The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Tonto_Simfish » Mon Aug 11, 2008 9:03 am

Wow, very nice.

But could you just scan the pages and then use some sort of text-recognition software? (that could mean a lot less work for you).
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Butters » Tue Sep 01, 2009 3:49 pm

(I'm a year late and... well, I guess not a dollar short. But, now that I have the books in hand, I'll contribute. If anyone wants to help out, like converting the names to something more largely understood, I'd be grateful, since it'd be less work for me. If not, I'll do it myself, but it'll be a while. Also, I'll be doing this on a "whenever I feel like it" basis, so don't expect a regular schedule.)

Chapter 76

Fifth Year of Chia-p'ing (253 AD)
Shu: Sixteeth Year of Yen-hsi
Wu: Second Year of Chien-hsing


1. Spring, first month. On the first day of the month (Feb. 16), the Shu ta chiang-chun Fei I held a grand assembly of his subordinates at Han-shou. Kuo Hsun was present. (Fei) I became merry and intoxicated with drinking; (Kuo) Hsun rose and stabbed (Fei) I to death.

2. (Fei) I was by nature affable toward all and suspected no one. The t'ai-shou of Yueh-hui Chang I once warned in a letter, "Of old, both Ts'en P'eng who commanded troops and Lai Hsi who served as ambassador were killed by assassins. Now, you as (ta) chiang-chun occupy a dignified position and wield great power. You place excessive trust in those who have recently offered allegiance. It would be well to observe past events and be a little cautious."

(Fei) I did not listen to him and so came to disaster.

3. The Emperor conferred on Kuo Shun a posthumous enfeoffment as Lord of Ch'ang-lo-hsiang, and had his son succeed to it.

4. Wang Ch'ang and Kuan-ch'iu Chien, learning that the eastern army had been defeated, set fire to their respective camps and fled. At Court, it was proposed to demote the generals concerned. The ta chaing-chun (Ssu-ma) Shih said, "It is because I did not listen to Kung-hsiu that we have come to this plight. In this I am culpable; how can the generals be at fault?"

And he absolved them all. At that time, (Ssu-ma) Shih's younger brother, the an-tung chiang-chun, (Ssu-ma) Chao, was Superintendent of the Army (chien-chun); he only deprived (Ssu-ma) Chao of his enfeoffment. He appointed Chu-ko Tan (chen-nan chiang-chun) and Commander-in-chief (tu-tu) of Yu-chou and Kuan-ch'iu Chien (chen-tung chiang-chun) and Commander-in-chief of Yang-chou.

In this year, the Governor of Yung-chou Ch'en T'ai requested that the troops in Ping-chou be ordered to act in unison with him in attacking the Hu barbarians. (Ssu-ma) Shih complied with this. But before the troops were collected, the Hu in the two prefectures of Yen-men and Hsin-hsing, at the prospect of such a distant expedition, took alarm and rebelled. (Ssu-ma) Shih again apologized to the Court officials, "In this I am to blame; it is not the fault of (Governor) Ch'en (T'ai) of Yung-chou."

This made everybody ashamed, (but) pleased.

Hsi Tso-ch'ih has discussed this as follows: "The ta chiang-chun Ssu-ma (Shih) took to himself to blame for the two defeats. With this cancellation of the blame (of others), his work prospered. He was indeed wise. [If the people forget their losses and think of requital, even if you wanted to make them discontented, how could you do so?] If, on the contrary, you taboo the defeat and disown the blame, inculpating others and always taking the credit yourself, so as to conceal the loss, then high and low will be estranged from you and both the wise and the stupid wil desert you. [It was thus that Ch'u was twice defeated and Chin was twice victorious.] No mistake can be greater than this. If Sovereigns are cognizant of this principle and rule their states by it, [then there will not be bad government from their Courts and their persons will not suffer disaster]; their deeds may be defective, but there will be renown for them; though the army may be crushed, the victory is theirs. In such cases even a hundred defeats are immaterial; how much more so with only two defeats."

5. The kuang-lu ta-fu Chang Ch'i said to (Ssu-ma) Shih, "In spite of his victory, (Chu-ko) K'o will soon be put to death."

"For what reason?" said (Ssu-ma) Shih.

(Chang) Ch'i said, "His power makes his Sovereign tremble, and his achievement is foremost in his whole state. How can he seek to escape death?"

6. Second month (Mar. 17 - Apr. 16). The Wu army returned from Tung-hsing. The t'ai-fu (Chu-ko) K'o was advanced in enfeoffment to be Lord of Yang-tu, received the additional title of mu of Ching-chou and Yang-chou, and was appointed Commander-in-chief (tu) of all the armed forces. [He was given one hundred cattles of gold, two hundred horses, and ten thousand pieces each of silken and hempen cloth].

(Chu-ko) K'o, then, came to take the enemy lightly. He wanted to make another campaign. The State ministers all maintained that the constant campaigns had worn the people out and in like language remonstrated with (Chu-ko) K'o, but (Chu-ko) K'o would not listen to them. The chung-san ta-fu Chiang Yen held to his point persistently, (Chu-ko) K'o had him shown out.

He then wrote down his discourse to instruct the masses: "['There are not two suns in the sky, nor there are two Sovereigns on this earth.' There has never been a Sovereign bent on continuation of his line by his descendants who did not strive to unify the empire under him. In ancient times, during the period of the Warring States, the feudal princes relied on their strong armies, extensive territories, and mutual aid. They thought that in that manner the succession could be transmitted to their descendants. Hence they were not wary, but indulged in their desires and sentiments, despising labor and hardship. As a result, the Ch'in gradually grew powerful and eventually annexed them all. This is an example from the remote past. In recent times, Liu Ching-sheng (Liu Piao) in Ching-chou had a hundred thousand men and his wealth and grain were like mountains; he was far superior to Ts'ao Ts'ao, who was yet weak. In the struggle he let him grow stronger and swallow the Yuan. Having pacified the northern region, (Ts'ao) Ts'ao led three hundred thousand men on Ching-chou. There indeed were at the time some men of insight, but they were unable to cope with the situation; in the end, (Liu) Ching-sheng's son (Liu Tsung) had to surrender and become a captive of war.]

"Hostile States want to swallow one another, just as two enemies want to eliminate one another. An enemy allowed to grow in power will bring disaster to prosperity if not to ourselves. We cannot but be concerned for the distant future.

["In ancient times, Wu Tzu-Hsu said, 'The Yueh will procreate and grow in ten years, teach and instruct in another ten years; after twenty years, Wu will turn out to be a marsh.' Fu-ch'ai, believing himself powerful, heard this and paid no attention. And so he put (Wu) Tzu-hsu to death and did not think of preparing against the Yueh. The outcome was that when he was confronted with his end he was remorseful, but it was no use then. Yueh was smaller than Wu, yet caused Wu's disaster; how much graver is the case with a larger and stronger state.]

"In ancient times, Ch'in had only the region west of the (pass) Han-ku-kuan, still it annexed the Six States. [At present the rebels possess the territories of Ch'in, Chao, Han, Wei, Yen, and Ch'i --the Nine Provinces; all these territories comprise a land of fighters and a thicket of scholars.] Compared with the Ch'in of early times, the Wei of today is several times larger; compared with the Six States of antiquity, Wu and Shu of today together do not amount to half their size. However, the reason they can withstand (Wei) at present is simply that the troops of (Ts'ao) Ts'ao's time, then much more numerous than now, have become exhausted and those born later have not all grown up. In other words, it is because the rebels, either debilitated or young, are not yet in their full vigor (again).

"Besides, Ssu-ma I first put Wang Ling to death, then he himself died; with his weak and immature son in sole charge of administration, even men of wisdom and counsel are in no position to apply their minds. For the moment (the rebels) are beset with troubles, and this is a good opportunity to attack them. A sage hasten to take advantage of the opportunity offered him. As for complying with the sentiments of the masses to cherish a plan for monetary peace, assuming that protection by the Long River is enough to continue our line, disregarding the development of Wei, and thus treating the future lightly on the basis of the present--this is something at which I heave a long sigh.

["From the beginning they have been striving to increase their population; at this moment the rebels are increasing and multiplying. It is only because their numbers are not yet sufficient that they cannot make use of them. In ten years or so their population will certainly increase many times. Our strong troops are all busy in various places; we have only these troops (under my command) who can be employed to do something. If we do not make use of them soon, but let them grow old, in ten years or so their number will be halved, while the younger generation of today will not be sufficient (to make up the deficiency). When the rebels are doubled and our troops halved, even an I (Yin) or a Kuan (Chung) will be powerless to do anything. Those whose vision does not reach far will certainly take my words to be far-fetched. Indeed, if a man worries in anticipation before actual calamity has arrived, he is deemed visionary by the masses; only after disaster has actually set in will they acknowledge their error, but then even a man of wisdom will not be able to do anything. This is a common mistake both in antiquity and the present time, not limited to a unique instance. Of old, the Wu considered Wu Yuan (Wu Tzu-hsu) to be visionary; calamity befell them and they could not be saved. Liu Ching-sheng could not think ten years ahead, hence he was unable to leave any legacy to his descendants. I, (Chu-ko) K'o, though a man of no ability, have been charged with the duty of a Hsiao (Ho) and (Huo) Kuang for our great Wu. If my wisdom be no better than that of the masses, if I do not think far into the future, if I do not now open up new territories for the State, will it serve any purpose for me to cut my own throat in apology when I have grown old, when the enemy will have become much stronger?]

"I hear that many persons hold that the people are still in a state of poverty and want to let them rest. In this they do not know enough to be anxious over the greater danger, but show their care for petty assiduity. How is it that long ago Han (Kao-)Tsu, having conquered the territories of the Three Ch'in, did not close down the passes and guard his strongholds so that he might enjoy life, but on the contrary went out to attack Ch'u, his body suffering spear wounds and his armor becoming infested with vermin, while his generals underwent excessive toil and hardship? Could it be that he relished sword-blades and forgot safety and security? It was all because he was convinced that in the long run (Han and Ch'u) could not both survive.

"Each time I have read the plan for advance and seizure by with Ching Han persuaded Kung-Sun Shu, and recently when I saw my uncle's memorial setting forth his design for contending with the rebels, I have never failed to heave a sigh.

"Day and night I worry like this. Therefore in the above I have set forth my poor words for the benefit of two or three gentlemen. Should I die suddenly without having my plan executed, I shall appreciated it if posterity is informed of my concern and may think over it."

In their hearts the officials all disapproved, but they dared not criticize him.

The tai-shou (Prefect) of Tan-yang, Nieh Yu, who had been on friendly terms with (Chu-ko) Ko, sent him a letter remonstrating: "The late Emperor indeed planned to obstruct Tung-kuan, but he did not execute it. Now, you helped accomplished the great work and executed the aims of the late Emperor. The invaders came from afar to meet their doom at our hand; our generals, by the grace of the August Virtue (of the Emperor), exerted their utmost. And so all at once you have earned unusual merit. Is this not a blessing for the spirits of the Ancestral Temple and the spirits of the Earth? We out to rest the troops and nourish their strength, and move when fit opportunities offer. Now, you want to take advantage of the present situation to undertake another big campaign; Heaven's will is against it, and yet you would give free reign to your own desire. I do not approve of this."

(Chu-ko) K'o wrote his answer to (Nieh) Yu at the end of his essay: "You are certainly right as far as the natural situation is concerned, but you have not an insight into the overall import. If you read my essay carefully, you will understand"

7. T'eng Yin said to (Chu-ko) K'o, "You [at the time of the imperial mourning] were entrusted with the task of an I (Yin) and a Huo (Kuang). Within you have made the State secure, without you have pushed away a powerful enemy. Your fame is known within the four seas; the whole world is trembling at your feet. The hope of the 'ten thousand surnames' is that you will give them respite. At this time, after all their toil and service, you would raise troops to go out on a campaign. The people are tired and their strength is unequal to the task. The distant Sovereign, furthermore, is prepared. Should you be unsuccessful in attacking their walls and obtain no booty on the battlefield, this will ruin your earlier efforts and invite eventual criticism. Nothing would be better than to lay aside war gear, rest the army, and move when opportunity offers. Besides, war is a serious business, and a business that comes to success through the masses. If the masses are ill disposed, can you alone manage it?"

(Chu-ko) K'o said, "All those who disapprove do not see what the plan contemplates, and cherish a temporary peace. Since even you think that way, what more can I look for? Ts'ao Fang (the Wei Emperor) is stupid and incompetent, and the administrative power is in the hands of private persons; his subjects are definitely estranged from him. I am now relying on the resources of our State and taking advantage of the awe-inspiring majesty conferred us by our late victory; how shall I not be successful?"

8. Third month (Apr. 16 - May 14). (Chu-ko) K'o levied a host of two hundred thousand men from the various provinces and prefectures and made another invasion. He appointed T'eng Yin as tu-hsia-tu (Commander of the capital) to superintend general affairs left behind.

9. Summer, fourth month (May 15 - June 13). General amnesty.

10. In Han, Chiang Wei, considering himself well versed in the usages and customs of the western regions and likewise confident of his own talent and military prowess, wanted to entice the various tribes of the Ch'iang barbarians to become protecting wings (to Han), asserting that the region west of Lung could be detached and possessed (by Han). He was always wanting to lead a great expedition; Fei I had invariably checked him, not consenting, and put no more than ten thousand troops under his command.

He said, "We are far inferior to the ch'eng-hsiang (Chuko Liang). Since even the ch'eng-hsiang himself could not conquer China Proper, much less can we. It is best for us to protect the State, govern the people, and reverently guard the dynasty. As for great achievements, we must leave them to an abler hand. Let us not put our hopes on chance and decide success or failure by a single move; if you fail of your aim, regret will be of no use."

After (Fei) I's death, (Chiang) Wei was able to carry out his intentions; so leading tens of thousands of men he went forth to Shih-ying and laid siege to Ti-tao.

11. Chu-ko K'o of Wu invaded Huai-nan and seized its people. One of his generals said to Chu-ko (K'o), "Now that you are leading the troops in a deep penetration, the people along the frontiers are sure to flee together to distant places. I am afraid our troops are being put to task together without being able to achieve much. It would be better to limit ourselves to besieging Hsin-ch'eng. With Hsin-ch'eng in distress, their reinforcements are sure to arrive, and when they come we will attack them. We will obtain a great success."

(Chu-ko) K'o followed his suggestion. In the fifth month (June 14 - July 12), he drew back his troops and laid siege to Hsin-ch'eng.

12. The Emperor ordered the t'ai-yu Ssu-ma Fu to direct an army of two hundred thousand and proceed thither.

[Right now, I'm quite sick of typing. I'll edit this in a little while (may be a few hours or days, depending on my mood).]
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Sun Fin » Fri Sep 04, 2009 5:14 pm

Thank you Butters for this I'm sure everyone here really appreciates it! :)
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Qu Hui » Sat Sep 05, 2009 4:03 am

Butters, if you need help with the Wade-Giles to Pinyin, I'd be glad to help.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Tarrot » Sun Sep 06, 2009 3:52 am

Butters: How are you converting the text online? I'd highly recommend *as suggested earlier* a scanner and a text recognition software. I had been doing the same with Rafe's Tome, and I have everything scanned in, I just got lazy about fixing all the mistakes that popped up all the time. The Wade-Giles to Pinyin shouldn't be too difficult with a text-replace feature in Office or something.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Thu Oct 08, 2009 6:14 am

Butters wrote:(I'm a year late and... well, I guess not a dollar short. But, now that I have the books in hand, I'll contribute. If anyone wants to help out, like converting the names to something more largely understood, I'd be grateful, since it'd be less work for me. If not, I'll do it myself, but it'll be a while. Also, I'll be doing this on a "whenever I feel like it" basis, so don't expect a regular schedule.)

Chapter 76

Fifth Year of Chia-p'ing (253 AD)
Shu: Sixteeth Year of Yen-hsi
Wu: Second Year of Chien-hsing


1. Spring, first month. On the first day of the month (Feb. 16), the Shu ta chiang-chun Fei I held a grand assembly of his subordinates at Han-shou. Kuo Hsun was present. (Fei) I became merry and intoxicated with drinking; (Kuo) Hsun rose and stabbed (Fei) I to death.

2. (Fei) I was by nature affable toward all and suspected no one. The t'ai-shou of Yueh-hui Chang I once warned in a letter, "Of old, both Ts'en P'eng who commanded troops and Lai Hsi who served as ambassador were killed by assassins. Now, you as (ta) chiang-chun occupy a dignified position and wield great power. You place excessive trust in those who have recently offered allegiance. It would be well to observe past events and be a little cautious."

(Fei) I did not listen to him and so came to disaster.

3. The Emperor conferred on Kuo Shun a posthumous enfeoffment as Lord of Ch'ang-lo-hsiang, and had his son succeed to it.

4. Wang Ch'ang and Kuan-ch'iu Chien, learning that the eastern army had been defeated, set fire to their respective camps and fled. At Court, it was proposed to demote the generals concerned. The ta chaing-chun (Ssu-ma) Shih said, "It is because I did not listen to Kung-hsiu that we have come to this plight. In this I am culpable; how can the generals be at fault?"

And he absolved them all. At that time, (Ssu-ma) Shih's younger brother, the an-tung chiang-chun, (Ssu-ma) Chao, was Superintendent of the Army (chien-chun); he only deprived (Ssu-ma) Chao of his enfeoffment. He appointed Chu-ko Tan (chen-nan chiang-chun) and Commander-in-chief (tu-tu) of Yu-chou and Kuan-ch'iu Chien (chen-tung chiang-chun) and Commander-in-chief of Yang-chou.

In this year, the Governor of Yung-chou Ch'en T'ai requested that the troops in Ping-chou be ordered to act in unison with him in attacking the Hu barbarians. (Ssu-ma) Shih complied with this. But before the troops were collected, the Hu in the two prefectures of Yen-men and Hsin-hsing, at the prospect of such a distant expedition, took alarm and rebelled. (Ssu-ma) Shih again apologized to the Court officials, "In this I am to blame; it is not the fault of (Governor) Ch'en (T'ai) of Yung-chou."

This made everybody ashamed, (but) pleased.

Hsi Tso-ch'ih has discussed this as follows: "The ta chiang-chun Ssu-ma (Shih) took to himself to blame for the two defeats. With this cancellation of the blame (of others), his work prospered. He was indeed wise. [If the people forget their losses and think of requital, even if you wanted to make them discontented, how could you do so?] If, on the contrary, you taboo the defeat and disown the blame, inculpating others and always taking the credit yourself, so as to conceal the loss, then high and low will be estranged from you and both the wise and the stupid wil desert you. [It was thus that Ch'u was twice defeated and Chin was twice victorious.] No mistake can be greater than this. If Sovereigns are cognizant of this principle and rule their states by it, [then there will not be bad government from their Courts and their persons will not suffer disaster]; their deeds may be defective, but there will be renown for them; though the army may be crushed, the victory is theirs. In such cases even a hundred defeats are immaterial; how much more so with only two defeats."

5. The kuang-lu ta-fu Chang Ch'i said to (Ssu-ma) Shih, "In spite of his victory, (Chu-ko) K'o will soon be put to death."

"For what reason?" said (Ssu-ma) Shih.

(Chang) Ch'i said, "His power makes his Sovereign tremble, and his achievement is foremost in his whole state. How can he seek to escape death?"

6. Second month (Mar. 17 - Apr. 16). The Wu army returned from Tung-hsing. The t'ai-fu (Chu-ko) K'o was advanced in enfeoffment to be Lord of Yang-tu, received the additional title of mu of Ching-chou and Yang-chou, and was appointed Commander-in-chief (tu) of all the armed forces. [He was given one hundred cattles of gold, two hundred horses, and ten thousand pieces each of silken and hempen cloth].

(Chu-ko) K'o, then, came to take the enemy lightly. He wanted to make another campaign. The State ministers all maintained that the constant campaigns had worn the people out and in like language remonstrated with (Chu-ko) K'o, but (Chu-ko) K'o would not listen to them. The chung-san ta-fu Chiang Yen held to his point persistently, (Chu-ko) K'o had him shown out.

He then wrote down his discourse to instruct the masses: "['There are not two suns in the sky, nor there are two Sovereigns on this earth.' There has never been a Sovereign bent on continuation of his line by his descendants who did not strive to unify the empire under him. In ancient times, during the period of the Warring States, the feudal princes relied on their strong armies, extensive territories, and mutual aid. They thought that in that manner the succession could be transmitted to their descendants. Hence they were not wary, but indulged in their desires and sentiments, despising labor and hardship. As a result, the Ch'in gradually grew powerful and eventually annexed them all. This is an example from the remote past. In recent times, Liu Ching-sheng (Liu Piao) in Ching-chou had a hundred thousand men and his wealth and grain were like mountains; he was far superior to Ts'ao Ts'ao, who was yet weak. In the struggle he let him grow stronger and swallow the Yuan. Having pacified the northern region, (Ts'ao) Ts'ao led three hundred thousand men on Ching-chou. There indeed were at the time some men of insight, but they were unable to cope with the situation; in the end, (Liu) Ching-sheng's son (Liu Tsung) had to surrender and become a captive of war.]

"Hostile States want to swallow one another, just as two enemies want to eliminate one another. An enemy allowed to grow in power will bring disaster to prosperity if not to ourselves. We cannot but be concerned for the distant future.

["In ancient times, Wu Tzu-Hsu said, 'The Yueh will procreate and grow in ten years, teach and instruct in another ten years; after twenty years, Wu will turn out to be a marsh.' Fu-ch'ai, believing himself powerful, heard this and paid no attention. And so he put (Wu) Tzu-hsu to death and did not think of preparing against the Yueh. The outcome was that when he was confronted with his end he was remorseful, but it was no use then. Yueh was smaller than Wu, yet caused Wu's disaster; how much graver is the case with a larger and stronger state.]

"In ancient times, Ch'in had only the region west of the (pass) Han-ku-kuan, still it annexed the Six States. [At present the rebels possess the territories of Ch'in, Chao, Han, Wei, Yen, and Ch'i --the Nine Provinces; all these territories comprise a land of fighters and a thicket of scholars.] Compared with the Ch'in of early times, the Wei of today is several times larger; compared with the Six States of antiquity, Wu and Shu of today together do not amount to half their size. However, the reason they can withstand (Wei) at present is simply that the troops of (Ts'ao) Ts'ao's time, then much more numerous than now, have become exhausted and those born later have not all grown up. In other words, it is because the rebels, either debilitated or young, are not yet in their full vigor (again).

"Besides, Ssu-ma I first put Wang Ling to death, then he himself died; with his weak and immature son in sole charge of administration, even men of wisdom and counsel are in no position to apply their minds. For the moment (the rebels) are beset with troubles, and this is a good opportunity to attack them. A sage hasten to take advantage of the opportunity offered him. As for complying with the sentiments of the masses to cherish a plan for monetary peace, assuming that protection by the Long River is enough to continue our line, disregarding the development of Wei, and thus treating the future lightly on the basis of the present--this is something at which I heave a long sigh.

["From the beginning they have been striving to increase their population; at this moment the rebels are increasing and multiplying. It is only because their numbers are not yet sufficient that they cannot make use of them. In ten years or so their population will certainly increase many times. Our strong troops are all busy in various places; we have only these troops (under my command) who can be employed to do something. If we do not make use of them soon, but let them grow old, in ten years or so their number will be halved, while the younger generation of today will not be sufficient (to make up the deficiency). When the rebels are doubled and our troops halved, even an I (Yin) or a Kuan (Chung) will be powerless to do anything. Those whose vision does not reach far will certainly take my words to be far-fetched. Indeed, if a man worries in anticipation before actual calamity has arrived, he is deemed visionary by the masses; only after disaster has actually set in will they acknowledge their error, but then even a man of wisdom will not be able to do anything. This is a common mistake both in antiquity and the present time, not limited to a unique instance. Of old, the Wu considered Wu Yuan (Wu Tzu-hsu) to be visionary; calamity befell them and they could not be saved. Liu Ching-sheng could not think ten years ahead, hence he was unable to leave any legacy to his descendants. I, (Chu-ko) K'o, though a man of no ability, have been charged with the duty of a Hsiao (Ho) and (Huo) Kuang for our great Wu. If my wisdom be no better than that of the masses, if I do not think far into the future, if I do not now open up new territories for the State, will it serve any purpose for me to cut my own throat in apology when I have grown old, when the enemy will have become much stronger?]

"I hear that many persons hold that the people are still in a state of poverty and want to let them rest. In this they do not know enough to be anxious over the greater danger, but show their care for petty assiduity. How is it that long ago Han (Kao-)Tsu, having conquered the territories of the Three Ch'in, did not close down the passes and guard his strongholds so that he might enjoy life, but on the contrary went out to attack Ch'u, his body suffering spear wounds and his armor becoming infested with vermin, while his generals underwent excessive toil and hardship? Could it be that he relished sword-blades and forgot safety and security? It was all because he was convinced that in the long run (Han and Ch'u) could not both survive.

"Each time I have read the plan for advance and seizure by with Ching Han persuaded Kung-Sun Shu, and recently when I saw my uncle's memorial setting forth his design for contending with the rebels, I have never failed to heave a sigh.

"Day and night I worry like this. Therefore in the above I have set forth my poor words for the benefit of two or three gentlemen. Should I die suddenly without having my plan executed, I shall appreciated it if posterity is informed of my concern and may think over it."

In their hearts the officials all disapproved, but they dared not criticize him.

The tai-shou (Prefect) of Tan-yang, Nieh Yu, who had been on friendly terms with (Chu-ko) Ko, sent him a letter remonstrating: "The late Emperor indeed planned to obstruct Tung-kuan, but he did not execute it. Now, you helped accomplished the great work and executed the aims of the late Emperor. The invaders came from afar to meet their doom at our hand; our generals, by the grace of the August Virtue (of the Emperor), exerted their utmost. And so all at once you have earned unusual merit. Is this not a blessing for the spirits of the Ancestral Temple and the spirits of the Earth? We out to rest the troops and nourish their strength, and move when fit opportunities offer. Now, you want to take advantage of the present situation to undertake another big campaign; Heaven's will is against it, and yet you would give free reign to your own desire. I do not approve of this."

(Chu-ko) K'o wrote his answer to (Nieh) Yu at the end of his essay: "You are certainly right as far as the natural situation is concerned, but you have not an insight into the overall import. If you read my essay carefully, you will understand"

7. T'eng Yin said to (Chu-ko) K'o, "You [at the time of the imperial mourning] were entrusted with the task of an I (Yin) and a Huo (Kuang). Within you have made the State secure, without you have pushed away a powerful enemy. Your fame is known within the four seas; the whole world is trembling at your feet. The hope of the 'ten thousand surnames' is that you will give them respite. At this time, after all their toil and service, you would raise troops to go out on a campaign. The people are tired and their strength is unequal to the task. The distant Sovereign, furthermore, is prepared. Should you be unsuccessful in attacking their walls and obtain no booty on the battlefield, this will ruin your earlier efforts and invite eventual criticism. Nothing would be better than to lay aside war gear, rest the army, and move when opportunity offers. Besides, war is a serious business, and a business that comes to success through the masses. If the masses are ill disposed, can you alone manage it?"

(Chu-ko) K'o said, "All those who disapprove do not see what the plan contemplates, and cherish a temporary peace. Since even you think that way, what more can I look for? Ts'ao Fang (the Wei Emperor) is stupid and incompetent, and the administrative power is in the hands of private persons; his subjects are definitely estranged from him. I am now relying on the resources of our State and taking advantage of the awe-inspiring majesty conferred us by our late victory; how shall I not be successful?"

8. Third month (Apr. 16 - May 14). (Chu-ko) K'o levied a host of two hundred thousand men from the various provinces and prefectures and made another invasion. He appointed T'eng Yin as tu-hsia-tu (Commander of the capital) to superintend general affairs left behind.

9. Summer, fourth month (May 15 - June 13). General amnesty.

10. In Han, Chiang Wei, considering himself well versed in the usages and customs of the western regions and likewise confident of his own talent and military prowess, wanted to entice the various tribes of the Ch'iang barbarians to become protecting wings (to Han), asserting that the region west of Lung could be detached and possessed (by Han). He was always wanting to lead a great expedition; Fei I had invariably checked him, not consenting, and put no more than ten thousand troops under his command.

He said, "We are far inferior to the ch'eng-hsiang (Chuko Liang). Since even the ch'eng-hsiang himself could not conquer China Proper, much less can we. It is best for us to protect the State, govern the people, and reverently guard the dynasty. As for great achievements, we must leave them to an abler hand. Let us not put our hopes on chance and decide success or failure by a single move; if you fail of your aim, regret will be of no use."

After (Fei) I's death, (Chiang) Wei was able to carry out his intentions; so leading tens of thousands of men he went forth to Shih-ying and laid siege to Ti-tao.

11. Chu-ko K'o of Wu invaded Huai-nan and seized its people. One of his generals said to Chu-ko (K'o), "Now that you are leading the troops in a deep penetration, the people along the frontiers are sure to flee together to distant places. I am afraid our troops are being put to task together without being able to achieve much. It would be better to limit ourselves to besieging Hsin-ch'eng. With Hsin-ch'eng in distress, their reinforcements are sure to arrive, and when they come we will attack them. We will obtain a great success."

(Chu-ko) K'o followed his suggestion. In the fifth month (June 14 - July 12), he drew back his troops and laid siege to Hsin-ch'eng.

12. The Emperor ordered the t'ai-yu Ssu-ma Fu to direct an army of two hundred thousand and proceed thither.

[Right now, I'm quite sick of typing. I'll edit this in a little while (may be a few hours or days, depending on my mood).]


From what I know about Wade-Giles and Pinyin...

Kuo Hsun=Guo Xun (???)
Chang I=Zhang Yi
Ts'en P'eng=Cen Peng
Lai Hsi=Lai Xi (???)
Kuan-ch'iu Chien=Guanqiu Jian
Wang Ch'ang=Wang Chang
Ssu-ma Shih=Sima Shi
Ssu-ma Chao=Sima Zhao
Chu-ko Tan=Zhuge Dan
Ch'en T'ai=Chen Tai
Hsi-Tso Ch'ih=Xi Zuochi
Chang Ch'i=Zhang Qi
Chu-ko K'o=Zhuge Ke
Liu Piao=Liu Biao
Chiang Yen=Jiang Yan
Ts'ao Ts'ao=Cao Cao
Han-ku kuan=Han Gu Guan (?)
Ch'in=Qin
Chao=Zhao
Ch'u=Chu
Yueh=Yue
Yen=Yan
Ch'i=Qi
Ss-uma I=Sima Yi
Kung-Sun Shu=Gongsun Shu (???), maybe Gongsun Xiu?
Ts'ao Fang=Cao Fang
T'eng Yin=Teng Yin
Chiang Wei=Jiang Wei
Ch'iang=Qiang
Chuko Liang=Zhuge Liang
Fei I=Fei Yi
Ti-tao=Didao
Hsin-ch'eng=Xincheng (???)
Ssu-ma Fu=Sima Fu
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Jordan
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Erdrick » Tue Dec 15, 2009 1:12 am

Whoot!

Part 2's coming along too...
Between Mysidian Moments and MizuSoft, I have little time for MeeSelf...
Erdrick
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 3:18 am

I'm re-posting what Butters wrote along with the end of that chapter. I also edited Butters' post to be in Pinyin rather than Wade-Giles. The reason for reposting is that I prefer to organize each post I make by the "years" of the book, no matter how long each year is. The next post I make will be roughly on year 254 AD, then 255, and so on and so forth.

Sometimes the Chinese years do not coincide with Western years entirely. January and February of the next year might be included in the previous one, and so on. Fortunately Achilles Fang lists this in parenthesis so it should not be confusing.

===========================================

Chapter 76

Fifth Year of Jiaping (253 AD)
Shu: Sixteeth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Jianxing

1. Spring, first month. On the first day of the month (Feb. 16), the Shu da jiang jun Fei Yi held a grand assembly of his subordinates at Han-shou. Guo Xun was present. Fei Yi became merry and intoxicated with drinking; Guo Xun rose and stabbed Fei Yi to death.

2. Fei Yi was by nature affable toward all and suspected no one. The taishou of Yuehui Zhang Yi once warned in a letter, "Of old, both Cen Peng who commanded troops and Lai Xi who served as ambassador were killed by assassins. Now, you as da jiangjun occupy a dignified position and wield great power. You place excessive trust in those who have recently offered allegiance. It would be well to observe past events and be a little cautious."

Fei Yi did not listen to him and so came to disaster.

3. The Emperor conferred on Guo Shun a posthumous enfeoffment as Lord of Zhanglu xiang, and had his son succeed to it.

4. Wang Chang and Guanqiu Jian, learning that the eastern army had been defeated, set fire to their respective camps and fled. At Court, it was proposed to demote the generals concerned. The da jiangjun Sima Shi said, "It is because I did not listen to Gongxiu that we have come to this plight. In this I am culpable; how can the generals be at fault?"

And he absolved them all. At that time, Sima Shi's younger brother, the andong jiangjun, Sima Zhao was Superintendent of the Army (chien-chun); he only deprived Sima Zhao of his enfeoffment. He appointed Zhuge Dan (zhennan jiangjun) and Commander-in-chief (dudu) of Yuzhou and Guanqiu Jian (zhennan jiangjun) and Commander-in-chief of Yangzhou.

In this year, the Governor of Yongzhou Chen Tai requested that the troops in Bingzhou be ordered to act in unison with him in attacking the Hu barbarians. Sima Shi complied with this. But before the troops were collected, the Hu in the two prefectures of Yanmen and Xinxing, at the prospect of such a distant expedition, took alarm and rebelled. Sima Shi again apologized to the Court officials, "In this I am to blame; it is not the fault of Governor Chen Tai of Yongzhou"

This made everybody ashamed, (but) pleased.

Xi Zuochi has discussed this as follows: "The da jiangjun Sima Shi took to himself to blame for the two defeats. With this cancellation of the blame (of others), his work prospered. He was indeed wise. [If the people forget their losses and think of requital, even if you wanted to make them discontented, how could you do so?] If, on the contrary, you taboo the defeat and disown the blame, inculpating others and always taking the credit yourself, so as to conceal the loss, then high and low will be estranged from you and both the wise and the stupid will desert you. [It was thus that Chu was twice defeated and Jin was twice victorious.] No mistake can be greater than this. If Sovereigns are cognizant of this principle and rule their states by it, [then there will not be bad government from their Courts and their persons will not suffer disaster]; their deeds may be defective, but there will be renown for them; though the army may be crushed, the victory is theirs. In such cases even a hundred defeats are immaterial; how much more so with only two defeats."

5. The guanglu dafu Zhang Qi said to Sima Shi, "In spite of his victory, Zhuge Ke will soon be put to death."

"For what reason?" said Sima Shi.

Zhang Qi said, "His power makes his Sovereign tremble, and his achievement is foremost in his whole state. How can he seek to escape death?"

6. Second month (Mar. 17 - Apr. 16). The Wu army returned from Dongxing. The taifu Zhuge Ke was advanced in enfeoffment to be Lord of Yangdu, received the additional title of mu of Jingzhou and Yangzhou, and was appointed Commander-in-chief (du) of all the armed forces. [He was given one hundred catties of gold, two hundred horses, and ten thousand pieces each of silken and hempen cloth].

Zhuge Ke, then, came to take the enemy lightly. He wanted to make another campaign. The State ministers all maintained that the constant campaigns had worn the people out and in like language remonstrated with Zhuge Ke, but Zhuge Ke would not listen to them. The zhongsan dafu Jiang Yan held to his point persistently, Zhuge Ke had him shown out.

He then wrote down his discourse to instruct the masses: "['There are not two suns in the sky, nor there are two Sovereigns on this earth.' There has never been a Sovereign bent on continuation of his line by his descendants who did not strive to unify the empire under him. In ancient times, during the period of the Warring States, the feudal princes relied on their strong armies, extensive territories, and mutual aid. They thought that in that manner the succession could be transmitted to their descendants. Hence they were not wary, but indulged in their desires and sentiments, despising labor and hardship. As a result, the Ch'in gradually grew powerful and eventually annexed them all. This is an example from the remote past. In recent times, Liu Jingsheng (Liu Biao) in Jingzhou had a hundred thousand men and his wealth and grain were like mountains; he was far superior to Cao Cao, who was yet weak. In the struggle he let him grow stronger and swallow the Yuan. Having pacified the northern region, Cao Cao led three hundred thousand men on Jingzhou. There indeed were at the time some men of insight, but they were unable to cope with the situation; in the end, Liu Jingsheng's son (Liu Zong) had to surrender and become a captive of war.]

"Hostile States want to swallow one another, just as two enemies want to eliminate one another. An enemy allowed to grow in power will bring disaster to prosperity if not to ourselves. We cannot but be concerned for the distant future.

["In ancient times, Wu Zixu said, 'The Yue will procreate and grow in ten years, teach and instruct in another ten years; after twenty years, Wu will turn out to be a marsh.' Fuchai, believing himself powerful, heard this and paid no attention. And so he put Wu Zixu to death and did not think of preparing against the Yue. The outcome was that when he was confronted with his end he was remorseful, but it was no use then. Yue was smaller than Wu, yet caused Wu's disaster; how much graver is the case with a larger and stronger state.]

"In ancient times, Qin had only the region west of the (pass) Hangu Guan still it annexed the Six States. [At present the rebels possess the territories of Qin, Zhao, Han, Wei, Yan, and Qi --the Nine Provinces; all these territories comprise a land of fighters and a thicket of scholars.] Compared with the Qin of early times, the Wei of today is several times larger; compared with the Six States of antiquity, Wu and Shu of today together do not amount to half their size. However, the reason they can withstand Wei at present is simply that the troops of Cao Cao's time, then much more numerous than now, have become exhausted and those born later have not all grown up. In other words, it is because the rebels, either debilitated or young, are not yet in their full vigor again.

"Besides, Sima Yi first put Wang Ling to death, then he himself died; with his weak and immature son in sole charge of administration, even men of wisdom and counsel are in no position to apply their minds. For the moment (the rebels) are beset with troubles, and this is a good opportunity to attack them. A sage hastens to take advantage of the opportunity offered him. As for complying with the sentiments of the masses to cherish a plan for monetary peace, assuming that protection by the Long River is enough to continue our line, disregarding the development of Wei, and thus treating the future lightly on the basis of the present--this is something at which I heave a long sigh.

["From the beginning they have been striving to increase their population; at this moment the rebels are increasing and multiplying. It is only because their numbers are not yet sufficient that they cannot make use of them. In ten years or so their population will certainly increase many times. Our strong troops are all busy in various places; we have only these troops (under my command) who can be employed to do something. If we do not make use of them soon, but let them grow old, in ten years or so their number will be halved, while the younger generation of today will not be sufficient (to make up the deficiency). When the rebels are doubled and our troops halved, even aYi Yin or a Guan Zhong will be powerless to do anything. Those whose vision does not reach far will certainly take my words to be far-fetched. Indeed, if a man worries in anticipation before actual calamity has arrived, he is deemed visionary by the masses; only after disaster has actually set in will they acknowledge their error, but then even a man of wisdom will not be able to do anything. This is a common mistake both in antiquity and the present time, not limited to a unique instance. Of old, the Wu considered Wu Yuan (Wu Zixu) to be visionary; calamity befell them and they could not be saved. Liu Jingsheng could not think ten years ahead, hence he was unable to leave any legacy to his descendants. I, Zhuge Ke, though a man of no ability, have been charged with the duty of a Xiao He and Huo Guang for our great Wu. If my wisdom be no better than that of the masses, if I do not think far into the future, if I do not now open up new territories for the State, will it serve any purpose for me to cut my own throat in apology when I have grown old, when the enemy will have become much stronger?]

"I hear that many persons hold that the people are still in a state of poverty and want to let them rest. In this they do not know enough to be anxious over the greater danger, but show their care for petty assiduity. How is it that long ago Han Gaozu, having conquered the territories of the Three Qin, did not close down the passes and guard his strongholds so that he might enjoy life, but on the contrary went out to attack Chu, his body suffering spear wounds and his armor becoming infested with vermin, while his generals underwent excessive toil and hardship? Could it be that he relished sword-blades and forgot safety and security? It was all because he was convinced that in the long run (Han and Chu) could not both survive.

"Each time I have read the plan for advance and seizure by with Jing Han persuaded Gongsun Shu, and recently when I saw my uncle's memorial setting forth his design for contending with the rebels, I have never failed to heave a sigh.

"Day and night I worry like this. Therefore in the above I have set forth my poor words for the benefit of two or three gentlemen. Should I die suddenly without having my plan executed, I shall appreciate it if posterity is informed of my concern and may think over it."

In their hearts the officials all disapproved, but they dared not criticize him.

The taishou (Prefect) of Danyang, Nie Yu, who had been on friendly terms with Zhuge Ke sent him a letter remonstrating: "The late Emperor indeed planned to obstruct Dongguan, but he did not execute it. Now, you helped accomplished the great work and executed the aims of the late Emperor. The invaders came from afar to meet their doom at our hand; our generals, by the grace of the August Virtue (of the Emperor), exerted their utmost. And so all at once you have earned unusual merit. Is this not a blessing for the spirits of the Ancestral Temple and the spirits of the Earth? We out to rest the troops and nourish their strength, and move when fit opportunities offer. Now, you want to take advantage of the present situation to undertake another big campaign; Heaven's will is against it, and yet you would give free reign to your own desire. I do not approve of this."

Zhuge Ke wrote his answer to Nie Yu at the end of his essay: "You are certainly right as far as the natural situation is concerned, but you have not an insight into the overall import. If you read my essay carefully, you will understand"

7. Teng Yin said to Zhuge Ke, "You [at the time of the imperial mourning] were entrusted with the task of a Yi Yin and a Huo Guang. Within you have made the State secure, without you have pushed away a powerful enemy. Your fame is known within the four seas; the whole world is trembling at your feet. The hope of the 'ten thousand surnames' is that you will give them respite. At this time, after all their toil and service, you would raise troops to go out on a campaign. The people are tired and their strength is unequal to the task. The distant Sovereign, furthermore, is prepared. Should you be unsuccessful in attacking their walls and obtain no booty on the battlefield, this will ruin your earlier efforts and invite eventual criticism. Nothing would be better than to lay aside war gear, rest the army, and move when opportunity offers. Besides, war is a serious business, and a business that comes to success through the masses. If the masses are ill disposed, can you alone manage it?"

Zhuge Ke said, "All those who disapprove do not see what the plan contemplates, and cherish a temporary peace. Since even you think that way, what more can I look for? Cao Fang (the Wei Emperor) is stupid and incompetent, and the administrative power is in the hands of private persons; his subjects are definitely estranged from him. I am now relying on the resources of our State and taking advantage of the awe-inspiring majesty conferred us by our late victory; how shall I not be successful?"

8. Third month (Apr. 16 - May 14). Zhuge Ke levied a host of two hundred thousand men from the various provinces and prefectures and made another invasion. He appointed Teng Yin as duxia tu (Commander of the capital) to superintend general affairs left behind.

9. Summer, fourth month (May 15 - June 13). General amnesty.

10. In Han, Jiang Wei, considering himself well versed in the usages and customs of the western regions and likewise confident of his own talent and military prowess, wanted to entice the various tribes of the Qiang barbarians to become protecting wings (to Han), asserting that the region west of Long could be detached and possessed (by Han). He was always wanting to lead a great expedition; Fei Yi had invariably checked him, not consenting, and put no more than ten thousand troops under his command.

He said, "We are far inferior to the chengxiang (Zhuge Liang). Since even the chengxiang himself could not conquer China Proper, much less can we. It is best for us to protect the State, govern the people, and reverently guard the dynasty. As for great achievements, we must leave them to an abler hand. Let us not put our hopes on chance and decide success or failure by a single move; if you fail of your aim, regret will be of no use."

After Fei Yi's death, Jiang Wei was able to carry out his intentions; so leading tens of thousands of men he went forth to Shiying and laid siege to Didao.

11. Zhuge Ke of Wu invaded Huainan and seized its people. One of his generals said to Zhuge Ke, "Now that you are leading the troops in a deep penetration, the people along the frontiers are sure to flee together to distant places. I am afraid our troops are being put to task together without being able to achieve much. It would be better to limit ourselves to besieging Xincheng. With Xincheng in distress, their reinforcements are sure to arrive, and when they come we will attack them. We will obtain a great success."

Zhuge Ke followed his suggestion. In the fifth month (June 14 - July 12), he drew back his troops and laid siege to Xincheng.

12. The Emperor ordered the taiyu Sima Fu to direct an army of two hundred thousand and proceed thither.

13. The da jiangjun Sima Shi, consulting with Yu Song, said, “At present, we are occupied in the east and in the west; the situation in both places is urgent, yet our generals are dispirited. What shall we do?

Yu Song said, “Of old, Zhou Yafu fortified the walls of Changyi, and Wu and Chu came to ruin by themselves. Some things look weak but are actually strong. Some things look strong but are actually weak. One must not fail to examine into them. Now Zhuge Ke has mobilized the whole of his picked forces, which are enough to enable them to cause great ravage, yet he sits still and concentrates his attention on Xincheng. He is simply after a battle. If he fails to capture the city after attacking it, or to obtain a battle after having sought one, his army will be tired and worn out, and he will probably leave on his own initiative. The generals are not advancing by the shortest route, and it is a good thing for us. Jiang Wei with his heavy forces has isolated his army in order to cooperate with Zhuge Ke, and seeks to get his provisions from our wheat; he is not a deep-rooted (powerful) invader. Furthermore, he thinks we are concentrated on the east and that our west consequently must be defenseless, so he has advanced directly. If we now have the various troops in Guanzhong (on the inside of the pass Hangu Guan) hasten double-march to take him by surprise, he will probably go away.

Sima Shi approved, and had Guo Huai and Chen Tai mobilize the entire forces of Guanzhong and relieve the siege of Didao. He also ordered Guanqiu Jian and others to hold their troops in check and defend their positions, thus leaving Xincheng to the Wu. When Chen Tai advanced to Luomen, Jiang Wei, as his provisions were exhausted, retreated.

14. The yamenjiang of Yangzhou, Zhang Te of Zhuojun, was defending Xincheng. The Wu had been attacking it for months. In the city itself there were three thousand troops, of which more than half had taken sick or fallen in battle when Zhuge Ke raised an artificial hill and attacked vehemently. The city was about to fall and could not defend any longer.

Zhang Te then spoke to the Wu, and said, “At present I have lost the heart to continue the fight. However, according to the laws of Wei, when under attack for more than a hundred days without getting reinforcements, one may surrender and his family will not be involved and punished. I have been attacked already more than ninety days. In this city there originally were more than four thousand men, but more than half of these have died fighting. Even if the city falls, there is still the other half who are unwilling to capitulate. I must go back and speak to them, and make an inventory of them divided into good and bad, and early tomorrow I will submit their names. For the time being, you will take my seal as a pledge of my good faith.”

Therewith, he threw down his seal to them. The Wu credited his words and did not take his seal, and they held up the attack. Zhang Te, then, under cover of the night, razed all the houses and used the timber to repair gaps in the city walls and double them. On the following day he told the Wu, “There is nothing left for me but to fight to the end.”

Greatly angry, the Wu advanced and attacked, but could not capture the city.

15. It happened to be very hot and the Wu troops were tired under their toil; drinking the local water, over half of them suffered from diarrhea and swelling. Everywhere were dead and wounded. The officers in charge of the different camps daily reported large numbers of sick cases. Zhuge Ke considered them to be dissembling and wanted to behead them. After that none dared to speak. Zhuge Ke was well aware that he had erred in his plan and was ashamed that the city had not yet fallen; his vexation showed in his facial color. The General Zhu Yi displeasing Zhuge Ke on a military matter, Zhuge Ke immediately deprived him of his troops and sent him back in disgrace to Jianye. The duyu Cai Lin repeatedly advised him on military matters. Zhuge Ke refusing to follow his advice, he took a horse and fled hither to Wei. The Wei generals, ascertaining that the Wu troops were already tired out, moved forward their reinforcements.

Autumn, seventh month (August 12-September 9). Zhuge Ke retreated with his troops. The wounded and sick soldiers wandered on and dragged themselves along the roads, some stumbling to their deaths in ditches and holes, some being captured and made prisoners. Alive or dying, they all lamented grievously; high or low, they all wailed. However, Zhuge Ke was calm and unperturbed as usual. He went out to the river island for a month and planned to start an agricultural colony at Xunyang. Summons after summons came to him from the Emperor, and he then slowly returned with the troops. Thereafterword the masses lost their hopes of him, and resentment and complaint arose.

16. The taishou of Runan, Deng Ai, said to Sima Shi, “Since Sun Quan died, the high officials of Wu have not been submissive. In Wu the prominent clans and powerful families all have their military retainers; by checkmating with their royal troops and making a show of power, they are capable of disobeying royal commands. Zhuge Ke has recently been taking charge of the government, and is oblivious of any Sovereign within, nor does he give thought to soothing and relieving high and low to lay a foundation for power. Instead, he is bent on external affairs and uses the people harshly; he has mobilized the country's masses and pitched them against a strongly walled city, and the dead can be counted by thousands. He has gone back loaded with disaster. Indeed, this forebodes a day when Zhuge Ke will be incriminated.

Of old, Wu Zixu, Wu Qi, Shang Yang and Yue Yi were all trusted by the Sovereigns of their time. Still, with the death of their masters, they came to ruin. Zhuge Ke, inferior in ability to these four worthies, is not worried at the impending catastrophe. His downfall can be expected any time.”

17. Eighth month (September 10-October 9). The Wu army returned to Jianye. Zhuge Ke first held a parade inspection and then with his retinue returned to his headquarters. He immediately summoned to his presence the zhongshu ling Sun Mo and addressed him in a raised voice, “How dare you gentlemen persist in recklessly writing edicts?”

Sun Mo in panic resigned from his post and returned home on grounds of ill health. All the officials appointed by the (xuan-)cao since Zhuge Ke had left on his expedition, he dismissed, and appointed new personnel. He showed more and more strictness and authority, taking to account and finding fault with many of his officials. Everybody who had to report to him breathed fearfully. He also changed the personnel of the palace guards, employing men privy to him. He further gave orders to put the army in readiness, intending to proceed toward Qingzhou and Xuzhou.

Taking advantage of the numerous grievances of the people and mass ill favor, Sun Jun falsely accused Zhuge Ke to the Sovereign of Wu, saying he intended a coup d'etat.

18. Winter, tenth month (November 8-December 7). Sun Jun conspired with the Sovereign of Wu to give a banquet, to which he invited Zhuge Ke. Zhuge Ke decided not to go in to it. During the night, his mind was perturbed, and he did not sleep all night long. Furthermore, several inauspicious phenmona occurred in his house, and Zhuge Ke became suspicious. The next morning, Zhuge Ke halted his carriage at the palace gate. Sun Jun had already placed soldiers in ambush behind the curtains. He feared Zhuge Ke might enter too soon and the affair be divulged, so he personally went out to see Zhuge Ke and said to him, “If your Excellency feels indisposed, you could come a bit later. I will make your excuses to the Sovereign.” By this he wanted to feel out Zhuge Ke's mind. Zhuge Ke said, “I ought to force myself to go in.”

19. The sanqi changshi Zhang Yue, Zhu En and others sent a secret message to Zhuge Ke saying, “The preparations for today are extraordinary. We suspect that there is something behind them.”

Zhuge Ke showed the message to Teng Yin. Teng Yin advised Zhuge Ke to return to the hall. Zhuge Ke said, “What can these children do? I am only afraid they may poison me with their wine and food.

With that, and taking his own medicated wine, Zhuge Ke went in.

20. Wearing his sword and his shoes, he came up to the hall. He advanced and proffered his thanks, and returned to his seat. When wine was set out, Zhuge Ke was suspicious and did not drink. Sun Jun said, “Is it that Your Excellency has not recovered from the indisposition? There is that medicated wine you habitually take, which might well be fetched.” Zhuge Ke's mind was then eased. Separately, he drank what he had brought along. After several cups of wine, the Sovereign of Wu retired and Sun Jun got up to go to the toilet, where he divested himself of his long gown and put on his short garment. When he came out, he said, “The emperor orders the arrest of Zhuge Ke.”

Startled, Zhuge Ke stood up and reached for his sword, but before he could get at it, Sun Jun's sword fell on him time and again. Zhang Yue, who was by, hacked sun Jun, but succeeded only in wounding his left hand, whereupon Sun Jun cut down Zhang Yue, severing his right arm. The wuwei soldiers all rushed up to the hall. Sun Jun said, “We were after Zhuge Ke, and now he is already dead.” He ordered them all to sheath their swords, cleared the place, and continued the drinking.

21. Zhuge Ke's two sons Zhuge Song and Zhuge Jian on learning of the calamity took their mother in a carriage, intending to flee thither to Wei. Sun Jun had a man pursue and kill them.

22. He had the corpse of Zhuge Ke wrapped in rush matting, the loins bound with wicker work, and thrown into the cemetary called Shizigang.

23. Further, he sent Shi Guan, the du of Wunan, to the army of Generals Shi Ji and Sun Yi and had Zhuge Ke's younger brother, the fenwei jiangjun Zhuge Jing, killed at Gong'an, and his three sons {killed} as well.

24. The sons of Zhuge Ke's sisters, the Lord of Duxiang Zhang Chen and the sanqi changshi Zhu En, and members of their families to the third degree, were all put to death.

25. Zang Jun of Linhuai memorialized, petitioning to take the corpse of Zhuge Ke and bury it, “I have heard it said that thunder and lightning do not last all morning, and when violent wind breaks out, rarely is it for a whole day. Rather they are succeeded by clouds and rainfall, which mositens things. This means that even the awesomeness of heaven and earth does not last more than a day or at most twelve days, and the ire of Emperors and Kings ought not to exhaust their desires. Being reckless and stupid, I do not know what to shun or taboo, and am risking an offense that may bring extermination. Hence I mention this weather simile.

I humbly observe that the late taifu Zhuge Ke has committed crimes and evils to the fullest, and so has brought about the annihilation of himself and his family. The three heads of the father and sons have been poled in the marketplace for days, viewed by tens of thousands, and they are cursed everywhere. There is none who has not trembled at this major punishment of the land; old or young, there is none who has not witnessed it. Human nature reacts towards the external world in such a manner that when pleasure is at its highest, sympathy is produced. Seeing Zhuge Ke in prosperity and power, no one of the time disagreed with him. He had occupied a ministerial position for many years. Now he has been killed just like a bird or a beat.

Having observed it all, one's sentiment turns back; can one fail to feel pity? Besides, a dead man is in the realm of the soil; chiselling, digging, hewing, stabbing would not add anything. I would wish your sage Court to take lesson from heaven and earth, whose ire does not last ten days, and permit his locality or his former subordinates to take his body and bury it in commoner's garb in a coffin of three inches thickness. Of old, Xiang Ji received the dispensation of burial, and Han Xin received the favor of proper encoffining. This was due to the spirit-like insight of Han Gaozu. I hope Your Majesty will prize the benevolence of the Three Emperors and demonstrate your sense of pity, so that the State's beneficence may be applied to the corpse of the punished man, and it may further receive boundless grace. In this manner, your renown would spread to distant regions and people everywhere would be encouraged to become your subjects. Would this not be great?

Of old, Luan Bu altered the order of Gaozu relative to the corpse of Peng Yue, for which I presume to despise him. Without first petitioning his Sovereign, he indulged his feelings and took the credit to himself. It was certainly lucky for him he was not put to death. Now, I do not presume to make my sentiments public and prematurely reveal your grace. Therefore I respectfully and humbly write this memorial, risking death to submit my view. I beg that with your sage understanding, you will take pity and look into it.”
Thereupon the Sovereign of Wu and Sun Jun permitted Zhuge Ke's former subordinates to bury him.

26. Back when Zhuge Ke was young he had already become renowned, and Dadi Sun Quan greatly valued his qualitied. But Zhuge Ke's father Zhuge Jin was always worrying, and would say, “He is not the master to preserve our family.”

27. His father's friend, the fenwei jiangjun Zhang Cheng also thought that Zhuge Ke was sure to bring ruin to the Zhuge clan.

28. Lu Xun once said to Zhuge Ke, “Toward our superiors, we must be respectful and advance with them; toward our inferiors we must lend a hand. Now I observe of you that your are arrogant toward your superiors and contemptuous of your inferiors. This is no foundation for security.

29. The Han Shizhong Zhuge Zhan was the son of Zhuge Liang. When Zhuge Ke for the second time attacked Huainan, the taishou of Yuehui, Zhang Yi, sent Zhuge Zhan a letter saying, “The eastern Sovereign has just expired and the new Emperor is weak and immature. The taifu Zhuge Ke has received the heavy charge of guardianship; how can it be easy? Even with the Duke of Zhou's ability, there was the unexpected turn of the slanderous words of Guan(-Shu) and Cai(-Shu). After conspiracy between Liu Dan, Prince of Yan, the Princess married to Ge, and the Shangguan Jie and his father Shang Guan An. Thanks to the unenlightened minds of King Cheng and the Emperor Zhaodi respectively, they escaped disaster.

I often used to hear that the Eastern Sovereign, whenever he gave life or death, reward or punishment, would not trust these matters to his officials. Now on his deathbed, he has suddenly summoned the taifu and commissioned him as guardian for his successor. This is indeed a matter of great concern. Added to this, the people of Wu and Chu are wild in temper, as has been recorded since antiquity. Yet the taifu has left the younger Sovereign behind and gone to hostile territory; I am afraid this is not the best of plans for him. It is true that strict discipline rules in the Eastern House, high and low being in harmony and coordination; yet a single error out of a hundred plans is a matter of concern for a man of insight. Take the past and you have the present, and the present is also the past. If you yourself do not offer advice to the taifu, who else is there who can open his mind completely to him. If he will withdraw the army, extend agriculture, devote attention to inner virtue and kindness, within a few years East and West may both act together against the Wei. It will not be too late then. I hope you will probe deeply.”

And it turned out that Zhuge Ke met his downfall on these points.

30. In Wu, the officials deliberated together and submitted a memorial, recommending Sun Jun as taiyu and Teng Yin as situ. One who was fawning on Sun Jun said, “The government should be in the hands of a member of the ruling house. If Cheng Si is made only a secondary Ducal Minister, with his great renown and popularity, there is no telling what will happen.”

Thereupon they memorialized that sun Jun be appointed Premier {Prime Minister} (chengxiang), Generalissimo (da jiangjun) and Commander-in-Chief (du) of all military matters. Further, they did not appoint any censor (yushi dafu) to the disappointment of the gentry.

31. Teng Yin's daughter was the wife of Zhuge Ke's son, Zhuge Song, hence Teng Yin declined to accept the appointment. Sun Jun said, “Kun's crime did not affect his son Yu. Why should Lord Teng do this?
Sun Jun and Teng Yin, although inwardly not in harmony, outwardly were tolerant of each other. Sun Jun had Teng Yin's rank advanced to Lord of Gaomi, and they continued to associate with one another as before.

32. The Wu Prince of Qi, Sun Fen, learning that Zhuge Ke had been put to death, moved his residence to Wuhu, intending eventually to come to Jianye and watch for a change in the situation. His preceptor-minister Xie Zi and others remonstrated. Sun Fen killed them, for which he was tried, reduced to a commoner, and banished to Changan[-xian].

33. Lady Zhang, Consort of Sun He, Prince of Nanyang, was a daughter of Zhuge Ke's sister.

The Princess had sent the huangmen Chen Qian to Jianye to convey greetings to the Empress and to Zhuge Ke. When he was about to return, Zhuge Ke said to Chen Qian, “Tell the Princess for me that she may expect better things than any one else.” These words to some degree leaked out.

Before this, Zhuge Ke had taken the notion to move the capital and had had the palace at Wuchang reconstructed. Among the people it was said that Zhuge Ke wanted to put Sun He on the throne. After Zhuge Ke had been put to death, the chengxiang Sun Jun deprived Sun He of the seal of the Prince of Nanyang on this score, banished him to Xindu, and then sent a messenger ordering him to commit suicide.

Now Sun He's concubine He bore his son Sun Hao; his other sons by other concubines were Sun De, Sun Qian and Sun Jun. When he was about to die, Sun He was saying farewell to the Princess Zhang. The Princess said, “Both in fortune and misfortune I must follow you. I will not live without you.” And she too killed herself.

The concubine He said, “If every one is to follow in death, who is going to nurse the orphans?” So she brought up Sun Hao and his three younger brothers, who were all preserved thanks to her.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 5:19 am

First Year of Zhengyuan (254 AD)
Shu: Seventeenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: First year of Wufeng

1. Spring, second month (March 6-April 4). The Zhongshu ling Li Feng was put to death.

2. As a youth of seventeen or eighteen, Li Feng had already earned clear renown. The whole Empire joined in praising him. His father, the taipu Li Hui, did not approve of this, and ordered the house gate closed, cutting off visitors.

3. At the time when Cao Shuang was monpolizing the administration and Sima Yi, claiming ill-health, was not appearing in public life, Li Feng was shangshu puyi. He remained aloof from both the Ducal Ministers, and so was not put to death with Cao Shuang.

4. Li Feng's son Li Tao was selected to become the husband of the Princess of Qi.

5. When Sima Shi took charge of the administration, Li Feng was appointed zhongshu ling. At this time the taichang Xiahou Xuan, though he enjoyed great reputation in the Empire, was not given an influential position because he was a relative of Cao Shuang, and lived in constant discontent. Zhang Qi as father of the Empress, had left his prefectural post and was living at home; he too was frustrated. Li Feng was on close terms with both of these. Although Sima Shi had given Li Feng an extraordinary appointment, Li Feng's personal sympathy was always with Xiahou Xuan.

6. During the two years when he served as zhongshu ling, Li Feng was frequently given private audience by the Emperor, no one knowing what they said. Sima Shi knew they discussed him, asked Li Feng to an interview and questioned him. Li Feng would not tell him the truth. Sima Shi in anger struck him with the ring of his sword hilt, killing him. He then sent the corpse to the tingyu.

7. In the end, Li Feng's son LI Tao, as well as Xiahou Xuan, Zhang Qi, etc. were arrested and all committed to the tingyu. Zhong Yu, the tingyu, charged them as follows: “Li Feng conspired with the huangmeen jian Su Shuo, the yongning shuling, etc. (all eunuchs), and said, 'On the day when the guiren (imperial concubine) is to be appointed, the troops from the various barracks will be stationed at the palace gates and His Majesty will appear under the gable of the hall; let us take this occasion to obtain permission from His Majesty and lead the officials and troops to kill the Generalissimo. Should His Majesty not assent, he must be coerced and taken away with us.'”

The charge further read, “They conspired to make Xiahou Xuan da jiangjun and Zhang Qi piaoji jiangjun. Xiahou Xuan and Zhang Qi were aware of this conspiracy.”

8. On the day gengxu (March 27), Li Tao, Xiahou Xuan, Zhang Qi, Su Shuo, Yue Dun and Liu Xian were put to death, and their relatives to the third degree were all annihilated.

9. When he was going to Shu, Xiahou Ba had invited Xiahou Xuan to go with him. Xiahou Xuan did not listen to him. After Sima Yi's death the zhongling jun Xu Yun of Gaoyang had said to Xiahou Xuan, “There is nothing more for you to worry about.”

Xiahou Xuan had sighed and said, “Shicong (Xu Yun), how ignorant you are of the world! That man {Sima Yi} at least could treat me as a youngster from the house of a friend. Ziyuan (Sima Shi) and Zishang (Sima Zhao) cannot tolerate me.

10. When he was sent to prison, Xiahou Xuan had been unwilling to make a confession. Zhong Yu examined him in person. With solemn countenance, Xiahou Xuan chided Zhong Yu and said, “What am I guilty of? You condescend to act as lingshi; you may as well write it for me yourself.” Zhong Yu, considering that Xiahou Xuan was a gentleman of renown, and too proud to bend, but that the examination had to be completed, that night wrote down a confession, making it match with the facts. In tears he showed it to Xiahou Xuan. Xiahou Xuan looked at it and did nothing more than nod. Proceeding to the East Market (where the execution was to be held), he did not change color and behaved as usual.

11. Li Feng's younger brother Li Yi was zishi of Yanzhou. Sima Shi sent a messenger to arrest him. Li Yi's wife Xun said to Li Yi, “The case of the zhongshu ling is now under examination. As long as the Imperial summons has not arrived you can go off to Wu. Why sit still and come to death and destruction? With whom of your associates could you brave water and fire?

Li Yi thought and had not yet answered, when his wife said, “You are lord of a big province, and you do not know with whom you can live or die. Even if you leave you will hardly escape.”

Li Yi said, “My two sons are young. I will not go. Now I shall be tried only for involvement, and the death sentence will be limited to my own person. My two sons are sure to be spared.”

And he stayed and went to his death.

12. Earlier, Li Hui had been a friend of the shangshu puyi Du Ji and the taishou of Dong'an Guo Zhi. Li Hui's son Li Feng associated with men of parts and distinguished himself in the world through his talent and wisdom. Guo Zhi's son Guo Zhong was solid within, but was without external show; people of his native locality did not praise him. Once Guo Zhong and Li Feng both went out to see Du Ji. As soon as they left, Du Ji exclaimed, “For Xiao Yi (Li Hui) there will be no son, and not only no son but no family at all. Junmou (Guo Zhi) will be immortalized, for his son is worthy to carry on his line.”

People at the time all thought that Du Ji was wrong. After Li Feng's death, Guo Zhong became taishou of Daijun. In the end, he proved himself to be a worthy successor to his father.

13. During the Zhengshi period (240-249 AD), Xiahou Xuan, He Yan and Deng Yang all enjoyed brilliant reputations. They wanted to make friends with the shangshu lang Fu Jia, but Fu Jia would not accept their friendship. Fu Jia's friend Xun Can wondered at this and asked him about it. Fu Jia said, “As for Taichu {Xiahou Xuan's style name}, his aims are bigger than his capacities; he is able to gather empty fame around himself, but he lacks real talent. As for He Pingshu (He Yan), his talk is far-ranging, but his feelings are close-in. He is good at argument, but lacks sincerity. He is one who, as the saying has it, with his sharp mouth overthrows kingdoms. As for Deng Xuanmao (Deng Yang), he is always doing but never accomplishing. From the outside he covets name and gain; he lacks the qualifications. He prizes those who agree with him and hates those who differ. He is free with his words and jealous of others getting ahead of him. Being free with his words, he will have many enemies; jealous of others getting ahead of him, he will have no intimates. As far as I can observe of these three men, they will all ruin their families. Even keeping my distance from them, I fear calamity may reach me. Should I then cultivate their intimacy?”

14. Fu Jia was not on good terms with Li Feng either. He said to his intimate friends, “Li Feng is an elegant fake, full of doubts; he prides himself on his petty cleverness, but is blind to what is really needed in exigencies. If he is charged with important duties, his death is inevitable.”

15. On the day xinhai (March 28), a general amnesty was given.

16. Third month (April 5-May 3), the Empress Zhang was degraded.

17. Summer, fourth month (May 4-June 2). The Empress Wang was invested and a general amnesty was given. She was a daughter of the fengche duyu Wang Kui.

18. The chieftain of the Didao, Li Jian, sent a secret message to Han requesting acceptance of his surrender. Sixth month (July 2-31), Jiang Wei invaded Longxi.

19. Now, the zhongling jun Xu Yun (of Gaoyang) had been on friendly terms with Li Feng and Xiahou Xuan. Autumn. Xu Yun was appointed chenbei jiangjun, with Tally, and dudu (Commander-in-chief), of the various troops in Hebei. Since Xu Yun was about to leave, the Emperor ordered an assembly of his officials. The Emperor specially drew Xu Yun to him. About to take leave of the Emperor, Xu Yun wept and cried, his tears streaming down. Xu Yun had not left for his post, when the authorities impeached Xu Yun for having distributed government properties on his own authority; he was arrested and sent to the tingyu. He was banished to Lelang, but before arriving he died on the way.

20. In Wu, Sun Jun was arrogant and haughty, indulging in debauchery and cruelty; his countrymen hated him. The sima Huan Lu plotted to assassinate Sun Jun and put on the throne the son of the Crown Prince Sun Deng, the Lord of Wu Sun Ying. He failed and they both died.

21. The Emperor was extremely upset at the death of Li Feng. The andong jiangjun Sima Zhao, who was stationed at Xuchang, was summoned and ordered to strike at Jiang Wei.

Ninth month (September 29-October 28). Sima Zhao came to the capital with his troops to visit the Emperor. The Emperor went to the terrace Pingluo Guan to see the troops march past. His attendants advised the Emperor to kill Sima Zhao when the latter came to take his leave, and seizing his troops, use them to repulse the Generalissimo. The Imperial rescript was already placed before him. But the Emperor was afraid and dared not issue it. Sima Zhao led his troops into the city, whereupon the Generalissimo Sima Shi arranged to depose the Emperor.

22. On the day jiaxu (October 17), Sima Shi convened an assembly of officials in the name of the Empress Dowager, which he informed that the Emperor was conducting himself with unbounded license and with indecent intimacy toward singing-girls, and was not worthy to carry on the celestial line. None of the crowd of officials dared disagree with him. Thereupon he memorialized the Empress Dowager to take the Imperial seal from the Emperor and send him to Qi as a vassal prince.

23. He sent Guo Zhi into the palace to report to the Empress Dowager. The Empress Dowager, just then, was sitting opposite the Emperor. Addressing the Emperor Guo Zhi said, “The Generalissimo wishes to depose Your Majesty and enthrone the Prince of Pengcheng Cao Ju. At this the Emperor rose and left the room.

The Empress Dowager was displeased. Guo Zhi said, “The Empress Dowager has a son, but she has not been able to instruct him. Now the Generalissimo has made up his mind, and furthermore has posted troops outside the palace to cope with any emergency. There is nothing to do but comply with him. What more is there to say?”

“I want to see the Generalissimo,” said the Empress Dowager. “I have something to say to him.” “How can you see him?” said Guo Zhi. “You have but to be quick and fetch the Imperial Seal.”

The Empress Dowager yielded and sent her attendants to fetch the Imperial seal, which she placed by her side. Guo Zhi went to report to Sima Shi.

Sima Shi was highly elated. He further sent a messenger to deliver the seal of Prince of Qi to the Emperor, who was to leave and repair to the Western Palace (xiguan). The Emperor wept with the Empress Dowager and took his leave. Finally he mounted the princely carriage and went out to the south from the hall Taiji tian. Several dozens of his officials came to bid him farewell. The taiyu Sima Fu could not support his grief, and most of the others wept.

Sima Shi again sent a messenger requesting the Imperial Seal from the Empress Dowager. The Empress Dowager said, “The Prince of Pengcheng is my junior uncle. Now he is coming to mount the throne. Where will I stand?

Furthermore, must Ming Huangdi become forever hairless? I am considering that the Duke of Gaogui xiang is the eldest grandson of Wen Huangdi and a son of Ming Huangdi's younger brother. According to the Rites, a son of the collateral branch can become an heir to the main branch. Let this be discussed in detail.”

On the day dingchou (October 20), Sima shi convened another assembly of officials and showed them the Empress Dowager's command. It was then decided to fetch the Duke of Gaogui Xiang, Cao Mao, from Yuancheng. Cao Mao was a son of the Prince Ding of Donghai, Cao Lin; At this time, he was aged fourteen.

The taichang Wang Su was sent, with the Tally, to fetch him. Sima Shi again sent a messenger to request the Imperial Seal. The Empress Dowager said, “The Duke of Gaogui xiang I shall recognize when I see him, for I knew him when he was a child. I will hand the Imperial Seal to him myself.”

24. Winter, tenth month. On the day jichou (November 1), the Duke of Gaogui Xiang reached the hall of Xuan Wuguan. The officials requested him to stop in the front hall. The Duke avoided it because it was where formerly the late Emperor stayed, and stopped in the Western Hall. The officials also invited him to be escorted in the Imperial carriage, but the Duke would hear none of it.

25. On the day gengyin (November 2), the Duke entered Luoyang. The officials received him with obeisance, south of the gate Xiye Men. The Duke alighted from his carriage to return their bows; the usher solicited him, saying, “According to etiquette, you do not bow.”

“I am a subject!” said the Duke, and he proceeded to return the bows. When he arrived at the Vehicle Halting Gate, he alighted; the attendants said, “The ancient usage is in your case to go in by carriage.”

“I have been summoned by the Empress Dowager,” said the Duke. “I do not know what I am to do.” He then proceeded on foot, and coming to the eastern hall of Taiji(-tian), he had an interview with the Empress Dowager. On the same day he mounted the Imperial throne, in the front hall of Taiji(-tian). The officials present all rejoiced. A general amnesty was given, and the reign-title was changed (from sixth year of Jiaping to first year of Zhengyuan). A palace was constructed in Henei for the Prince of Qi.

26. Jiang Wei of Han, advancing from Didao, captured Hejian and Lintao. The jiangjun Xu Zhi gave him battle and killed the Han tangkou jiangjun Zhang Yi. The Han troops then withdrew.

27. Now the cishi (Governor) of Yangzhou Wen Qin was surpassingly strong and brave. Cao Shuang had liked him because they were from the same locality. Relying on Cao Shuang's power, Wen Qin became haughty and arrogant. After Cao Shuang was put to death, Wen Qin became inwardly fearful. Too, he liked to exaggerate the number of heads he took, seeking after credit and reward. Sima Shi was constantly curbing him, on which account he became resentful.

The chendong jiangjun Guanqiu Jian had been friendly with Xiahou Xuan and Li Feng. With the death of Xiahou Xuan et al., Guanqiu Jian also felt insecure, and as a matter of policy he treated Wen Qin generously.

28. Guanqiu Jian's son, the Zhishu Shiyushi Guanqiu Tian, said to Guanqiu Jian, “Sir, you occupy an important provincial office. The State is in danger, yet you remain unruffled and stick to your own post. You will be blamed throughout the Empire for this.” Guanqiu Jian agreed with him.
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Re: The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms Vol. 2

Unread postby Jordan » Tue Dec 27, 2011 6:55 am

Note: Some of you might remember Wen Yang as the whip wielding warrior who does a lot of badass things toward the end of the Sanguo Yanyi novel. The historicity of Wen Yang's feats, though, is debatable. As Achilles Fang notes, the sources that Sima Guang used to justify passages about "Wen Yang charging into enemy formations and killing scores of troops" weren't identified. If it sounded too good to be true...well it quite possibly was.

Contrarily, in fact, the Jin Shu states that that on the occasion when Wen Yang supposedly drove off his father's pursuers, which I asteriked in the text below, what really happened was that Wen Qin's army suffered a defeat.

If I finish this and get a chance to write up the notes in these books, you guys will see what I mean.

========================================

Second Year of Zhengyuan (255 AD)
Shu: Eighteenth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Wufeng

1. Spring, first month (January 25-February 23). Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin, counterfeiting the command of the Empress Dowager, rose up in arms at Shouchun and issued throughout the provinces and prefectures a call to arms for the purpose of punishing Sima Shi.

2. They also memorialized the throne: “The xiangguo Sima Yi, loyal and upright, rendered great service to the dynasty. Hence clemency should be extended to his posterity. It is requested that Sima Shi be dismissed and proceed to his fief as its lord, to be replaced by his younger brother Sima Zhao. The taiyu Sima Fu is loyal, filial, and prudent; the hujun Sima Wang executes his duties faithfully and equitably. These two deserve close relations with Your Majesty and appointment to important positions.” Sima Wang was a son of Sima Fu.

Guanqiu Jian also sent an envoy to the chennan jiangjun Zhuge Dan soliciting him to join the rebellion; Zhuge Dan killed the envoy.

3. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin led between fifty and sixty thousand men across the Huai river, and moved west to Xiang. Guanqiu Jian stayed there and stoutly defended the place, putting Wen Qin in charge of the mobile force outside.

4. Sima Shi asked the governor of Henan, Wang Su, for advice. Wang Su said, “Of old, when Guan Yu captured Yu Jin on the banks of the Han, he then cherished the ambition to proceed north and contend for the Empire. Afterwards Sun Quan launched a surprise attack and captured the families of his generals and officers. Guan Yu's troops were dispersed in one day. Now the parents, wives, and children of the Huainan generals and officers are all in the inner provinces. You have only to hasten forth and take them under your protection, ward off the enemy, and prevent his advance. Then there will inevitably be the same kind of collapse as with Guan Yu.”

5. At that time Sima Shi had recently had a tumor removed from his eye, and the wound was serious. Some thought the generalissimo should not go in person, and that it would be best to send the taiyu Sima Fu to make resistance. Only Wang Su, the shangshu Fu Ji, and the zhongshu Zhong Hui, advised Sima Shi to go in person.

6. Sima Shi hesitated and made no decision. Fu Jia said, “The troops of Huai and Chu are strong. Guanqiu Jian and the others, trusting to their strength, have come a long way to fight. Their keen edge cannot easily be encountered. Should the subordinate generals fight unsuccessfully and the tide be turned against you, then your cause will be ruined.” Sima Shi jumped up from his seat and said, “I shall go in spite of my ailment.”

7. On the day wuwu (January 29), Sima Shi led the various armies, central and provincial, to attack Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin. He appointed his younger brother Sima Zhao to act concurrently as zhong lingjun and stationed him behind at Luoyang. He summoned the troops from the three quarters (eastern, western, and northern; Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin were in the south) to assemble at Chen and Xuchang.

8. Sima Shi asked the guanglu xun Zheng Mao for advice. Zheng Mao said, “Guanqiu Jian is fond of scheming, but is ignorant of the world. Wen Qin is brave, but lacks the gift of careful calculation. Now, should our main forces take them by surprise, the troops of the Qiang and the Huai, keen-edged as they are, will not be able to stand firm. You had better deepen the ditches and heighten the ramparts, and thus dampen their spirit; this was the excellent strategy of Zhou yafu.” Sima Shi approved..

9. Sima Shi appointed the cishi of Jingzhou, Wang Ji, to be acting jianjun, with the Tally, to command the Xuchang troops. Wang Ji said to Sima Shi, “The rebellion of Huainan has not broken out because the lower officials and the people are bent on making disturbances. Guanqiu Jian and the others tricked and coerced them. It is because they are afraid they will be put to death on the spot that they are massed together. When our main forces come near they will crumble and disperse, and the severed heads of Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin will be brought to your headquarters before the morning has passed.”

Sima Shi followed this advice and appointed Wang Ji to the vanguard. But he soon recalled his order and made Wang Ji stay behind at Xuchang. Wang Ji opined, “Guanqiu Jian and the others, in spite of the fact that they can afford to make a deeper incursion with their troops, have not advanced for a long time. This means that their deception and falsity have been exposed, and that the multitude is suspicious and refractory. For us not to display our arms at this moment and thus meet the wishes of the people, but instead to halt the army and heighten the ramparts, would look as if we are timorous and faint-hearted. This is not the way to conduct a campaign.

If Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin seize the population to increase their forces, and the military households of the areas in the rebels' hands become more and more disloyal—those under the coercion of Guanqiu Jian and his group, knowing how great their crimes are, will not dare to return to us—we will only be putting our army on useless terrain and facilitating the spread of treachery and wickedness. If the Wu should make use of them, Huainan will be ours no more. Qiao, Pei, Ru and Yu will be in danger, and we shall have made a great mistake. The army should advance rapidly and take possession of Nandun. In Nandun, there is the big storehouse, containing provisions for the army for forty days. We would be making our defense in a strong city and taking advantage of the grain stored at hand. 'To be beforehand with others takes the heart out of them.' This is the essential point for conquering the rebels.”

Wang Ji repeatedly petitioned and was finally heeded. The army advanced and occupied the bank of the Yinshui.

10. Intercalary (first) month. On the day jiashen (February 24), Sima Shi halted at Yinqiao. Guanqiu Jian's generals Shi Zhao and Li Xu came and surrendered in turn.

11. Wang Ji further said to Sima Shi, “In war, one hears of clumsy speed, but clever duration has never been seen. At this time, there is a powerful enemy without and rebellious subjects within. If the affair is not settled speedily, the future course is unpredictable. Many of your advisers say the General must be prudent. To be sure, it is right that the General should be prudent, but to halt your army and not advance is wrong. To be prudent does not mean you should not proceed; it only means advancing while still inviolable by the enemy. Now, you would occupy strong walled cities and make your defense behind ramparts, letting the enemy utilize our military stores while you transport provisions for the army from long distances. This is very mistaken strategy.”

Sima Shi still did not accede. Wang Ji said, “When a general is with his army, he does not accept all his sovereign's commands. That which will be advantageous to the enemy if they take it, and to us as well if we take it, is called Terrain of Contention. Such is Nandun.”

In the end, he advanced and occupied Nandun. Guanqiu Jian and the others, who were then at Xiang, had also meant to go forward and contend for it. They had gone more than ten li when they heard that Wang Ji had already reached the place, whereupon they went back to defend Xiang.

12. On the day guiwei (February 23), the zhengxi jiangjun Guo Huai died. The cishi of Yongzhou, Chen Tai, succeeded him.

13. The chengxiang Sun Jun of Wu led the piaoji jiangjun Lü Ju and the zuo jiangjun Liu Zan of Kuaiji in a surprise attack on Shouchun.

14. Sima Shi ordered the troops to reinforce the walls and heighten the ramparts, and await the arrival of the eastern army. His subordinate generals asked permission to take the troops forward and attack Xiang. Sima Shi said, “You gentlemen see one side but are ignorant of the other. The generals and troops of Huainan never harbored any intention to rebel. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin wheedled them into joining their rebellion. They thought that others, far and near, would be certain to join them, but on the day when they rose in rebellion, the generals of Huaibo did not follow them. Shi Zhao and Li Xu separated from them one after the other. Thus, with dissension within and desertion without, they themselves are well aware of their certain defeat and will fight like wild beasts in their last extremity.

Immediate battle is what suits them best. We are, to be sure, certain to defeat them, but the injury to our men would also be great. Furthermore, Guanqiu Jian and the others have duped their generals and troops, using all kinds of subterfuge. If we hold them at bay for awhile, their falsity will be exposed of itself. This is a strategem for defeating them without fighting them.”

Thereupon he ordered that Zhuge Dan, in charge of the troops from Yuzhou, proceed to Shouchun from Anfeng and that the zhengdong jiangjun Hu Xun, in charge of the troops from Qingzhou and Xuzhou, proceed into the region of Qiao and Song in order to intercept their retreat. Sima Shi himself established his headquarters at Ruyang.

15. Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin advanced, but there was no battle for them; as far as retreating, they were afraid that Shouchun might be attacked, so they could not return. At their wits' end, they did not know what to do. The generals and troops of Huainan had left their families in the north; distracted, they surrendered one after another. Only the farmers of Huainan, who had recently joined the rebellion, continued to be useful.

16. When Guanqiu Jian started his rebellion, he sent a letter to Yanzhou by a courier, whom the governor of Yanzhou, Deng Ai, put to death. Leading over ten thousand troops at double march, he advanced toward the city of Luojia, where he constructed a pontoon bridge and waited for Sima Shi. Guanqiu Jian had Wen Qin and his troops launch a surprise attack. Sima Shi made a secret march from Ruyang and reached Deng Ai at Luojia. Seeing the sudden arrival of the main forces, Wen Qin was so astonished that he did not know what to do.

17. Wen Qin's son, Wen Yang, who was eighteen, was surpassingly brave and strong. He said to Wen Qin, “If we attack them before they are ready, we can destroy them.” Wen Qin then divided his troops into two parts, which during the night were to attack the Wei army from opposite sides. Wen Yang went forward with some stout-hearted men and made a storm attack, with drum and clamor. The Wei army shook in tumult. Sima Shi was so taken by surprise and panic that the ball of his diseased eye suddenly came out. Fearing that the army might get to know this, he bit his coverlet to pieces. Wen Qin did not appear at the appointed time, and as day was breaking, Wen Yang, seeing how strong the Wei troops looked, withdrew.

18. “The rebels are fleeing,” said Sima Shi to his generals. “We can pursue them.” The generals said, “Wen Qin and his son are strong and brave; since there has been no defeat, why should they flee?”

“'When the drums first beat,'” said Sima Shi, “'that excites the spirit. A second advance occasions a diminution of the spirit.' Wen Yang attacked us by storm, with drum and clamor, but failed to get a response. Their strength is crushed; when will they ever flee, if not now?”

19. Wen Qin was about to retreat to the east. “Unless we first break their strength,” said Wen Yang, “we shall not be able to get away.” So he and a dozen or so horsemen noted for bravery stormed and smashed the enemy formation, carrying all before them. Then they were able to start their retreat.

20. Sima Shi sent his zuo zhangshi Sima Ban at the head of eight thousand outstandingly brave men, to pursue them in two wings. Wen Yang, as a single horseman, rushed into the formation of several thousand cavalry and emerged after killing and wounding over a hundred men. He repeated this six or seven times. The pursuing cavalry dared not press him closely.*

21. An official of the palace, Yin Damu, originally a household slave of the Cao (i.e. the ruling house), was a constant attendant of the Son of Heaven. Sima Shi took him along on his expedition. Knowing that one eye of Sima Shi had come out, Yin Damu proposed to him, “Wen Qin was once a trusted man of Your Excellency. It is only that he has been misled by other people. He is, furthermore, from the same county as the Son of Heaven, and I used to be trusted by him. Allow me to go and persuade him on your behalf, so that he may come back to you and restore a good relationship.”

Sima Shi permitted him to do so. Yin Damu, without any companion, riding on a big horse and wearing armor and helmet, pursued Wen Qin and addressed him from afar. In his heart, Yin Damu wished well for Cao, but concealed this in his choice of words: “How is it that Your Lordship cannot be patient for a few days?” With this he hoped to make Wen Qin understand his meaning. But Wen Qin did not understand at all; on the contrary he raised his voice and abused Yin Damu, “You were a family servant of the Late Emperor. You do not think of showing your gratitude, but on the contrary help Sima Shi in his iniquity. You neglect the command of Heaven, which will not bless you.”

Thereupon he drew his bow and fixed an arrow in it, and as he was about to shoot at Yin Damu, Yin Damu in tears said, “The cause is ruined. Exert your utmost.”

22. On this day, Guanqiu Jian, hearing that Wen Qin was retreating, was seized by fear and fled by night; and so his troops were put to rout. Wen Qin returned to Xiang, because his solitary army, lacking reinforcements, could not defend itself, he wanted to return to Shouchun. Shouchun had already fallen, and so he fled to Wu.

23. Sun Jun of Wu reached Dongxing, when he heard that Guanqiu Jian and his men had been defeated. On the day of renyin, he advanced to Tuogao, where Wen Qin and his son came to the army to surrender.

24. Guanqiu Jian reached Shenxian. His attendants and troops gradually left Guanqiu Jian and went away. Guanqiu Jian, without any companion except his younger brother Guanqiu Xiu, and his grandson Guanqiu Zhong, went to hide in the grass along the bank of the water. On the day jiachen, Zhang Shu, a man of Anfengjin, killed Guanqiu Jian and sent his decapitated head to the capital. Zhang Shu was enfeoffed as a Lord.

25. Zhuge Dan reached Shouchun. Within the city of Shouchun, the population, consisting of ten odd myriads of people, feared that they would be put to death. Some wandered to the mountains and marshes, and some fled to Wu along different routes. The Emperor appointed Zhuge Dan as chendong da jiangjun, yitong sansi, and dudu (Commander-in-Chief) of all the troops in Yangzhou.

26. Members of Guanqiu Jian's family were exterminated to the third degree. Partisans of Guanqiu Jian, more than seven hundred persons, were sent to prison. The shiyushi Du Yu sat in judgment of them. He sentenced only the ringleaders, ten in all, and set the remainder free by memorializing the throne.

27. Guanqiu Jian's granddaughter, married into the Liu clan, was to be put to death. Being pregnant, she was imprisoned at the tingyu's. Her mother Xun had been pardoned from death through a memorial of the wuwei jiangjun Xun Yi. Having escaped death, she petitioned the tingyu that she be made a public slave in ransom for her daughter's life.

The sili zhubu Zheng Xian maintained, “Our great Wei has adopted the malpractices of Qin and Han without introducing any innovation into them. A married girl is put to death, to be sure, in order to exterminate the scions of the clans of rciminals. A girl, married into another family, and having given birth to a child, becomes a mother in that family. As a preventive measure, putting her to death, is not sufficient to crush the source of the crimes; with regard to human relationships, it inflicts injury on the sentiment of a filial son.

A male child is not involved in the punishment of another family (i.e. his wife's family), yet a girl alone is involved in the capital punishment of two families (i.e. her parent's and her husband's). This certainly is not the correct way to show pity for the weaker female sex, nor is it in the spirit of the law, before which every one is equal. I maintain that an unmarried girl may be punished together with her own parents, but a married girl ought to be amenable to the capital punishment of her husband's family.” The Court approved and set this down permanently in the Codes.

28. Lord Zhongwu (Loyal and Martial) of Wuyang, Sima shi, fell seriously ill and returned to Xuchang. He left the zhongshu jiang and canjun shi Jia Chong behind to superintend the various armies. Jia Chong was a son of Jia Kui.

29. The wei jiangjun Sima Zhao went from Luoyang to inquire after Sima Shi's health. Sima Shi ordered him to take command of all the forces. On the day xinhai (March 23), Sima Shi died at Xuchang.

30. The zhongshu shilang, Zhong Hui, had been in the suite of Sima Shi, taking charge of confidential matters. The Emperor, in a personal edict, commanded the shangshu Fu Jia that, the southeast having recently been conquered, the wei jiangjun Sima Zhao was to station himself for the time being at Xuchang, to serve as internal and external support, and Fu Jia should return with the various troops. Zhong Hui consulted Fu Jia and had Fu Jia send up a memorial to the throne that they were starting together with Sima Zhao. They returned and encamped south of the Luoshui.

31. Second month. On the day tingsi (march 29), the Emperor appointed Sima Zhao to be da jiangjun and lu shangshu shi.

32. Because of this, Zhong Hui constantly wore an arrogant expression. Fu Jia warned him, “Your aims are bigger than your capacities. Meritorious work will be difficult to achieve. Must you not be cautious?”

33. Sun Jun of Wu heard that Zhuge Dan had already occupied Shouchun and so he withdrew his army. He appointed Wen Qin to be duhu, chenbei da jiangjun and mu (Governor) of Yuzhou.

34. Third month (April 24-May 22). The Empress Bian was enthroned, and a general amnesty was granted. The Empress was a great grandaughter of Bian Bing, younger brother of the Empress Wu Xuan.

35. Autumn, seventh month (August 20-September 17). In Wu, the jiangjun Sun Yi, Zhang Yi and Lin Xun plotted to assassinate Sun Jun. They failed, and tens of men died.

Princess Quan slandered Princess Zhu to Sun Jun, saying, “She conspired together with Sun Yi. Thereupon, Sun Jun killed Princess Zhu. Sun Jun had the weiyu Feng Chao/Zhao {the character can be read either way} construct walls around Guangling; the work was a very expensive one; but at Court, no one dared to utter a word against it. Teng Yin along protested that it should be stopped, but Sun Jun would not comply. In the end, the work was never completed.

36. In Han, Jiang Wei again proposed to make a campaign. The zhengxi da jiangjun, Zhang Yi, disputed with him at Court. He maintained that, as theirs was a small country and the people were toiling, it was not proper to indulge in warfare. Jiang Wei did not listen to him. Leading the Chezhi jiangjun Xiahou Ba as well as Zhang Yi, he went forth.

37. Eighth month (September 10-October 17). Jiang Wei, with tens of thousands of men, reached Fuhan and proceeded to Didao. The zhengxi jiangjun Chen Tai, ordered the cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing to advance to Didao and there wait for Chen Tai's army to arrive, (intending) to have them advance further when forces from the east and west were thus united. Chen Tai and his army were encamped at Chencang when the various troops under Wang Jing's command fought with the Han at the ancient pass {guguan?} and were defeated. Thereupon, Wang Jing crossed the Tao river. Chen Tai guessed that, since Wang Jing was not sticking to the defense of Didao, there must have been some change in the situation. He led his troops to reinforce him. Wang Jing had already fought with Jiang Wei west of the Tao and suffered a heavy defeat; with ten thousand odd men he returned to the city of Didao, while the remainder of his troops were all dispersed. The number of the killed amounted to some ten thousand men.

38. Zhang Yi spoke to Jiang Wei, “We may stop here but it will not do to advance any further. By advancing we may perhaps ruin this great achievement. It would be like adding feet when one draws the picture of a snake.” Jiang Wei was enraged at this. In the end he advanced and besieged Didao.

39. On the day xinwei, the Emperor appointed the changshui jiaoyu Deng Ai as acting anxi jiangjun, in which capacity he was to cooperate with the zhengxi jiangjun Chen Tai in resisting Jiang Wei. On the day wuchen, the taiyu Sima Fu was also appointed to lead the reinforcements.

40. Chen Tai advanced his troops to Longxi. The various generals all said, “Wang Jing was recently defeated and the Shu hordes are too strong. You, General, with your motley troops have succeeded to a defeated army and will confront the keen edge of the victorious enemy; this will not do at all. The ancients say, 'When an adder has bitten a hand, the strong man will amputate his arm.' Sunzi says, 'Some troops are not struck at, some positions are not defended.' Now the arm to the region of Longyu (i.e. Longxi) is severer than that from an adder. The position of Didao should not be defended, and Jiang Wei's troops are sharp edges to be avoided. It would be bet to set up our defense in steep terrain, waiting in the meanwhile for them to tire, when we should advance to give reinforcement. This is a proper strategem.”

Chen Tai said, “Jiang Wei and his lightly armed troops has made a deep incursion into our territory. What he wants is no less than to contend with us on the battlefield, seeking thus to obtain victory in a single battle. Wang Jing ought to have heightened his walls and made his ramparts thicker, so as to crush their spirit. Instead, he fought with them, giving the rebels a chance. Wang Jing has taken to flight.

Should Jiang Wei, with his victorious army, advance eastwards, and occupy the grain depot at Liyang, let his troops loose to rally those who surrender, induce the Qiang barbarians to offer allegiance, contend for the regions of Guan and Long to the east, and let his proclamation course through the four prefectures, we would be vexed by such a turn of affairs. But he would let his victorious army crush its spirit under the steep walls of Didao, his keen-edged troops exerting their utmost and exhausting their strength. The offensive and the defensive are different matters. Host (defender) and guest (attacker) are dissimilar. The Book of War states, 'The making of big shields and battering rams is accomplished in three months. The construction of artificial hills (around the walls) takes another three months.'

Indeed, such will not be advantageous to an army which, with light armed troops, has deeply invaded a hostile territory. Now Jiang Wei, with his isolated army, has taken his position far from his country, without uninterrupted supplies of provisions. It is the right time for us to hasten forward and destroy the rebels. It is what is meant by the saying, 'When thunder claps rapidly, there is no time for covering the ears.' This is so by the nature of things. The Tao River girdles the place on the outside, and Jiang Wei and his men are on the inside. If we now occupy high places and press on their neck, they will go without our fighting with them. The invaders should not be allowed to roam wild, nor should the siege continue long. How is it that you, gentlemen, speak thus?”
Thereupon he {Chen Tai} advanced his army and, scaling Gaochengling, made a secret march. During the night he reached the top of a high mountain to the southeast of Didao. He set up a large number of beacons and gave signals by means of drums and horns. In the city of Didao, the generals and troops saw that their reinforcements had arrived and all became excited.

Jiang Wei, surprised by this unexpected arrival of reinforcements, hastened along the mountain to launch an attack. Chen Tai engaged him in battle and Jiang Wei withdrew. In the meanwhile, the troops from Liangzhou, moving southwards from Jincheng, reached Yaoyupan. Chen Tai withdrew his troops and proclaimed that he intended to intercept him on his retreat. Jiang Wei was afraid.

The ninth month. ON the day jiachen (November 11), Jiang Wei fled. The generals and troops were then able to come out of the city. Wang Jing sighed and said, “We have been cut off from provisions for the past ten days. Had reinforcements not come speedily, the entire city would have been butchered and rent asunder, and the whole province overthrown.”

Chen Tai thanked and soothed the generals and troops, sending them back to their homes one after another. He enlisted a new batch of troops to guard the city, and also repaired the walls and ramparts. Then he returned to Shanggui, where he stationed himself.

41. Chen Tai was always of the opinion that whenever there was a local disturbance, the whole Empire was thrown into confusion by false alarm. Therefore he seldom sent dispatches to the Court, and when he sent his dispatches, he used the express post only for a distance of six hundred li. The da jiangjun Sima Zhao said, “The zhengxi (jiangjun) Chen Tai is sober and brave, with a resolute mind. Charged with the heavy duty of a regional commander (fangbo) and about to save a city to the point of capitulation, he did not seek for more troops; and furthermore he seldom sends dispatches. This is so because he is certain that he can manage the rebels. Should not Commanders-in-chief (dudu) and Great Generals (dajiang) be like this?”

42. At first, Dadi of Wu (i.e. Sun Quan) did not establish any Ancestral Temple (Taimiao). Because Wu Lie (i.e. Sun Jian) was once taishou (Prefect) of Changsha, he had his temple built at Linxiang and had the local taishou take charge of offering sacrifices. This was all he did.

Winter, the twelfth month (January 15-February 12, 256 AD). An Ancestral Temple was first established at Jianye, and Dadi was worshiped there as Taizu.
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