of his generals instead – in that case, his experienced generals are no more and his new ones cannot be trusted. This is nor more than a reshuffling of his supporters to secure his own protection.”

As predicted, the Wu were not forthcoming.

11. In this year the Qiang barbarians of Yung-chou and Liangzhou rebelled and went over to the Han. Jiang Wei of Han led troops out to Lung-yu in response to them. He battled Guo Huai, governor of Yung-chou, and Xiahou Ba, the “outpost commander for subjugating Shu,” west of T’ao river. The barbarian Kings Po-hu-wen and Chih-wu-tai and so on with their tribesmen, surrendered to Jiang Wei and Jiang Wei had them migrate to Shu. Guo Huai moved ahead, attacked the rest of the Qiang barbarians and reduced them all to pacification.
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:25 am

Ninth Year of Cheng-shih (248 A.D.)
Shu: Eleventh Year of Yen-hsi
Wu: Eleventh Year of Ch’ih-wu

1. Spring. (Resignations:) Second month (Mar. 12 – Apr. 10)
– Sun Tzu as wei chiang-chun and chung-shu-ling; on the day Apr. 10, Liu Fang as p’iao-chi chiang chun and chung-shu chien. Third month – on the day chia-wu (Apr. 11) – Wei Chen as ssu-t’u. Each resigned and repaired to the fief of which he was lord, being given the rank of t’e-chin.

Summer, fourth month (May 10 – June 8). The ssu-k’ung Kao Jou was made ssu-t’u, the kuang-lu ta-fu Hsu Mo being appointed ssu-k’ung.

2. Hsu Mo sighed and said, “The Three Ducal Ministers are officials who discourse on the Way. Lacking the right man, such a position should be left vacant. Shall I, who am old and infirm, disgrace it?” And resolutely declining, he did not take it.

3. Fifth month (June 8 – July 7). The Han officer Fei Yi moved out and stationed his troops in Han-chung.

4. Even when Jiang Wan and Fei Yi were away from the capital, rewards and punishments were first referred to them for decision long distances away, and only then were acted upon. Such was the degree to which they were esteemed.

Fei Yi was of a modest and simple nature. He accumulated no wealth in his house; his sons were taught to wear coarse clothes, eat simple food and do without carriages or horses when they went in and out, no differently from the common people. His achievements and reputation in the state service were in a large degree comparable with Jiang Wan’s.

5. Autumn, ninth month (Oct. 5 – Nov. 2). The chu-chi chiang –chun Wang Ling was appointed ssu-k’ung.

6. That autumn in the Dependency of Fou-ling the people and barbarians revolted. The han chu-chi chiang-chun Teng Chih proceeded with a punitive campaign, crushing and reducing them all to pacification.

7. The ta chiang-chun Cao Shuang was arrogant and extravagant without limit, emulating the Emperor in food and drink, clothing, and carriages. Curious and rare objects made in the Palace Workshop filled his house. The rear court of his house was thronged with women – his wife and concubines. Furthermore he took seven or eight of the Accomplished Ladies of the late Emperor, together with palace composers and musicians and thirty-three girls from good families, and made them all his entertainers. He forged an imperial edict to recruit fifty-seven girls as Accomplished Ladies whom he sent to the palace at Ye, and had a Talented Lady instruct them in accomplishments. He took out musical instruments from the Palace Music Bureau and imperial arms and weapons from the Arsenal. He built an underground room with decorated walls, where he frequently held drinking parties with his partisans such as He Yan.

His younger brother Cao Xi was profoundly concerned at all this and repeatedly admonished him, in tears. Cao Shuang did not listen to him.

8. Cao Shuang and his younger brothers frequently went out of the capital, all of them together, on pleasure trips. The ssu-nung Huan Fan, of the Dependency of P’ei, said, “One who is in charge of state affairs and those in command of the palace guards should not go out all together. If it should happen that the city gates be closed, who is there to let you in?”

Cao Shuang said, “Who would dare, indeed?”

9. The Princes of Ch’ing-ho and Ping Yuan had peen wrangling over their domains for eight years without being able to reach a settlement. Sun Li, governor of Chi-chou, asked that the case be decided by reference to the map made at the time. Lieh-tsu (Ming-Ti) enfeoffed the Prince of Ping Yuan, which had been preserved in the Palace Archives. Cao Shuang favored the plaint of the Prince of Ch’ing-ho and said that the map was not to be used. Sun Li sent in a memorial to defend his opinion; its language was forceful and to the point. Cao Shuang was very angry and impeached Sun Li on a charge of resentment at an official decision; he was given a suspended sentence of five years’ banishment.

After some time he was reinstated as governor of Ping-chou. He went to see the t’ai-fu Sima Yi wearing an expression of anger and did not speak. Sima Yi said, “Do you regard it as a small thing to be appointed to Ping-chou? Or are you regretting having ventured to regulate that matter of demarcation? Now you are taking leave of me to go to a distant post; what are you displeased about?” Sun Li said, “how unjust and trifling are Your Excellency’s words! Lacking in virtue though I be, would I take official rank or past affairs to heart? I have believed Your Excellency would emulate Yi Yin and Lu Shang and lend support to the House of Wei. Thereby, looking into the past and upward, you would requite Ming-Ti’s entrusting you with the guardianship; and looking into the future and downward, you would achieve merit for ten thousand generations. At present the foundation of the dynasty is precarious and the empire in turmoil. This is what makes me unhappy.” And he wept a flood of tears. Sima Yi said, “Stop for the time being, and bear the unbearable.”

10. Winter. Li Sehng, the Regional Governor of Ho-nan, visited the t’ai fu Sima Yi to take leave of him. Sima Yi had ordered two maidservants to attend himself. As he was holding up the skirt of his robe, it fell. He pointed to his mouth to indicate thirst and when the maids offered him congee Sima Yi drank it without holding the cup. The congee all spilled out and soiled his chest. Li Sheng said, “The crowd says Your Excellency is suffering from a recurrence of apoplexy, but I never expected your state of health to be like this.” Sima Yi then managed to get his breath and said, “I am old and bedridden with sickness, and may die at any moment. So you are about to honor Ping-chou as governor. Ping-chou is near barbarian lands; you had better prepare against them. I fear we shall not meet again.” He then entrusted Li Sheng with the care of his sons, Sima Shi and his younger brother Sima Zhao. Li Sehng said, “I am returning to disgrace my own native chou, not Ping-chou.” Sima Yi then muddled his language, saying, “You are now going to Ping-chou.” Li Sheng repeated his words, “I am about to disgrace Ching-chou.” Sima Yi said, “I am old and my mind is confused, I did not grasp your words. Now that you are returning to govern your native chou, your brilliant virtue and fine qualities will be good for great achievements.”

Li Sheng retired from this interview, told Cao Shuang, “His Excellency Sima Yi is no more than the surviving emanations of a copse; his mind is deserting his body. He is incapable of causing you anxiety.” Another day, weeping, he again said to Cao Shuang and the others, “The t’ai-fu is sick beyond recovery. It makes one sad.”

As a result, Cao Shuang and his men no longer took precautions against Sima Yi.

11. He Yan had been told that Guan Lu of ping Yuan was versed in fortune-telling, and asked to meet him.

Twelfth month. On the day ping-hsu (Jan. 28, 249), Guan Lu went to see He Yan and discussed the Book of Changes with him. On this occasion Teng Yang who occupied a seat, said to Guan Lu, “You claim to be an expert on the Changes, but your words do not touch on the vocabulary of the Changes at all. How is this?” Guan Lu said, “One who is versed in the Changes does not speak of the Change.” He Yan smiled and complimented him, saying, “Indeed, significant words are never profuse.”

12. On this occasion he said to Guan Lu, “Will you please make out one hexagram for me, to let me know whether I may reach the rank of the Three Ducal Ministers?” He further inquired, “I have dreamed several times in a row that dozens of green flies settled on my nose. I tried to drive them off but they did not leave. What about this?”

Guan Lu said, “Now of all the birds in the world the owl is the lowest, but at one time, when it stays in the forest and eats mulberries, it ‘cheers us with good words.’ I am not a mere blade of grass or tree stump; how can I not dare to serve you loyally?”

“Long ago, when the eight Harmonies and the eight Worthies supported Shun, and the Duke of Zhou assisted the Zhou dynasty, they all enjoyed much felicity through their benevolence and modesty. This is not something that fortune-telling can illuminate. At present Your Lordship enjoys exalted rank and great power, yet those who cherish your virtue are few and those who fear you are many. This is not, I venture, the way to seek happiness. Furthermore, the nose is the mountain in the celestial region of the face. Lofty and secure, it continues to enjoy exalted position. Now green flies have swarmed there, nasty and ugly. One whose rank is too high will trip; one who takes his power lightly will come to ruin. You must not fail to think deeply on this. I would wish Your Lordship to ‘diminish what is excessive, and increase where there is any defect,’ and that you ‘not take a step which is not according to propriety.’ Only then can you reach the rank of the Three Ducal Ministers, and drive away those green flies.”

Teng Yang said, “This is the usual chatter of old age.”

Guan Lu said, “Well, one who has lived long perceives who is devoid of life, and his ‘usual chatter’ apprehends who will no longer chatter at all.”

When he went home he reported his words in detail to his maternal uncle. The uncle reprimanded Guan Lu for having used such sharp language. Guan Lu said, “I was talking to dead men. What is there to be afraid of?” His uncle was very angry, and thought Guan Lu had gone crazy.

13. The barbarian rebels of Chiu-chen in Chiao-chi, under Wu, attacked and took some walled towns, throwing the Chiao-chou region into an uproar. The Sovereign of Wu appointed the tu-chun tu-yu Lu Yin of Heng-yang governor of Chiao-chou and also an-nan chiao-yu. When he went into the region Lu Yin demonstrated such generosity and good faith that more than fifty thousand households surrendered, and the region was restored to peace.

14. The t’ai-fu Sima Yi was secretly plotting with his sons, the chung-hu-chun Sima Shi and the san-chi ch’ang-shih Sima Zhao, to put Cao Shuang to death.
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:34 am

First Year of Chia-p’ing (249 A.D.)
Shu: Twelfth Year of Yen-his
Wu: Twelfth Year of Ch’ih-wu

1. Spring, first month.
On the day chia-wu (Feb. 5) the Emperor went to visit the mausoleum of Kao-p’ing-ling, attended by the ta chiang-chun Cao Shuang and his younger brothers, the chung-ling-chun Cao Xi, the wu-wei chiang-chun Cao Xun, and the san-chi ch’ang’shih Cao Yan.

2. The t’ai-fu Sima Yi, in the name of the Empress Dowager, closed the various city gates, dispatched troops to occupy the Arsenal, and led out the army to take up his position on the pontoon bridge over the Lo-shui.

3. He had the ssu-t’u Kao Jou receive the Tally and act as ta chiang-chun to occupy Cao Shuang’s headquarters, and mad ethe t’ai-p’u Wang Guan acting as chung-ling-chun to occupy Cao Xi’s headquarters.

4. Then he memorialized the Emperor on Cao Shuang’s crimes: “When I returned from Liao-tung some time ago, the late Emperor ordered Your Majesty, the Prince of Qin, and myself to mount the imperial couch, and holding my arm he expressed his deep concern in behalf of his successor. I said, ‘Both Cao Cao and Cao Pi entrusted me with their respective successors, as Your Majesty witnessed in person. There shall be no cause for worry: should anything go amiss, I will observe your command though I die.’ [This is something the huang-men-ling Tung Chi and the ts’ai-jen (Accomplished Ladies) who attended the sickbed all heard.] Now, the ta-chiang-chun Cao Shuang has disobeyed the testamentary charge and trampled down the laws of the land. Within his home he emulates the imperial dignity, without he abuses power. He has destroyed the barracks and taken possession of the entire palace bodyguard, appointed his intimates to various important offices and replaced the palace guards with his own men. He has fostered corruption, daily indulging in his wantonness. Thus is his conduct outside the palace. Then, he has appointed as tu-chien the huang-men Chang Tang, who monopolizes important connections. He spies on Your Majesty’s August Person, on the lookout to usurp the throne. He brings estrangement between the two palaces (i.e., the Emperor and the Empress Dowager), wounding the relationships of the blood. The empire is disturbed and the people sense danger. Your Majesty sits on the throne as a mere tolerated guest; how long can you remain in peace? This is not what the late Emperor intended when he ordered Your Majesty and me to mount the imperial couch. Old and decrepit though I am, I dare not forget his words. Of old, Chao Kao reveled in his desires and the Qin perished thereby; after the Lu and Huo were extirpated in good time, the lineage of the Han was perpetuated. This is a great warning for Your Majesty, and one which obliges me to act accordingly. The t’ai-yu Chiang Chi, the shang-shu-ling Sima Fu, and others all believe that Cao Shuang has a heart which knows no Sovereign, and that he and his younger brothers therefore should not command the imperial bodyguards. I have memorialized the Yung-ning Palace, and the Empress Dowager has commanded me to act as I proposed in my memorial. Thereupon I ordered the official in charge, as well as the huang-men-ling, that Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, and Cao Xun are relieved of their command of the troops and are to proceed to their fiefs as Lords, and are not to tarry to detain the imperial carriage; should they detain it or themselves linger, they will be tried and punished in accordance with military regulations. Struggling against my ailments, I have led out the army and stationed it on the pontoon bridge over the Lo-shui in anticipation of any eventuality.”

Receiving this memorial of Sima Yi’s, Cao Shuang intercepted it and did not pass it on to the Emperor. He was greatly distressed and at a loss what to do.

5. He detained the imperial carriage and made the Emperor pass the night on the south bank of the Yishui. He had trees hewed down to put up spiked barricades, and drafted several thousand troops of the agricultural colony as guards.

6. Sima Yi sent the shih-chung Hsu Yun of Kao-yang and the shang-shu Chen Tai to persuade Cao Shuang to plead guilty as early as possible. He further sent the tien-chung chiao-yu Yin Damu, a man trusted by Cao Shuang to assume Cao Shuang that there would result nothing more than his dismissal; by the Lo-shui he took an oath of his good faith. Chen Tai was Chen Qun’s son.

7. On the grounds that Huan Fan was a senior and experienced man of his native district, Cao Shuang used to show him especial honor above the rest of the Nine Minsters, but was not very intimate with him. Having put the army into action, Sima Yi summoned Huan Fan in the name of the Empress Dowager, wishing to have him act as chung-ing-chun. Huan Fan was willing to accept the appointment, but his son stopped him, saying, “With the Emperor out of the city, it is better for you to go out and proceed to the south.”

Huan Fan remained undecided for some time; his son again urged him. When Huan Fan was about to go, the ssu-nung-ch’eng and subordinate officials under him stopped Huan Fan. Huan Fan did not listen to them.

Huan Fan then left and went to the Ping-ch’ang gate. The gate was already closed. The gate-keeper Ssu Fan happened to be a former subordinate of Huan Fan. Huan Fan addressed him and raised the tablet in his hand to show it to him. Falsely, he said, “I am summoned by an imperial rescript. Be quick and open the gate for me.”

Ssu Fan wanted to see the text of the rescript. Huan Fan scolded him and said, “Were you not my subordinate in the past? How dare you act like this?” Thereupon he opened the gate. Once out of the city, Huan Fan turned to Ssu Fan and said, “The t’ai-fu has revolted. You had better go along with me.” Ssu Fan, who was on foot, could not follow him and finally hid himself on the roadside.

8. Sima Yi observed to Jiang Ji, “The ‘bag of wisdom’ is gone.” “Huang Fan is indeed wise,” said Jiang Ji, “but stupid horses are too much attached to the beans in their manger. Cao Shuang is certain not to employ his counsel.”

9. When he arrived, Huan Fan advised Cao Shuang and his younger brothers to escort the Emperor to Hsu-ch’ang and draft troops from the four quarters to strengthen his position. Cao Shuang was dubious and remained undecided. Huan Fan said to Cao Xi, “The thing is clear as day. What is the use of your having studied books? Your House being today what it is, could you become poor and lowly even if you wanted to? Besides a commoner can still hope, by providing a hostage, to keep on living. You are now in the company of the emperor; if you command the empire, who will dare not to rally to you?”

They all said not a word. Huan Fan again spoke to Cao Xi, “You have another headquarters near at hand, south of the capital, and the Luo Yang Superintendent of Agriculture has his seat of office outside the city. Both are at your beck and call. If you go with the Emperor to Xu Chang, there is no need of staying more than two nights. The subsidiary arsenal to Xu Chang is adequate to arm the troops. Our only worry is provisions, but I happen to have the seal of ta ssu-nung with me.”

Cao Xi and his brothers remained silent and did not consent. This lasted from early evening until dawn, when Cao Shuang threw his sword to the ground and said, “At any rate I shall not fail to remain a rich man.” Huan Fan wailed and said, “Cao Zhen was a good man, yet sired you and your brothers, little pigs and calves that you are! I never expected to be involved with you and have my family annihilated. Cao Shuang then passed Sima Yi’s memorial to the Emperor, requested a rescript of dismissal from office, and escorted the Emperor back to his palace.

10. After Cao Shuang and his brothers had returned to their residences, Sima Yi drafted some officials and soldiers of Luo Yang to surround and guard them. At the four corners he had high towers built and stationed men in them to watch Cao Shuang’s and his brothers’ movements. When Cao Shuang went to his rear garden, carrying a bow, the men in the towers would yell, ‘The former ta chiang-chun is going to the southeast. Cao Shuang was in despair and did not know what to do.

11. On the day wu-hsu (Feb.9), the officials in charge memorialized the throne that the huang-men Chang Tang, on his own authority, had given Cao Shuang the ts’ai-jen (Accomplished Ladies) he had selected for the palace; and that there was a suspicion of illicit relations; Chang Tang was arrested and sent to the t’ing-yu for examination. He told it that Cao Shuang, together with the shang-shu He Yan, Tend Yang, and Ting Mi, the ssu-li chiao-yu Pi Kuei, and the tz’u-shi of Jingzhou Li Sheng et al., had formed a conspiracy against the throne and were going to execute their plan in the third month (Mar. 31 – Apr. 29). Thereupon, Cao Shuang, Cao Xi, Cao Xun, He Yan, Teng Yang, Ting Mi, Pi Kuei, Li Sheng and Huan Fan as well, were all imprisoned and charged with high treason. Together with Chang Tang they were all put to death, and also the members of their families to the third degree.

12. When Cao Shuang had gone out of the capital with the Emperor, his ssu-ma Lu Chih had stayed behind at his headquarters. Hearing of the coup, he had led away the mounted troops of Cao Suang’s garrison, hewed open the gate Chin-men and gone out to Cao Shaung. When Cao Shuang was about to give up his seal and go out to meet Sima Yi, his chu-pu Yang Tsung had stopped him, saying, “Your Excellency has the protection of the Sovereign and wields power. Do you want to end up at the Eastern Market (where public executions were held) by giving it up like this?” Cao Shuang had not accepted his admonition.

The officials in charge memorialized the Lu chih and Yang Tsung be arrested and punished. The t’ai-fu Sima Yi said, “Each of them was serving his own master.” And pardoned them. Soon afterwards he appointed Lu chih yu-shih chung-ch’eng, and Yang Tsung shang-shu-lang.

13. When he was about to go out to where Cao Shuang was, Lu Chih had called the ts’a-chun Xin Chang and invited him to go with him. Xin Chang was Xin Pi’s son. His elder sister Xin Xian-Ying was the wife of the t’ai-ch’ang Yang Tan. Xin Chang took counsel with her, saying, “The Son of Heaven is out and the t’ai fu closes the city gates. People say it does not bode well for the state. Should things go like this?”

Xin Xian-Ying said, “As far as I can make out, the t’ai-fu intends in this move nothing further than putting Cao Shuang to death.” Xin Chang said, “In that case, will he succeed?” Xin Xian-Ying said, “Why should he not succeed? Cao Shuang is no match for the t’ai-fu as far as ability is concerned.” Xin Chang said, “If so, would it be well for me not to go out?” Xin Xian-Ying said, “How can you not go out? To execute one’s duty is man’s greatest principle. When even a stranger is in distress, one must pity him. But to forsake one’s duty in the service of others is a most inauspicious thing. Futhermore, one who is trusted by another person must die for him; this is the duty delving from such a close relation. You only have to follow what others do.” And so Xin Chang went out. After the matter was all brought to order, Xin Chang exclaimed, “Had I not consulted my elder sister, I would have missed doing right.”

14. Sometime before this, Cao Shuang had given official appointments to Wang Chen and Yang Hu of Taishan; Wang Chen advised Yang Hu to accept the appointment. Yang Hu said, “It is so difficult to serve other people!” Wang Chen eventually went to take his appointment. When Cao Shuang met his disaster Wang Chen escaped it because he had been merely a subordinate. He then said to Yang Yu, “I have not forgotten what you told me.” Yang Hu said, “This is not what I had in mind at the time.”

15. Xiahou Lingnu, the wife of Cao Shuang’s younger cousin Cao Wenshu had early become a widow and had no son. Her father Xiahou Wen-ning wanted to re-marry here; Xiahou Lingnu cut off both her ears to show her determination not to marry again. She was a supporter of Cao Shuang. After Cao Shaung was put to death, her family sent up a letter to the throne repudiating any matrimonial relationship with the Cao, and compelled her to return intending to re-marry he. Xiahou Llingnu retired secretly to her bedroom, drew out a knife and cut off her nose. Her family was astonished and regretful.

“Our life in this world is like a particle of light dust on a blade of weak grass.” They said to her. “Why torment yourself to this extent? Besides, your husband’s family is completely exterminated. What purpose does it serve for you to persevere in your chastity?” Xiahou Lingnu said, “I have heard that a person of worth does not renounce his principles because of changes in fortune, nor a righteous person change his mind with a view to preservation or destruction. While the Cao flourished, I was bent on keeping my chastity. Now that they have declined and perished, can I bear to renounce them? Even animals do not act this way; how can I?” Hearing of this, Sima Yi commended her and gave her permission to adopt a son as heir to the Cao.

16. While in power, men like He Yan considered themselves the great talents of the age, unequalled by anybody else. He Yan once wrote an Evaluation of Famous Men, reading, “’Those operations searched out what was deep:’ – therefore they could bring to completion all undertakings under heaven. This refers Sima Shi. ‘Their action was spirit-like’ – therefore they could make speed without haste, and reached their destination without travelling. I have heard this saying, but I have not yet met the man.” The implication is that he took the spirit-like one to be himself.

17. The hsuan-pu-lang Liu Tao was a son of Liu Ye. While still young, he was already an eloquent speaker. Teng Yang and others praised him as another Yi Yin or Lu Shang. Liu Tao once said to Fu Xuan, “Confucius was not a sage. How do I know this? A wise man stands among the masses of the stupid people as if he were playing with a ball in his palm. But Confucius was not able to become mater of the empire. How can he, then, be called a sage?” Fu Xuan did not refute him at all, but merely said to him, “The world is full of vicissitudes. I shall soon witness your distress.” After Cao Shuang met his disaster, Liu Tao retired to his country home and apologized for his extravagant words.

18. Guan Lu’s maternal uncle asked Guan Lu, “How did you know before that He Yan and Teng Yang would come to destruction?” Guan Lu said, “By meeting men of ill fortune, one comes to know the influences of the spirits; by approaching men of good luck, one comes to know how wonderfully the sages and the worthy sought refinement. Now when Teng Yang walked, his muscles did not bind his skeleton, nor did his pulse control his flesh; he stood aslant as if he had no hands and feet. This is known as the ghostly gait. As for He Yan’s physiognomy, his soul did not maintain its dwelling, nor his blood ornament his color; his spirit floated like smoke and he looked like a desiccated tree. This is known as ghostly obscurity. These two things are not signs of good fortune.

19. He Yan was vain by nature; powder never left his hands, and he looked at his shadow when he walked. He was especially fond of the writings of Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi. With men like Xiahou Xuan, Xun Can, and Wang Pi of Shangyang, he competed in metaphysical disquisition, and held nihilism in great esteem. These men considered the Six Classics the mere dregs left by the sages. As a result scholars throughout the empire rivaled each other in emulating them, and this became a trend which could not be suppressed anymore. Xun Can was a son of Xun Yu.

20. On the day ping-wu (Feb. 17), a general amnesty was given.

21. On the day ting-wei (Feb. 18), the Emperor appointed the t’ai-fu Sima Yi Ch’eng-hsiang (Prime Minster) and conferred on him the Nine Gifts; Sima Yi earnestly declined and did not accept.

22. Now, the yu chiang-chun Xiahou Ba had been on good terms with Cao Shuang. Because his father Xiahou Yuan had been killed by the Shu, he was always gnashing his teeth, cherishing the aim of avenging him. As t’ao-Shu hu-chun, he had been stationed in Lung-his subordinate to the cheng-his chiang-chun. The cheng-his chiang-chun Xiahou Xuan was Xiahou Ba’s nephew and Cao Shuang’s cousin. After Cao Shuang was put to death, Sima Yi summoned Xiahou Xuan to the capital and replaced him with the tz’u-shih of Yung-chou, Guo Huai. Xiahou Ba did not get along with Guo Huai, and felt certain calamity would befall him; he was much afraid and fled to Han. The Sovereign of Han said to him, ‘Your father met his end through his own actions on the battlefield; it was not my father’s hand that killed him.” He treated him very liberally.

23. Jiang Wei asked Xiahou Ba, “Now that Sima Yi holds the political power, does he not intend to begin military expeditions?” Xiahou Ba siad, “He is occupied at present with setting up his House, and has no time for external affairs. There is a man called Zhong Shiji; young as he is, it will be a cause of anxiety on the part of Wu and Shu if he takes charge of the court’s administration.” This Zhong Shiji was the shang-shu-lang Zhong Hui, a son of Zhong Yao.

24. Third Month (Mar. 31 – Apr. 29). The Wu tso ta ssu-ma Zhu Ran died. Zhu Ran was less than seven ch’ih in height, but all his features were distinct and clear, and he cultivated his inner self. He ornamented only his military weapons; all other things were simple and plain. All day long he was as solemn as if he were on the battlefield. In emergencies he was brave and calm, far surpassing others. Even in times of peace, he would have drums beaten vigorously every morning and night; the soldiers of his barracks all marched in formation. He maneuvered with the enemy in this fashion, so that they never knew what he was prepared to do, and for this reason his campaigns were always successful.

Zhu Ran had been ill, and his condition became more and more serious. The Sovereign of Wu during the day cut down his meals, and at night stayed awake. Palace messengers carrying medicines and food crowded the road. Each time Zhu Ran sent an envoy to report on his condition, the Sovereign of Wu received him and made inquiries in person; when he entered, he gave him wine and food; when he went out, he gave him cloths and silken fabrics. When Zhu Ran died, the Sovereign of Wu grieved over him bitterly.

25. Summer, fourth month. On the day I-ch’ou (May 8) the reign-title was altered (from the tenth year of Cheng-shih to the first year of Chia-p’ing).

26. When Cao Shuang was south of the Yi River, Jiang Ji, later canonized as Lord Qing of Changling, sent him a letter saying that the t’ai-fu intended nothing further than removing him from office. After Cao Shuang was put to death, Jiang Ji was raised in enfeoffment to be Lord of Tu-hsiang. He sent up a memorial earnestly declining this promotion, but he was not permitted to do so. Chargrined at his words to Cao Shuang not being fulfilled, he fell sick, and on the day ping-tzu (May 19) he died.

27. Autumn. The Han wei chiang-chun Jiang Wei invaded Yung-chou. He built two walled fortresses on the Ch’u-shan and had the yan-men-chiang Kou An and Li Hsin, etc., guard them. He also incited Qiang barbarians such as Chih Jen to invade neighboring prefectures. The cheng-his chiang-chun Guo Huai and the tz’u-shih of Yung-chou Chen Tai, were holding them off. Chen Tai said, the “Ch’u-ch’eng (one of the fortresses) is indeed strong, but it is too far from Shu and the road is steep; yet provisions have to be transported to it. The Qiang barbarians are suffering from the labors imposed on them by Jiang Wei; they are certain not to work loyally for him. If we besiege and capture it now, we can take it without bloodying our swords. Reinforcements may come, but the mountain paths are steep and are not suitable ground for troop marches.”

Thereupon Guo Huai let Chen Tai lead the t’ao-Shu hu-chun Xu Zhi and the t’ai-shou of Nan-an Deng Ai and advance with the troops to besiege Ch’u-ch’eng. They cut off its supply route and the stream outside it. Gou An and the others tried to provoke them to a battle, but it was not permitted. The Han generals and troops were in distress; they divided their provisions and gathered snow, in order to gain time. Jiang Wei brought reinforcements, coming from the mountain Niu-t’ou-shan and confronting Chen Tai. Chen Tai said, “The Art of War places value on defeat of the enemy without fighting. If we now cut off Niu-t’ou-shan and leave Jiang Wei no route of retreat, then he will be our captive.”

He then commanded the various troops to strengthen their fortifications and not to fight. He sent a messenger to Guo Huai telling him that while he himself was going to cross the Po-shui to the south and then go east along the river, Guo Huai should hasten to Niu-t’ou-shan and intercept the route of retreat, so that together they could capture not only Gou An and his colleagues, but also Jiang Wei. Guo Huai followed this plan, and moved his troops forward to the T'’ao-shui. Jiang Wei fled in panic. Gou An and the others, thus isolated, surrendered.

28. Thereupon Guo Huai proceeded to the west to strike the various Qiang tribes. Deng Ai said, “The enemy has not gone far and may possibly return. We had better leave a part of the troops as a precaution.” Thereupon Deng Ai was left behind, north of the Po-shui. Three days later Jiang Wei sent his general Liao Hua to move ahead from the Po-shui toward Deng Ai’s camp. Deng Ai said to his generals, “Now Jiang Wei has come. Our troops being as few as they are, the thing for him do would be to cross the river; but he is building no bridge. This shows that Jiang Wei is letting Liao Hua keep us occupied so we will not withdraw. It is certain that Jiang Wei himself is attacking to the east to take T’ao-ch’eng.” This T’ao-ch’eng was north of the river, sixty li from where Deng Ai was stationed. That same night Deng Ai secretly took his troops to the place. As was expected, Jiang Wei came and crossed the river, but since Deng Ai had forestalled him in occupying the city, no disaster ensued. The Han troops withdrew.

29. The tz’u-shih (governor) of Yen-chou Ling-hu Yu, son of a sister of the ssu-k’ung Wang Ling, had been stationed at Ping-l. Both the nephew and his uncle held important military positions south of the Huai river. Wang Ling and Ling-hu Yu, regarding the emperor as unintelligent, weak, and controlled by a powerful minister (Sima Yi), and hearing that Cao Biao, Prince of Chu, was intelligent and courageous, plotted to enthrone the latter, with Xu Chang as capital.

Ninth month (Oct. 24 – Nov. 21). Ling-hu Yu sent his subordinate general Zhang Shi to Po-ma to contact the Prince of Chu. Wang Ling also sent his subordinate official Lao Ching to Luo Yang to tell his son Wang Kuang. Wang Kuang said, “In embarking on a great venture, one must take as basis the sentiments of men. Cao Shuang lost his popularity with the people because of his arrogance and luxury; Ho P’ing-Shu (He Yan) was vain and ungoverned. Ting Mi, Pi Kuei, Huan Fan, and Deng Yang were all men of renown, but they made too much of themselves in the world. Besides, they time and again altered governmental institutions and changed the laws – all of which may have been from high aims, but had no connection with the sentiments of those below; the people were accustomed to the ancient usages, and did not follow them. Therefore, in spite of the fact that their power extended over the land within the four seas and their renown shook the empire; they were all put to death on the same day. With such famous men halve din number, the people found peace, and none pitied them. All this was because they lost popularity with the people. Now Sima Yi cannot be fathomed, but what he does never runs contrary to the situation. He gives his assignments to the worthy and capable, and liberally credits those who are better than he; he practices the laws of the former rulers and satisfies the people’s desire. Of whatever Cao Shuang did wrong, he has left nothing uncorrected. He does not relax his efforts day and night, his primary aim being to soothe the people. He and his sons all wield military power; it will not be easy to ruin them”

Wang Ling did not follow this advice.

30. Winter, eleventh month (Dec. 22, 249 – Jan. 19, 250). Ling-hu Yu again sent Zhang Shi to the Prince of Chu; before he had returned, it happened that Ling-hu Yu died of illness.

31. Twelfth month. On the day hsin-mao (Jan. 28, 250), while still at his post at Shou Chun, Wang Ling was given the appointment of t’ai-yu.
32. On the day keng-tzu (Feb. 6, 250), the ssu-li chiao-yu Sun Li was appointed ssu-k’ung.

33. The kuang-lu ta-fu Xu Mo died. Xu Mo was renowned for his high principles. Lu Qin once wrote an easy in praise of Xu Mo, saying, “His Excellency Xu Mo is lofty in aim and pure in deed, broad in talent and vehement in spirit. In his conduct he is lofty but not precipitous, pure but not uncompromising, broad but true to his words, vehement but able to be tolerant. Purity is what sages held to be difficult to attain, but it is any easy matter for His Excellency Xu Mo. Someone asked me how it was that during the time of Wu-Ti (Cao Cao), His Excellency Xu Mo was known as a man of free spirit, but since he had become tz’u-shih of Liangzhou and returned to the capital, he was thought to be uncompromising. I answered, ‘In earlier times, when Mao Hsiao-Hsien and Ts’ui Chi-Kuei were directing affairs, they prized men of purity and simplicity, so all their contemporaries changed their carriages and clothing to seek high repute. But His Excellency Xu Mo did not change from his usual manner, hence he was held to be a man of free spirit. In recent times, the whole empire has become luxurious and extravagant, one aping and emulating the other. But His Excellency Xu Mo remained constant and was not like the crowd. Hence he was said to be free in former days and uncompromised today. This only proves that the world is inconstant, while His Excellency Xu Mo is constant.’”

Lu Qin was a son of Lu Yu.
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Zhang Liao17
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:38 am

Second Year of Chia-p’ing (250 A.D.)
Shu: Thirteenth Year of Yen-hsi
Wu: Thirteenth Year of Ch’ih-wu

1. Summer, fifth month (June 17 – July 15).
The cheng-his chiang-chun Guo Huai was appointed chu-chi chiang-chun.

2. The Palace Lady Pan from Kuei-chi had been favored by the Sovereign of Wu and had borne his younger son, Sun Liang, whom the Sovereign of Wu loved. Princess Quan already had a grudge against the Crown Prince Sun He. Wishing to consolidate her position against future eventuality, she had repeatedly praised Sun Liang to the Sovereign and had given him in marriage the daughter of Quan Shang, son of the elder brother of her husband Quan Zong. Because the Prince of Lu, Sun Ba, had formed his friends into a faction to the detriment of his elder brother the Crown Prince, the Sovereign of Wu at heart despised him. He had said to the shih-chung Sun Jun, “My sons are not friendly toward each other and my subjects are divided into two camps; there is going to be a bad end like that of the Yuan, and we will become the laughing stock of the whole empire. If I let one of them succeed to the throne, how can there not be trouble?” So he had the idea of deposing Sun He and making Sun Liang Crown Prince, and had gone on thinking it over through the years. Sun Jun was a great grandson of Sun Jing.

Autumn. The Sovereign of Wu placed the Crown Prince Sun He in confinement. The p’iao-chi chiang chun Zhu Ju admonished the throne: “I have heard it said that the Crown Prince is the root and foundation of a state. Besides, the present one is humane and filial; the whole empire adheres to him. Now he is suddenly reprimanded. There is going to be trouble from this one of these days. Anciently Duke Xian of Qin used the counsels of Li-chi and the heir apparent Shen-sheng was not preserved; Han Wudi trusted Chiang Ch’ung and the Crown Prince Li died innocently. I fear that the Crown Prince will not outlive his sorrow, and then even if you build a ‘Palace for Remembering the Son’ it will not succeed in bringing him back.”

The Sovereign of Wu did not heed him.

3. Thereupon Zhu Ju and the shang-shu p’u-I Ch’u Huang, at the head of the various generals and officials, came to the palace several days in a row with their heads smeared with mud and their arms bound, interceding for Sun He. The Sovereign of Wu, mounting the Po-chueh-Terrace, was extremely annoyed at seeing them and ordered Zhu Ju, Ch’u Huang, and the others not to concern themselves with such things precipitately. Shun Quan intended to depose Sun He and invest Sun Liang.

Ch’en Cheng, commandant of the Wu-nan Army, and Ch’en Hsiang, commandant of the Wu-ying Army, each sent up a memorial remonstrating earnestly. Zhu Ju and Ch’u Huang also resolutely protested without end. The Sovereign of Wu became very angry and put Ch’en Cheng and Ch’en Hsiang to death with their families. He had Zhu Ju and Ch’u Huang dragged into the audience hall; Zhu Ju and Ch’u Huang continued to remonstrate orally, knocking their heads on the floor and ripping blood, their language and spirit indomitable. The Sovereign of Wu had them flogged a hundred blows each. He demoted Zhu Ju to be chun-ch’eng of Hsin-tu, and Ch’u Huang was dismissed to return to his native district. The various officials put to death or banished for involvement in this protest were counted by tens.

4. In the end the Sovereign of Wu deposed the Crown Prince Sun He, made him a commoner, and banished him to Ku-chang, and ordered the Prince of Lu, Sun Ba, to commit suicide. He put Yang Chu to death, letting his corpse float down the Chiang and also executed Ch’uan Chi, Wu An, and Sun Ch’I, because they had all been partisans of Sun Ba and derogated Sun He.

5. In his youth Yang Chu had already been renowned, yet Lu Xun had said he would eventually come to disaster, and advised his elder brother Yuang Mu to set up a family separate from him. When Yang Chu did come to disaster Yang Mu was spared from death because he had frequently admonished and warned Yang Chu.

6. Zhu Ju had not yet reached his post when the chung-shu-ling Sun Hung through an edict exacted his suicide.

7.Winter, tenth month (Nov. 12 – Dec. 10). Wen Qin, t’ai shou of Lu Jiang, feigned revolt in order to dupe the Wu p’ien chiang-chun Zhu Yi, and wanted Zhu Yi himself to bring troops and come to receive him. Chu I was aware of the ruse and communicated to the throne that Wen Qin should not be welcomed. The Sovereign of Wu said, “At the present the northern land is not unified. Since Wen Qin says he wishes to join us, we should at least go and welcome him. If you suspect him of deceit you have only to spread your net to catch him, or deploy strong forces to ward him off.” And he sent the p’ien chiang-chun Lu Chu, at the head of twenty thousand men, to unite his strength with Zhu Yi’s. Lu Chu eventually reached the northern frontier of Wu. It turned out that Wen Qin did not surrender. Chu I was a son of Zhu Huan, Lu Chu was a son of Lu Fan.

8. Eleventh Month (Dec. 11, 250 – Jan 9, 251). Sun Li, the “Illustrious” Lord of Ta-li, died.

9. The Sovereign of Wu made his son Sun Liang Crown Prince.

10. The Sovereign of Wu sent a hundred thousand troops to build an embankment on the T’u River in T’ang-I, in order to obstruct the route of the Wei army in the north.

11. Twelfth Month. On the day chia-ch’en (Feb. 5, 251), Cao Lin, the “Firm” Prince of Tung-hai, died.

12. The cheng-nan chiang-chun Wang Ch’ang proffered his words to the throne: “Sun Quan has banished his able ministers and the heir and the bastard have been contending for the succession. We may well take advantage of this dissension to strike Wu. The region in Shu between Po-ti and Yiling,m as well as Wu, Tzu-kuei, and Fang-ling (three districts in Ch’ien), are all north of the Chiang; the Chinese people and barbarians of these places live as neighbors of our Hsin-ch’eng-chun. We must make a surprise attack and take them.”

The Court accepted this advice, sending Chou T’ai of Nan-yang, t’ai-shou of Hsin-ch’eng-chun, to carry out a surprise attack on Wu, Tzu-kuei, (and Fang-ling); and Wang Chi, ts’u-shi of Jingzhou, to move towards Yiling. Wang Chang himself moved toward Jiang Ling. He stretched bamboo ropes between the two banks to make a bridge, and crossing over it, struck at the enemy. The rebels rushed to the south bank, penetrating by seven routes to come forward simultaneously to the attack. Then Wang Chang had all the crossbows shoot in one volley. The Wu ta-chaing Shih Chi fled during the night into the walled city of Jiang Ling; Wang Chang pursued him and killed several hundred of his men. Wang Chang wanted to draw the Wu on to level terrain and engage them in battle, so he first sent five detachments to withdraw along the highway, so as to make the Wu rejoice at seeing the pretended retreat. He also had the mailed horses he had captured, bearing weapons and severed heads, circle the walls to arouse their anger, and laid his men in ambush to wait for them. Shih Chi actually did come out in pursuit; Wang Chang joined battle with these troops and crushed them. Shih Chi took to flight; Wang Chang killed his generals Chung-Li Mao and Hsu Min. He took their heads, banners and drums, valuables, armor and weapons, and thus returned, with his troops in martial splendor.

13. Jiang Wei of Han again invaded Xi Ping, without success.
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:43 am

Third Year of Chia-p’ing (251 A.D.)
Shu: Fourteenth Year of Yen-hsi
Wu: First Year of T’ai-yuan

1. Spring, first month (Feb 8 – Mar 9.).
Wang Chi and Chou T’ai attacked Wu forces and in both cases crushed them. Several thousand men surrendered.

2. Second month (Mar. 10 – Apr. 7). The shang-shu-ling Sima Fu was appointed ssu-k’ung.

3. Summer, fourth month. On the day chia-shen (May 16), the cheng-nan chiang-chun Wang Chang was appointed cheng-nan ta chiang-chun.

4. On the day jen-ch’en (May 24) a general amnesty was given.

5. The t’ai-yu Wang Ling, learning that the Wu were obstructing the water of the T’u, wanted to take this opportunity to put troops into action (for his own purposes). He effected a large-scale mobilization of the various forces and memorialized requesting a campaign against the rebels. Bu the Emperor made no response. Wang Ling, growing bolder in his conspiracy, sent his general Yang Hung to acquaint the tz’u-shih of Yen-chou Huang Hua with this plan for deposing the Emperor and enthroning the Prince of Chu. Huang Hua and Yang Hung signed their names together and reported the matter to Sima Yi. Sima Yi took the Central Army down the river for punitive action against Wang Ling. First he proclaimed a pardon absolving Wang Ling of his crime, and then sent a letter remonstrating with him; then suddenly the main forces arrived at Po-ch’ih. Knowing he was at the end of his resources, Wang Ling took a boat and came out alone to welcome Sima Yi. He sent ahead his yuan Wang Yu to plead guilty for him, and returned his seal as well as his Tally and Ax. When Sima Yi’s army reached Ch’iu-t’ou, Wang Ling came to the bank of the Ying-shui and there had himself bound. Sima Yi, in accordance with an imperial command, sent his chu-pu to free him from his bonds.

6. Having received his pardon, and in addition relying on his old friendship with Sima YI, Wang Ling was no longer dubious, and forthwith got into a small boat intending to go to Sima Yi. Sima Yi sent a man to stop him. He halted his boat on the Huai a hundred odd feet away from Sima Yi. Perceiving that the latter was not friendly toward him, Wang Ling addressed Sima Yi from this distance, “If you had summoned me by a wooden slip, could I have dared not to come? Why do you have to come with the army?” Sima Yi said, “Because you are not one to obey the call of a wooden slip.” Wang Ling said, “You have failed me!” Sima Yi said, “I would rather fail you than fail the State.” In the end, he sent six hundred foot and horse to escort him west to the capital. As a feeler, Wang Ling asked for nails for his coffin, in order to see what Sima Yi’s intentions were; Sima Yi had them given to him.

7. Fifth month. On the day chia-yin (June 15), Wang Ling having reached Xiang on the way, he drank poison and died.

8. Sima Yi moved on to Shou Chun. Chang Shi and other all confessed their crime. Sima Yi investigated the case to the bottom. All incriminated in the case, and their relatives to the third degree, were exterminated.

9. The tombs of Wang Ling and Ling-hu Yu were opened, their coffins chopped apart, and their corpses exposed in the nearest market place for three days. Their seals and Court garments were burned and their corpses buried in bare ground.

10. Before all this, while yet a common man, Ling-hu Yu, had held high ambitions, and people all thought Ling-hu Yu was certain to glorify the Ling-hu clan. His uncle Ling-hu Shao, Prefect of Hong Nong, alone expressed the opinion, “Yu is of unruly nature; he does not cultivate his virtue, and yet wants to be great. He is sure to bring our clan to extermination.” Ling-hu Yu heard about this and was very much upset. When Ling-hu Shao became hu-pen chung-lang-chiang, Ling-hu Yu had already gone through a series of official promotions, and in his various posts had earned fame. Ling-hu Yu casually said to Ling-hu Shao, “In earlier days, sir, you said I would have no future. What do you say now?” Ling-hu Shao looked at him intently without saying a word. Privately he said to his wife and children, “Kung-Chih has not improved in character. As far as I can see, he will come to ruin and extermination. I do not know whether I will live long enough to be involved with him not; it is you who will suffer the calamity.”

Ten-odd years after Ling-hu Shao’s death, Ling-hu Yu and his family were exterminated.

11. While he was in Yen-chou, Ling-hu Yu had appointed Shan Ku of Shan-yang as his pieh-chia. He and the chih-chung Yang K’ang both became Ling-hu Yu’s trusted men. After Ling-hu Yu’s death, Yang K’ang was given an appointment by the ssu-t’u and came to Luo Yang, where he divulged the conspiracy of Ling-hu Yu. It was through this that Ling-hu Yu was undone. When he came to Shou Chun Sima Yi saw Shan Ku and asked him, “Did Ling-hu Yu plot a rebellion?” Shang Ku said he did not. However, Yang K’ang had reported that Shan Ku was involved in the conspiracy, so Shan Ku and his family were all arrested and given in charge of the t’ing-yu. Tortured and questioned dozens of times, Shan Ku remained firm in his denial. Sima Yi called in Yang K’ang and checked Shan Ku’s statement with his. No longer able to parry, Shan Ku abused Yang K’ang, “You old slave, you have first betrayed the Prefect and then would exterminate my family. Do you think you will be kept alive?” At first Yang K’ang hoped to be enfeoffed. As it turned out, because of his inconsistent statements he also was sentenced to death. Going to be executed, they both came out of the prison together. Shan Ku again abused Yang K’ang, “You old slave, your death is only just. If the dead are conscious, how will you have the face to go to the underworld?”

12. The Emperor appinted the tz’u-shih of Yangzhou Zhuge Dan to be chen-tung chiang-chun and tu-tu (Commander in Chief) of all the forces in Yangzhou.

13. The Sovereign of Wu made the Palace Lady (fu-jen) P’an his “Empress,” granting a general amnesty and changing the reign-title to T’ai-yuan.

14. Sixth month (July 6 – Aug 3). The Prince of Chu, Cao Biao was commanded to commit suicide. All the imperial Princes and Dukes were brought to Ye, and officials were made to watch over them and see that they did not have relations with the world.

15. Autumn, seventh month. On the day jen-hsu (Aug. 22), the Empress Chen died.

16. On the day hsin-wei (Aug. 31) the ssu-k’ung Sima Fu was appointed t’ai-yu.

17. Eighth month. On the day wu-yin (Sept. 7), Sima Yi, the Lord Xuan-Wen of Wu-Yang, died. The Emperor appointed his son, the wei chiang-chun Sima Shi to be fu-chun ta chiang-chun and lu shang-shu shih.

18. The Southern Xiong Nu chieftains had adopted the surname Liu on the grounds that they were nephews, on their maternal side, of the House of Han. T’ai-Tsu (Cao Cao) had detained the shan-yu Hu Chu Quan at Ye and divided his horde into five groups, which were settled in Ping-chou. At this time the tso-hsien-wang Liu Bao, son of the shan-yu Yu Fu Luo, was the chieftain of the Left Group, which was the strongest.

The t’ai-shou of Ch’eng-yang Dent Ai sent up his opinion: “The Jung and Ti barbarians have the hearts of beasts. They have no conception of loyalty and friendship. When they are strong they invade, when they are weak they submit. Therefore, in the time of King Xuan of Zhou there was the incursion of the Hsien-yun; and the Han Kao-Tsu suffered adversity under them at P’ing-ch’eng. Whenever the Xiong Nu have become powerful, they have been a heavy worry to past dynasties. Since the shan-yu came to the interior of China, the barbarians have lost their leader, and lack a ruler to control their unity or disunity. At present the dignity of the shan-yu daily declines, while the power of the outer territory daily increases. We must take deep-seated precautions against the barbarians. I hear there are dissenters among Liu Bao’s horde. We may well utilize this dissension and divide his country in two, so that his power will be reduced. Ch’u-Pei distinguished himself under the previous dynasty, but his son has not succeeded him in his work. We should distinguish this son by a prominent title and have him live in Yen-men. Cleave their territory and weaken their force, give them posthumous honors – this is the best plan for defense of the frontiers.” He further set forth how those of the barbarians who were living together with the Chinese people should be gradually segregated and made to live outside the Chinese people, so they would respect the teachings of modesty and shame, and to obstruct the way to wantonness and villainy. Sima Shi followed all these proposals.

19. In Wu, the li-chieh chung-lang-chiang Lu Kang, who had been stationed at Chai Sang, came to Jian Ye to have his ailments treated. His ailments having improved, he was about to return to his post. The Sovereign of Wu shed tears when he took leave of him and said to him, “I formerly gave ear to slander and became estranged from your father. I am very ashamed toward you for this. All the questions I put to you, you must burn, and do not let anyone else see them.”

20. At this time, the Sovereign of Wu quite understood that the former Crown Prince Sun He was innocent.

21. Winter, eleventh month (Dec. 1 – 29). The Sovereign of Wu sacrificed at the Southern Suburb; on returning, he fell sick of epilepsy.

22. He wanted to recall Sun He. Princess Quan, the shih-chung Sun Jun, and the chung-shu-ling Sun Hung strongly opposed it, so he desisted.

23. When Zhuge Ke was about to set out, the shang ta chiang-chun Lu Tai cautioned him, “The time is a difficult one. You must think ten times on each matter.” Zhuge Ke said, “Of old, Chi-Wen-Tzu thought thrice and then acted; Confucius said, ‘Twice will do.’ Now you bid me think ten times, showing clearly my inferiority!” Lu Tai had no reply. Men of the time all said he had made a slip of the tongue.

Yu His comments: “Now to be entrusted with the empire is extremely serious; for a subject to act as proxy for the Sovereign is extremely difficult. Put these two extremes together, and those who can successfully manage the myriad subtleties of imperial rule are few indeed. Without adopting the various counsels of others, consulting even fuel-gatherers, receiving the opinions of others with humility and never with impatience, there is no achieving merit and fame, nor great service to the state. Lord Lu, as a senior statesman whose aims were broad and far-reaching, instructed him with ‘Think ten times,’ yet was rebuffed as having imputed inferiority. This was where Yuan-Hsun (Zhuge Ke) was not only rude but lacking in full intelligence. Had he followed the admonition to ‘think ten times,’ and extensively consulted others on the matters of the day, had he been quicker than thunder in receiving good advice and faster than wind in accepting admonitions, would he have reached death by the sword of an assassin? People at the time admired his quick wit, which was indeed admirable at the moment, and laughed at lord Lu’s being hard pressed for a reply; they did not think of disaster, which ought to be the dominant preoccupation of the mind. This is like taking pleasure in the luxuriant beauty of spring blossoms and forgetting the delectability of autumn fruits. Long ago the Wei attacked Shu and the Shu repelled them. When the picked forces were about to march out, Fei Yi was occupied in playing chess with Lai Min, without showing any fatigue. Lai Min predicted he was certain to manage the enemy; he meant that his clear strategy had been already formed within his mind and no sign of worry appeared on his face. Furthermore, Chang-Ning said he was like the superior man ‘who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans, and then carries them into execution.’ Moreover Shu was a small state confronted by a strong enemy; everything it devised or planned was for defense and battle. How could he boast to himself that he more than equaled the task; how could he have abstained from worry? This only proves that Fei Yi was by nature large and broad and was not cautious in petty matters. Eventually he was murdered by Guo Xun, a man who surrendered to Shu. Did not the omen for his calamity appear already at the time when he played chess? I first heard Chang-Ning’s appraisal of Wen-Wei (tzu of Fei Yi), and then came to witness Yuan-Hsun’s reproof to Lord Lu. The two matters are essentially identical; both can serve as a warning to the world.”

25. On arriving at Jian Ye, Zhuge Ke went to see the Sovereign of Wu in his bedroom, and he received his command at the foot of his couch. As ta chiang-chun he was appointed to act as t’ai-fu (Grand Preceptor) to the Crown Prince, with Sun Hung to act as shao-fu (Junior Preceptor). The Sovereign of Wu commanded his officials to follow the directions of Zhuge Ke in all things; only grave matters of death sentence or granting life was he to take to the throne. For him the Sovereign prescribed ceremonies of respects to be paid by officials of the realm, each according to his rank. He also appointed the Prefect of Kuei-chi, T’eng Yin of Po-hai, as Master of Ceremonies; T’eng Yin was a son-in-law of the Sovereign of Wu.

26. Twelfth month (Dec. 31 – Jan. 28, 252). The kuang-lu-hsun Cheng Ch’ung of Ying-yang was appointed ssu-k’ung.

27. In Han, Fei Yi had returned to Cheng Du. An astrologer told him the capital site was unfavorable for a Prime Minister, and he returned to the north to take his post at Han-shou.

28. In this year the Han shang-shu-ling Lu Yi died, and the shih-chung Ch’en Chih was given charge of the shang-shu-ling’s duties.
"Death is but death, and why are you scared at it?"-Zhang Liao
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Zhang Liao17
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Unread postby Zhang Liao17 » Mon Mar 24, 2008 1:48 am

Fourth Year of Chia-p’ing (252 A.D.)
Shu: Fifteenth Year of Yen-his
Wu: Second Year of T’ai-yuan
First Year of Shen-feng
First Year of Chien-hsing


1. First month (Jan. 29 – Feb. 26). On the day kuei-mao (Jan. 30) the fu-chun ta chiang-chun Sima Shi was appointed ta chiang-chun.

2. The Sovereign of Wu invested his former Crown Prince Sun He as Prince of Nan-yang, having him reside at Chang Sha; Sun Fen, his son by Chung-Chi, as Prince of Chi to reside at Wu-ch’ang; and Sun Xiu, his son by Wang fu-jen, as Prince of Lang-yeh to reside at Hu-lin.

3. Second month (Feb. 27 – Mar. 27), Lady Chang was made Empress, a general amnesty was given. The Empress was a granddaughter of the late tz-u-shih (Governor) of Liangzhou Chang Chi, and a daughter of the t’ai-shou (Prefect) of Tung-kuan Chang Ch’i. The Emperor summoned Chang Ch’I and appointed him kuang-lu ta-fu.

4. The Wu changed the reign title to Shen-feng and had a general amnesty.

5. The Wu “Empress” nee P’an was by nature obstinate and evil-tempered. While the Sovereign of Wu was ill, the Empress sent a messenger to Sun Hung asking how the Han Empress nee Lu had ruled as a regent. Unable to bear her cruelty, her attendants took advantage of a deep sleep to strangle her, and explained that she had died of a sudden ailment. The thing leaked out, and six or seven persons were charged with the murder and put to death.

6. His illness becoming grave, the Sovereign of Wu summoned Zhuge Ke, Sun Hung, and T’eng Yin, together with the chiang-chun Lu Chu and the shih-chung Sun Jun into his chamber, and entrusted to them the care of affairs after his death.

7. Summer, fourth month (Apr. 26 – May 25). The Sovereign of Wu died.

8. Sun Hung had been on unfriendly terms with Zhuge Ke, and now feared that he might be put to task by Zhuge Ke. He therefore maintained secrecy and would not proclaim mourning, intending to put Zhuge Ke to death by a forged edict. Sun Jun reported this to Zhuge Ke. Zhuge Ke summoned Sun Hung to discuss public business, and during the interview killed him. Thereupon he proclaimed mourning and canonized the Sovereign of Wu as Ta Huang-Ti (Great Emperor).

9. The Crown Prince Sun Liang succeeded to the throne, issued a general amnesty, and changed the reign title to Chien-hsing.

Intercalary month (May 26 – June 23). Zhuge Ke was appointed t’ai-fu (Grand Preceptor, to the Wu throne), T’eng Yin wei chiang-chun, and Lu Tai ta ssu-ma.

10. Thereupon, Zhuge Ke ordered removal of the shih t’ing (Administrative Observers), dismissed the Auditing Officials, cancelled taxes in arrears, and abolished custom duties, giving prominence to liberality. Among the masses there was none but rejoiced. Whenever Zhuge Ke was going in or coming out, the people craned their necks to get a glimpse of him.

11. Zhuge Ke did not wish to have the various imperial princes live at places along the Chiang, which were important for military purposes. Accordingly he tried to move the Prince of Chi Sun Fen to Yu-chang, and the Prince of Lang-yeh Sun Xiu to Tan-yang. Sun Fen was unwilling to move; also he had repeatedly overstepped the laws. Zhuge Ke wrote a letter and sent it to Sun Fen, saying, “The exalted position of an Emperor or a King is identical with that of Heaven and Earth; therefore he takes the empire as his family and his father and elder brothers as his subjects. Within the four seas, all are his subjects, male or female. He must show honor to his enemies if they have a point to their credit, and put to death his own relatives if they have committed some wicked deed. In this way he regulates things in accordance with the commands of Heaven, and makes the interest of the State precede his private feelings. This is an institution promulgated by sages, a usage immutable through hundreds of generations.

Of old, when the Han first rose, the sons and younger brothers of the Emperors were enfeoffed as feudal princes in large numbers. They eventually became very powerful, and in the end overstepped their bounds; on the one hand they endangered the dynasty itself and on the other they stood against their own blood relations. Afterwards their case became a warning example, greatly to be shunned. From the time of the emperor Kuang-Wu it as regulated that the feudal princes might amuse themselves within the palace, but should not interfere with the governing of the people; contacts of any kind were strictly prohibited. Thus they lived in safety, each enjoying his fortune. This is an illustration of profitable and unprofitable measures from the past.

In recent times Yuan Shao and Liu Biao both ruled as overlords of their land; their territories were not narrow, nor were their men weak. But because of the lack of distinction between their lawful heirs and their younger sons, their lineages were exterminated. This is lamented by both the wise and the stupid of the world. The late Emperor reflected on such warnings from the past and applied their lessons to the present he nipped danger in the bud, taking thought for the thousand years to come. Therefore, on the day he fell ill, he sent the imperial princes to hasten to their respective domain as early as possible; the words of his command were earnest, his interdictions strict. In his precaution he left nothing unconsidered. He indeed wished to put the spirits of the Ancestral Temple at ease and to indeed wished to put the spirits of the Ancestral Temple at ease and to make the princes enjoy their lot, so that their lineages might continue through hundreds of generations, without ever coming to grief by ruining the State and the family.

Your highness should think on how in remote antiquity T’ai-Po of Wu complied with the wishes of his father; should consider the respectfulness and obedience, in the more recent past, of Prince Hsien of Ho-chien and the Prince of Tung-hai, Liu Ch’iang; and should take warning from the arrogant and wanton princes of former generations. But I hear that since your arrival at Wu-ch’ang you have been acting generally against the commands of the late Emperor, your father and disobedient to the laws of the land; that on your own authority you mobilized generals and troops to build and guard your palace. Furthermore, when your attendants commit any crime, you should report the matter to the State officials in charge; yet you killed them on your own authority without giving them a fair trial.

The ta ssu-ma Lu Tai received in person from the late emperor the charge to act as a guardian for the Emperor, but Your Highness did not listen to his advice and thus caused him worry and apprehension. Hua Ch’I was an intimate official of the late Emperor and he is loyal and good, correct and upright; what he sets forth, you ought to accept. But I hear that you are angry with him and have arrested and imprisoned him. The chung-shu Yang Jung personally received the imperial command; you therefore ought to show him respect. But you said, ‘I will not listen to his interdiction. What can he do to me?’ Hearing of this, both high and low were surprised; there was none whose heart did not sink within him. The common saying is, ‘A bright mirror reflects images, and past events make one wiser for the present.’ Now, Your Highness ought to take a profound lesson from the case of the Prince of Lu, and alter your conduct; reverent and fearful, you ought to show complete respect to the Court. Act thus and you will obtain whatever you seek. Should you, on the contrary, forget the commands of the late Emperor and harbor in your heart contempt and disrespect, His Majesty’s officials would rather fail you than to fail the late Emperor’s testament. They would rather incur Your Highness’ resentment than forget the majesty of their Sovereign; would they let the commands of the Emperor remain disobeyed by one of the feudal princes?

This has been a constant rule from past to present, and is a thing which Your Highness knows well. Blessings come not without cause, and disasters come gradually; if one does not worry as they come gradually, it will do no good to regret later. Had the Prince of Lu in his time accepted loyal and good advice opportunely and cherished the thought of fear, then he might have enjoyed eternal blessings; how could he have ended in destruction? Now, good medicine is bitter to the mouth, only a sick man is able to relish it; good advice displeases the ear, only a man of enlightenment is able to accept it. Now, I and my associates are unremittingly diligent in our wish on behalf of Your highness to nip danger in the bud and widen the foundation of your fortune and felicity. Because of this I have been unaware how far I was going in my words. I wish you to think thrice.”

Upon receiving this letter, the Prince was alarmed; eventually he moved to Nan-ch’ang (the residence city of Yu-chang-chun).

12. Wu Ta-Ti (Sun Quan) had built a dam at Tung-hsing to obstuct Lake Ch’ao. When he afterwards invaded Huai-nan, he was defeated by ship on the lake, so he left the dam uncared for. Winter, tenth month (Nov. 19 – Dec. 17). The t’ai-fu Zhuge Ke assembled troops at Tung-hsing and again built a large dam. Upon the hills impinging to the left and right he built two fortresses in each of which he left a thousand men, having the chiang-chun Quan Duan guard the western fortress and the tu-yu Liu Lueh the eastern. He then returned with the troops.

13. The chen-tung chiang-chun Zhuge Dan said to the ta chiang-chun Sima Shi, “This is exactly what is referred to as making the enemy come to you and not being made to go to him. Let us now make the Wu invasion our opportunity to let Wen-Shu (Wang Ch’ang) press on to Jiang Ling and Chung-Kung (Guanqiu Jian) proceed towards Wu-ch’ang, thus taking control of the upper course of the Chiang which flows through the territory of Wu; then let us take our best troops to attack the two fortifications. By the time their reinforcements arrive we shall have made a great catch.

14. At this time the cheng-nan ta chiang-chun Wang Ch’ang, the cheng-tung chiang-chun Hu Tsun, and the chen-nan chiang-chun Guanqiu Jian each offered a plan for attacking Wu. Because the plans of these three generals having in their titles the word cheng differed from each other, the Emperor consulted the shang-shu Fu Chia. Fu Chia replied: “In ancient times, Fu Ch’ai defeated Ch’I and trampled down Chin, extending his sway through China; but he was unable to avoid his disaster at Ku-su. King Min of Ch’I increases his territory and annexed other states, opening up a n area of a thousand li; but this did not suffice for him to avert the misfortune of his overthrow. This is a clear illustration from antiquity that a good start does not necessarily end well. Having defeated Shu and annexed Jingzhou, Sun Quan became contented and satisfied. He then killed the loyal and good, putting to death his own heir; he committed the most atrocious iniquities. The Prime Minister, Lord Hsuan-Wen (Sima Yi), possessed the foresight to take advantage of his unruliness and impending ruin, and profoundly designed a great plan and grand action. Now Sun Quan is dead, but he entrusted his orphan to Zhuge Ke. If he rectifies Sun Quan’s harsh measures and abolishes his extortions – so that the people are saved from cruelty and find themselves at peace under newly bestowed benevolence, thus becoming of one mind and sharing the same fears as if they were all in the same boat -–then, although they may not thereby preserve themselves in the end, yet they may prolong their existence on the other side of the deep Chiang.

“Some of the deliberators want to take ships and sail straight along the Chiang ravaging the other side of it. Some want to advance along the four routes simultaneously and attack walls and fortifications. Some want to undertake extensive agricultural colonies and take action as opportunities arise. These are indeed orthodox plans for conquering the enemy. But since placing these troops in the field we have campaigned back and forth for three years; this is no army to take the enemy by storm. The rebels have been in arms against us for almost sixty years; the Sovereign and his officials have worked together and shared their trials. Furthermore, they have recently lost their leader and both high and low are as one in their apprehension and caution. If they deploy their ships in fords and harbors, if they strengthen their walls and occupy defiles, then our plans for ravaging their land will be difficult to carry out successfully.

Now, our garrisons on the frontiers are situated far from the rebels’ positions. The rebels have set up beacons and watch towers; in this they are especially prudent, so that our spies cannot operate and our ears and eyes go uninformed. When the army lacks ears and eyes and is without detailed information, to proceed against a great danger with masses of troops would be merely trusting to luck for success. To try to win after the battle is joined is not the best of plans for preserving the army. To move the army forward and undertake extensive agricultural colonies is the only sage and reliable measure. Wang Ch’ang, Hu Tsun, and others might be ordered to occupy key positions and to act cautiously when they take any measure; then they should be ordered to proceed from their three different directions to seize the enemy’s fertile lands and make him return to his leaner lands. This is the first point. Second, with our army in front of the people, the enemy will not be able to plunder them. Third, along the nearest route we will bring such pressure to bear that surrenders will increase daily. Fourth, with the beacons and watch-towers being set up far away, their spies will not come to us. Fifth, as the rebels retreat, their system of beacons and watch-towers will be relaxed, so it will be easy for us to make progress with our agricultural colonies. Sixth, living in these places off public stores, our troops need not be bothered with transportation. Seventh, whenever opportunity is offered, we must launch our attack speedily. These seven points are the most urgent military considerations. If we do not take them in hand, the rebels will seize the advantage; if we do take them in hand, the advantage will be to the State. We cannot but take note of this.

Now with the camps and fortifications so close to each other, the respective strength of each side will be communicated to the other. Intelligence and courage will be displayed, skill or stupidity will be applied. By the action will be known the effectiveness or failure of the plans; by the contest will be known whether they were more than ample or inadequate. How is the reality of the enemy’s situation to be concealed from us? By contending with an enemy of superior strength, one belabors and exhausts his own strength; by contending with a rich enemy, one drains his own wealth. Hence they say that if the enemy is at ease, one must be able to harass him; if he is well fed, one must be able to reduce him to hunger. This is a description of the situation.

Only after that should we rock the Wu with a full-scale and powerful army, allure them by tripling our benevolence and doubling our rewards, raise their doubts by playing on appearances in various ways, and enter into their unpreparedness by unexpected means. In three years the enemy will join hands and vanish like ice, fall away like tiles; we, at our ease, will benefit from their misfortune, and achieve our aim without exertion. Of old, the Han for generations suffered from the Xiong Nu. Court officials and advisors hastened to Court early and left late. Generals in war dress outlined campaigns of subjugation, people in gowns joined in talk of negotiating peace, men of daring and vigor in their minds flexed their muscles to strike. Thus it was that Fan K’uai wanted to take a hundred thousand men to ravage the Xiong Nu, and Chi Pu discounted him to his face; Li Hsin in earlier times had asked for two hundred thousand to conquer Chu, and in the end disgraced the Qin army. The generals of today who propose to cross the Chiang and the passes to conquer the enemy’s land are of the same class as they. With Your Majesty’s sage virtue, with the support of loyal and able ministers, with your laws enlightened and your officials trained, rather you may plan a complete victory and ward off the enemy through far-sighted measures; the collapse of the enemy will be unavoidable. Hence the Art of War says, ‘Subdue the enemy’s army, but not through battle; capture the enemy’s cities, but not through attack.’ I am earnestly concerned lest we reject the imperative designing of our victory in the Ancestral Temple for following the extremely uncertain road of chance. Therefore I say, to undertake extensive agricultural colonies and press the enemy is the best plan.”

Sima Shi did not follow this advice.

15. Eleventh month. (Dec. 8, 252 – Jan. 16, 253). The Emperor ordered Wang Ch’ang and his colleagues to attack Wu by three routes.

16. Twelfth month (Jan. 17 – Feb. 14, 253). Wang Ch’ang attacked Nan-chun, Guanqiu Jian proceeded towards Wu-ch’ang, hu Tsun and Zhuge Dan leading seventy thousand men attacked Tung-hsing.

17. On the day chia-yin (Feb. 4), the t’ai-fu Zhuge Ke of Wu led forty thousand men marching day and night to relieve Tung-hsing. Hu Tsun and his colleagues had the various troops build pontoon bridges, by which they crossed over and took up positions on the damn. They divided their troops to attack the two fortifications being situated on steep heights they could not capture them directly.

18. Zhuge Ke had the kuan-chun chiang-chun Ting Feng, together with Lu Chu, Liu Tsan, and Tang Zi, act as vanguard. They proceeded along the west of the mountain. Ting Feng said to the various generals, “At present the troops are going slowly. If the rebels occupy convenient points, it will be hard to contend with them. I should like to proceed ahead.” Thereupon a way was opened up through the mass of the various troops. Ting Feng in person led the three thousand men under his command and moved straight ahead. At the time the wind was from the north; Ting Feng hoisted sail. In two days he reached Tung-kuan, finally occupying Hsu-t’ang.

19. At this time the weather was snowy and cold. Hu Tsun and his colleagues were drinking and making merry. Ting Feng, observing that the troops of the advance units were few, said to his subordinates, “Today is the time to get ourselves enfeoffed as Lords and earn rewards.” He thereupon ordered all his troops to take off their armor, lay down their spears and javelins, and naked except for their helmets, swords, and shields, mount the dam. When they saw this the Wei burst out laughing and did not at once go into action. The Wu troops were able to come up, and beating their drums and making an uproar, slashed and put to rout the Wei forward elements. Lu Chu and others also arrived on the scene. Surprised and in panic, the Wei troops dispersed and vied in their efforts to cross the pontoon bridge; the bridge broke and they all threw themselves into the water and trampled each other. The advance commander Han Tsung and the prefect of Lo-an, Huan Chia, among others, died; the dead numbered tens of thousands.

20. Han Tsung was a former Wu general who had deserted and had more than once done Wu harm. Wu Ta-Ti (Sun Quan) had gnashed his teeth in hatred of him. Zhuge Ke had his severed head sent to Ta-Ti’s shrine.

21. Zhuge Ke captured thousands of vehicles, oxen, horses, mules, and asses; captured supplies and implements were heaped up like a mountain. He returned triumphantly in full order.

22. Earlier, when Jiang Wei of Han invaded Xi Ping, he captured the chung-lang Kuo Hsun. Then Han appointed him tso chiang-chun. Kuo Hsun plotted to assassinate the Sovereign of Han, but could not get near him. Whenever he came to pay him homage, he made his salutations moving forward at the same time, but he was hindered by the attendants and the plot never came to fruition.
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Unread postby Dong Zhou » Mon Mar 24, 2008 11:20 am

Never knew Guo An was real, always thought he was fictional

Great work, an enjoyable read covering an area I don't know much about
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Butters » Fri Jun 20, 2008 5:36 pm

I notice this doesn't look complete. The books are at my college library as well. May I help on the project?
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