The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms

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Unread postby Gabriel » Thu May 04, 2006 6:21 pm

28. Lu Xun himself took the center and had Zhu Huan and Quan Song form the left and right wings; thus along the three routes they advanced simultaneously. They thrust into Cao Xiu's ambush troops and set them to flight. They pusued the fleeing enemy, straight to Jia-shi, slaughtering and capturing more than ten thousand men, and taking as booty cattle, horses, mules, donkeys, and ten thousand carts. Cao Xiu's military provisions and weapons were almost completely lost.

29. Now Cao Xiu had petitioned that he be allowed to penetrate deeply in order to cooperate with Zhou Fang. The Emperor ordered Jia Kui to advance eastward and join forces with Cao Xiu. Jia Kui said, "The rebels are not defending Tung-kuan; they must have their united forces at Huan. If Cao Xiu penetrates deeply and fights the rebels, he is certain to be defeated."

Thereupon, directing the various generals under him, he advanced simultaneously by land and water. They had gone two hundred li when they caught a man of Wu, who told them Cao Xiu had been defeated in a battle and the Wu had sent troops to cut off the Jia-shi route. The various generals did not know what course of action to take. Some suggested waiting for the arrival of the rear forces.

Jia Kui said, "Cao Xiu is defeated on the exterior and his route of retreat is cut off in the interior; he cannot advance and fight, nor can he withdraw and return. His fate will be decided in a day's time. The rebels have taken this course of action thinking that our army is without rear forces. If we now advance suddenly and take them by surprise,--this will be what they call being beforehand with a man to take the heart out of him. When they encounter our troops the rebels will certainly flee. If we wait for the arrival of the rear forces, the rebels will have cut off the pass. In that case, what good would larger forces be?"

He then advanced his army at double march, setting up a great number of banners and drums to deceive the enemy. When the Wu saw Jia Kui's troops, they fled in alarm; thus Cao Xiu was enabled to return. Jia Kui then occupied Jia-shi and supplied Cao Xiu with provisions, so that Cao Xiu's army was revived.

Jia Kui had previously been on bad terms with Cao Xiu. During the Huang-ch'u period, Wen-Di wished to lend the Military Tally to Jia Kui. Cao Xiu said that Jia Kui was by nature uncompromising and had often been arrogant to other generals, and that he should not be made a tu. The Emperor thereupon desisted. At the time of his defeat, Cao Xiu was rescued thanks to Jia Kui.

30. Ninth month. On the day Nov. 30, the Emperor's son Mu was made Prince of Fan-yang.

31. Cao Xiu, the "Magnificant" Lord of Ch'ang-p'ing, sent up a memorial condemning himself for his failure, but on the ground that he was a member of the imperial clan, the Emperor did not inquire into it. Mortified and chagrined, Cao Xiu began to suffer from an ulcer on the back. On the day keng-tzu he died.

32. The Emperor appointed Man Chong to be tu-tu of Yang-zhou to succeed him.

33. When the hu Wu-wan chiao-yu Tien Yu attacked Yu-Zhu-Jian, a Hsien-pei, Yu-Zhu-Jian's father-in-law, Ke Bineng came to his help and with thirty thousand cavalry besieged Tien Yu at Ma-ch'eng. Yen Zhi, the t'ai-shou of Shang-ku, a younger brother of Yen Rou, was trusted by the Hsien-pei; he went to win over Ke Bineng, who then raised the siege and went away.

34. Winter, eleventh month (Dec. 14, 228 - Jan. 12, 229). Wang Lang, the "Accomplishing" Lord of Lan-ling, died.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat May 06, 2006 9:59 pm

35. In Han, Zhuge Liang heard that Cao Xiu had been defeated, that the Wei troops were moving eastward, and that Guan-zhong was undefended. He wanted to send out troops to attack Wei, but many of the officials were dubious about this. Zhuge Liang sent up a memorial to the Sovereign of Han, saying:

"The late Emperor was profoundly convinced that Han and the rebels [i.e., Wei] cannot co-exist and that the imperial rule cannot ensure itself in a peripheral region; therefore he commissioned me to quell the rebels. The late Emepror's perspicacity measured my ability, and he certainly must have known that as for fighting the rebels, my talent is feeble and the enemy powerful. But if they are not quelled, the imperial sovereignty will also collapse; is it to sit still and come to destruction than to fight them? Because of this he entrusted me with the task without misgivings.

"Since the day I received his commad, I have not been able to repose at ease on the mat nor to enjoy food. Concentrating on the northern expedition, I found it necessary first to go into the southern region. Therefore in the fifth month I crossed the Lu river, penetrating deep into the wasteland. In every two days I took only one day's meal. It was not that I had no care for my own comfort, but because the imperial rule cannot be made complete in this out-of-the-way capital of Shu, that I braved dangers and difficulties to execute the testament of the late Emperor. Nevertheless those discussing the matter consider this plan to be wrong.

"At present the rebels happen to be worn out in the west and in sore straits in the east. This is the time for making advance, as the Book of War would say, by taking advantage of the enemy's fatigue. I respectfully present the matter as follows.

"Gao-Di possessed insight as bright as the sun and moon, his counselling ministers were as profound as a deep pool. Yet he trod difficult ground and suffered wounds; he obtained security after having gone through danger. Now, Your Majesty in not the peer of Gao-Di, not are your counselling ministers the equals of Zhang Liang and Ch'en P'ing; yet you intend to win victory through far-fetched plans and conquer the world by means of sitting still. This is one matter beyond my comprehension.

"Liu Yu and Wang Lang were masters of a province and a prefecture respectively. They discoursed on peace and talked over plans, always quoting from and referring to the sages. The bellies of the masses were filled with misgivings, and their distress choked them. The did not fight that year, nor did they start a campaign in the following year. Through their indolence they let Sun Ts'e grow in power and eventually annex all Jiang-dong. This is the second matter beyond my comprehension.

"As for wisdom and schemes, Cao Cao was far superior to others; as a general, he was comparable to Sun Wu and Wu Qi. Yet he was put to task at Nan-yang, was in difficulty at Wu-ch'ao, had a precarious time at Qi-lien, and was hard pressed at Li-yang; he was almost put to route at Bo-shan and barely escaped with his life at T'ung-kuan. Only after all these could he stabilize his usurpation. Now I am a man of feeble talent; yet I am to bring about stabilization by risking no dangers at all! This is the third matter beyond my comprehension.

"Cao Cao attacked Chang Ba five times in vain and crossed Chao-hu to no avail. He employed Li Fu, but Li Fu plotted against him; he trsuted Xiahou Yuan, but Xiahou Yuan perished. The late Emperor used to call Cao Cao 'capable', yet he suffered these adversities. Now I am but a stupid man; how can I be certain to win victory? This is the fourth matter beyond my comprehension.

"It has been a full year since I came to Han-zhong. But in the meantime I have lost Zhao Yun, Yang Ch'un, Ma Yu, Yen Zhi, Ding Li, Po Shou, Liu He, and Deng T'ung, well as others such as divisional commanders and brigade generals, to the number of seventy odd men; I have lost the Tu-chiang Wu-ch'ien, the Tsung-sou and Ch'ing-ch'iang troops, the cavalry divisions of San-chi and Wu-chi, totalling more than one thousand men. These were all picked men gathered together from the four quarters during a period of many decades; they are not what a mere province can possess. Within a few decades the number will be decreased by two thirds. How shall we then plan against the enemy? This is the fifth matter beyond my comprehension.

"At present the people are in straits and the army worn out; our work cannot stand still. If our work cannot stand still, to remain inactive or to take on labor will cost the same; this being the case, there is nothing like taking a chance. But Your Majesty intends to go on holding your own in this territory amounting to a mere province. This is the sixth matter beyond my comprehension.

"Affairs of the Empire are difficult to control. Once the late Emperor lost a battle at Ch'u. At the time Cao Cao clapped his hands and thought the empire was already his. But the late Emperor made an alliance with Wu in the east and took Ba-shu in the west; he started a northward campaign, and Xiahou Yuan was slaughtered. This was a miscalculation on the part of Cao Cao; it showed that the cause of Han was going to be fulfilled. But Wu went against the covenant, and Guan Yu suffered catastrophe; there was the disaster of Tzu-keui and Cao Pi proclaimed himself Emperor. That is the way with things in general, they cannot be predicted. I have only to be respectful and do my utmost until my death. When it comes to success or failure, this is not something my insight can foresee."
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Unread postby Gabriel » Tue May 16, 2006 8:37 pm

36. Twelfth month (Jan. 13 - Feb. 10, 229 A.D.). Zhuge Liang led out his troops to San-guan and laid siege to Chen Cang; but Chen Cang was prepared against it, so that Zhuge Liang could not capture it.

37. Zhuge Liang had had Jin Xiang, a man from the same county as Hao Zhao, exhort Hao Zhao from outside the wall of Chen Cang. From a turret of the wall Hao Zhao answered him, "You are well aquainted with the laws of the House of Wei, and you know very well what kind of man I am. I have received much grace from the state and my house is important. There is nothing you can say; I have only to die. Return and thank Zhuge Liang for me; he may launch his attack."

Jin Xiang reported Hao Zhao's words to Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang again had him exhort Hao Zhao a second time, telling him his reinforcements were not coming and he should not die all for nought. Hao Zhao said to Jin Xiang, "My mind is already made up. I know you but my arrows do not."

Jin Xiang then went away. Relying on the fact that his own troops amounted to tens of thousands and Hao Zhao's only to something more than one thousand, and calculating that Hao Zhao's reinforcements from the east would not arrive in time, Zhuge Liang moved his troops forward and attacked Hao Zhao. He erected scaling ladders and movable towers and approached the city-walls with them. Hao Zhao shot rockets at the ladders; the ladders caught fire and the men on the ladders were thus all burned to death. Hao Zhao also had millstones suspended on ropes, by which means he crushed the movable towers; the towers broke.

Zhuge Liang then made wooden frameworks of double cross-pieces, which he catapulted inside the walls, and filled up the city moat with tamped earth wishing to scale the walls directly. Hao Zhao on the other hand built a second wall within the city-wall. Zhuge Liang further made tunnels, and hoping thus to come up inside the walls; Hao Zhao however dug tunnels within the city and intercepted his tunnels. Day and night they attacked and resisted for more than twenty days. Cao Zhen sent the general Fei Yao and others to the rescue.

38. The Emperor summoned Zhang He from Fang-cheng and ordered him to attack Zhuge Liang. The Emperor himself went to the walled city of He-nan and saw him off with a feast. He asked Zhang He, "Is it not possible that Zhuge Liang will have captured Chen Cang when you, General, arrive?"

Zhang He was aware that Zhuge Liang had penetrated deeply but lacked provisions; counting with his fingers, he said, "When I get there Zhuge Liang will already be gone."

Zhang He advanced day and night. Before he arrived, Zhuge Liang, his provisions exhausted, withdrew and left.

39. The general Wang Shuang persued him; Zhuge Liang struck and slaughterd him.

40. The Emperor conferred on Hao Zhao the title of Kuan-nei Lord.

41. a) When Gongsun Kang died, his sons Gongsun Huang and Gongsun Yuan were both young; the subordinate officials had set up his younger brother Gongsun Gong to succeed him as prefect of Liao-dong. Gongsun Gong was incompetent and weak, and was unable to administer the territory. Having now grown up, Gongsun Yuan wrested the office from Gongsun Gong by force.

b) He sent up a memorial reporting it. The shih-chung Liu Ye said, "The Gongsun were employed there in Han times, since when the office has been hereditary with them. On water, they must be reached by sea; on land, there is the obstruction of mountains. Therefore they have allied themselves externally with the Hu barbarians; they are so far away that they are controlled with difficulty; and the power hereditary with them has continued for a long time. If we do not destroy them now, they are sure to cause trouble later. If we punish them only after they break allegiance and hammer our armies, then it will be difficult. There is nothing like taking advantage of this new accession to office and of their dissension and feud, forestalling them in their intentions and taking them by surprise by sending troops against them. We may thus conquer them without much trouble to the army." The Emperor did not accept this advice.

c) He appointed Gongsun Yuan to be yang-lieh chiang chun and t'ai-shou of Liao-dong.

42. a) The King of Wu appointed the governer of Yang-zhou Lu Fan to be ta ssu-ma, but before the official seal was conferred on him, he died.

b) Now, Sun Ce had let Lu Fan take charge of accounting. At that time the King of Wu, who was still young, would approach him privately for funds. Lu Fan always reported to Sun Ce, not daring to allow any sum on his own authority. At that time he was disliked because of this. When the King of Wu was serving as head official of Yang-hsien, he sometimes took funds privately; Sun Ce now and then inquired into the matter, but Zhou Ku, the local kung-ts'ao, always manipulated the account books so that there would be no reprimand. At such times the future King was pleased. Afterwards, however, when he stood at the head of things, he employed Lu Fan with great confidence because of his dutifulness and honesty; he did not employ Zhou Ku because he could take recourse of subterfuge and alter account books.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat May 20, 2006 5:41 pm

Third Year of T'ai-ho (229 A.D.)
Shu: Seventh Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: First Year of Huang-lung

1. Spring. In Han, Zhuge Liang sent his general Chen Shi to attack two chun, Wu-du and Yin-ping. Guo Huai, the governer of Yong-zhou, led his troops to rescue them. Zhuge Liang in person went out to Jian-wei; Guo Huai withdrew. Zhuge Liang in the end captured the two chun and returned.

The Sovereign of Han issued a rescript reinstating Zhuge Liang as ch'eng-hsiang.

2. Summer, fourth month. On the day June 23 the King of Wu proclaimed himself Emperor. He gave a general amnesty and changed the reign-title to Huang-lung.

3. The hundred officials were all assembled. The Sovereign of Wu attributed the achievement to Zhou Yu. Zhang Zhao, the sui-yuan chiang-chun held up his scepter and was about to chant the acheivements and virtue of the newly enthroned Emperor. He had not yet begun to speak, when the Sovereign of Wu said, "Had I followed His Excelleny's Zhang Zhao's advice, I would have been a begger by now." In great shame, Zhang Zhao crouched on the ground, dripping sweat.

4. The Sovereign of Wu conferred the posthumous title Wu-Lieh Huang-Di on his father Sun Jian, that of Prince Huan of Chang-sha on his elder brother Sun Ce, and appointed his son Sun Deng Crown Prince. He eneoffed Sun Shao, son of Prince Huan of Chang-sha, as Lord of Wu.

5. He appointed Zhuge Ke tso-fu tu-yu of the Crown Prince, Zhang Xiu his yu-pi tu-yu, Gu Dan his fu-cheng tu-yu, and Chen Biao his i-cheng tu-yu; these are the Four Friends of the Crown Prince, while Xie Jing, Fan Shen, Tiao Hsuan, Yang Dao, etc., became guests. And so the palace of the Crown Prince became renowned for its numerous talented men.

6. The Crown Prince had the shih-chung Hu Tsung write the Appreciations of Friends and Guests, which read:

"Preeminent for magnificant talent, standing high above his peers,--this is Zhuge Ke. Perspicacious about affairs of the time, probing the deep and examining the minute,--this is Gu Dan. Eloquent and far-reaching, able to untangle knots by his words,--this is Xie Jing. Profoundly learned and penetrating of fineness, a peer of Tzu-Yu and Tzu-Hsia,--this is Fan Shen."

Yang Dao privately refuted Hu Tsung, "Yuan-Hsun is talented but loose in mind, Tzu-Mo is fine in mind but unruly, Shu-Fa is eloquent but superficial, Hsiao-Ching is profound but narrow." In each case his words were to the point. Because of these words, Yang Dao was eventually disliked by Zhuge Ke, etc. Afterwards these four men all met their ruin, as Yang Dao had predicted.

7. The Sovereign of Wu had the proposal conveyed to the Han that the two Emperors of Shu and Wu might be equally honored. The Han felt there was no advantage in relations with him, that such an arrangement would be proper neither in name nor in reality, and that accordingly the right principle should be clearly maintained and the pact of amity with him broken off.

Zhuge Liang, the ch'eng-hsiang, said, "Sun Quan has long harbored the intent of usurption. The reason why our state ignored his wanton disire was that we wished him to lend us help from the other side. Should we now clearly maintain the right principle and break off the pact of amity with him, he is certain to bear a deep grudge against us; we will have to move our army east again and contend with him,--only after his territory has been annexed to us can we think of China Proper. There are still a large number of able persons about him, his generals and ministers are in harmony amongst themselves; we cannot conquer him in a single morning. We shall each have to hold our troops for self-defense against the other, growing old in inaction and letting the northern rebels (i.e., Wei) gain the initiative. This is not the best of all plans.

"Of old, the Emperor Xiao-Wen addressed the Xiong-nu in humble language, and the late Emperor condescended to conclude a covenant with Wu. In each case they were coping with emergency, thinking profoundly of the advantage in the long run; they were not like the common man in anger. Now those who discuss the matter all maintain that it is advantageous to Sun Quan for the empire to be divided into three, like the three legs of a tripod, that he is not strong enough to exert himself doubly [i.e., both to maintain his position and to attack Wei], and that, having what he wants, he is not bent on setting his feet on land to campaign against Wei. This to my thinking is a fallacy. For it is because his wisdom and strength are not yet equal to the task that he limits himself at the Jiang for defense. If Sun Quan cannot cross the Jiang to invade the North it is for the same reason that the Wei rebels are unable to cross the Han southward; it is that they are not over-strong, not that they are not after profit. Should our great army make an expedition against Wei, at most he [i.e., Sun Quan] will annex a portion of the territory and count on keeping it later; at the least he will annex more people elsewhere and open up new territories, thus demonstrating his military strength within his country. He is not one to sit still. If we now take advantage of his inaction and friendliness toward us, our northern expedition can proceed without worry about the east; the hordes of Ho-nan in Wei will not be able to exert all their strength westwards. This is a great advantage to us. It would be better not to demonstrate the crime of Sun Quan's usurption."

He then sent the wei-yu Chen Zhen as envoy to Wu to offer felicitations on Sun Quan's having become an Emperor.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Fri Jun 23, 2006 7:58 pm

8. The Sovereign of Wu made a covenant with the Han and partitioned the empire. The provinces of Yu, Qing, Xu, and Yu were to belong to Wu, and Yen, Ji, Bing, and Liang, to Han. As for the territory of Su-zhou (Metropolitan Area), Han-ku-kuan was to be taken as the boundry between Wu and Han.

9. Zhang Zhao, on the grounds of age and ill health, resigned his office as well as the troops under his command. He was recommisioned as fu-wu chiang-chun, with the court rank next in degree to those of the Three Ducal Ministers, and was reenfeoffed as Lord of Lou, with an appanage of ten thousand households.

Whenever he appeared at court, Zhang Zhao's language and attitude were magnificant and solemn, his upright nature showing through his mien. Once, because he incurred the wrath of Sun Quan by admonishing him with straightforward words, he was not admitted into the Court. Afterwards an envoy arrived from Han, who extolled the virtue of Han, and the numerous officials were not able to humble him. The Sovereign of Wu sighed and said, "If only His Excellency Zhang Zhao were here, this man would be dispirited if not actually yielding; how could he keep up this boasting?"

On the following day, he sent one of his attendants to console and inquire after him, and so invited him and saw Zhang Zhao. In thankfulness, Zhang Zhao rose up from his mat; the Sovereign of Wu fell down on his knees and stopped him. Having settled himself on his seat, Zhang Zhao looked up and said, "Of old the Dowager [i.e., Sun Quan's mother] and Prince Huan [i.e., Sun Ce] did not commit me, your aged subject, to Your Majesty's care, but Your Majesty to my care. Therefore I think of fulfilling my duty as a subject and thus repaying the graces I have received, so that after my death I might be praised; but, my mind and thought being shallow and defective, I opposed and displeased you. I thought I was cast off perpetually to wilderness, yet I now am received, beyond all expectation, in your presence here under the canopy. But my heart, foolish though it be, is bent on serving the state and I aim at loyalty to the very end of my life. As for changing my heart and altering my thoughts in order to steal glory and curry your favor, that is not a thing I am able to do."

The Sovereign of Wu thanked him.

10. Cao Li, 'Lamented' Prince of Yuan-cheng, died.

11. Sixth month. On the day July 29 Cao Mu, Prince of Fan-yang, died.

12. On the day Aug. 3, the Emperor conferred the posthumous title of Gao-Huang-Di on his great-great-grandfather, the ta-ch'ang-chiu, and that of Gao-Huang-Hou on his wife nee Wu.

13. Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 8 - Sept. 5). An imperial edcit: "The Rites prescribe that in case a queen lacks an heir, she may choose one from the sons of collateral lines and set him up, so that the great lineage may be continued. This means that the orthodox line of succession is to be continued and the great principle upheld; can one pay attention to his private relationships any more?

"Han Xuan-Di succeeded Zhao-Di, yet he added the title of Emperor to his own father Dao. Ai Di, who had been a vassal prince, was set up as Emperor, Tung Hung and others supporting their arguments from the precedents of the defunct Qin and misleading the court of that time. Having conferred the title of Emperor on his own father Prince Kung and erected his tablet in the temple, he further had his own mother, a mere vassal subject, honored and called Ch'ang-hsin-kung; he arbitrarily regulated the relationship of father and son in the Front Hall and united the four tablets in the Eastern Palace. As he usurped power boundlessly, neither men nor spirits helped him; yet he blamed and punished the loyal and correct admonition of Shi Dan, which act brought about the burning down of the spirit-tablets of the Empresses nee Ding and Fu. Since then this abuse has continued without intermission.

"Of old, when Duke Wen of Lu acted contrarily to the order of sacrifice, the blame fell on Xia-Fu; when the state of Song went beyond the limits of propriety in funeral matters, Hua Yuan was reproached.

"My Ducal Ministers and other ministers as well as te hundred officials are hereby commanded to take warning from the precedents from the past. Should it happen in the future that a feudal price succeed to the imperial line, they ought to be clear in their minds on the significance of his succession to some one else. Any who dare to be wickedly glibtongued in flattering the sovereign of the time, wantonly including him to establish false titles and thereby infringe on the orthodox line of succession, such as calling his own father Emperor and his own mother Empress--such persons shall be put to death by the ministers concerned without mercy.

"This shall be written down on metal slips and preserved in the Ancestral Temple, and shall be made manifest in the laws of the land."
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Unread postby CaTigeReptile » Sat Jul 15, 2006 2:19 am

This should be made a sticky.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat Jul 15, 2006 3:19 am

Yeah, and you're welcome :wink: .

14. Ninth month (Oct. 6 - Nov. 3). The Sovereign of Wu moved his capital from Wu-chang to Jian-ye [the present Nanking]; he made his residence entirely in his former headquarters and did not make any further extension or alteration. He left behind Sun Deng, the Crown Prince, as well as shang-shu and the Nine Ministers; he appointed Lu Xun, the shang ta-chiang-chun, to be guardian of the Crown Prince, to take charge of the affairs of Jing-zhou and the three chun, including Yu-zhang, and to superintend and direct the army and state business.

15. Liu Yi, a native of Nan-yang, had once written the Treatise "Punishment first and then Rites"; Xie Jing, who was of the same chun, praised it to Lu Xun. Lu Xun reproved Xie Jing, saying, "The precedence of Rites before Punishments is of long standing. By means of his petty eloquence, Liu Yi would falsify the teachings of the former sages. This is entirely wrong. Now you are in service in the palace of the Crown Prince; you ought to follow the way of benevolence and uprightness so that you may make manifest his renown for virtue. Discourses like that man's should not be given attention."

16. The Crown Prince sent a letter to Bu Zhi, the tu-tu of Xi-ling, beseeching that he enlighten him by his instruction. Therefore Bu made an inventory of the characters and abilities of those who were in official positions in Jing-zhou as well as the various subordinate functionaries, and gave it to him in responce.

On this occasion he sent up a letter exhorting him: "I have heard that a Sovereign does not in person take charge of petty affairs. He lets each of the hundred officials and those in official charge execute his duties. Hence Shun, after having given appointment to the nine worthies, did not have to worry his mind about anything; he played on the five-stringed lute and chanted the poem on the Southern Wind; he did not come down from the hall of the Ancestral Temple, yet the empire was well ruled. Duke Huan of Qi employed Guan Zhong: wearing his hair loose, he carried him in his carriage. First he ruled well the state or Qi, next did he unify the empire.

"In recent times, the Emperor Kao Tsu obtained three excellent men, and this founded his dynasty; the Western Chu (i.e., Xiang Yu) lost men of ability , and thus failed to accomplish its aims; Chi Yen being at court, the Prince of Huai-nan desisted from his plot, Zhi Du guarded the frontiers, and the Xiang-nu disappeared.

"Therefore where there are worthy men, one can conquer ten thousand li; they are indeed the sharp weapons of the state and the means of flourishing and decline. At present our royal transformation has not reached north of the Han river (i.e., to Shu); on the banks of the Yellow River and Lo River there still are despicable usurpers. It is indeed time to obtain heroic men, to select the excellent and employ the worthy.

"I hope that you, perspicacious Crown Prince, will give your serious attention to the matter; in that case the empire may be congratulated."

17. Zhang Hong was retuning to Wu to fetch his family to the capital. While on the way, he felt sick and died. While he was still gravely ill, he dictated to his son Zhang Jing his death-bed memorial, as follows: "Since antiquity those who ruled over a stage have all wished to cultivate virtuous rule to bring about a flourishing and prosperous age. But their rule was in many instances none too fragrant; it was not because there were no loyal ministers or worthy helpers nor because they the rulers were ignorant of the principles of good government. It was only because the rulers were not masters of their sentiments and hence could not employ them. Human sentiment is such that we abhor difficulties and take to ease, prefer sameness and dislike the different; this is the opposite of the way of good rule. The proverb says, 'To follow goodness is like climbing, to follow evil is like crumbling down.' This bespeaks the difficulty of goodness.

"A Sovereign receives the foundation from a long line of succession, takes possession of the power accrued to him automatically, wields the majestic Eight Powers; he is content with the pleasure of having others easily agree with him and never relies on others at all. On the other hand, the loyal minister is hampered by an art of statesmanship that does not advance him, and must emit words that displease the ear; is it not only right for him sometimes to disagree with the wishes of his Sovereign? If they are estranged, there will be dissension; wily eloquence will find its place in between. The Sovereign may be dazzled by petty loyalty, infatuated in his affections; then the worthy and the stupid are promiscuously put together, promotions and demotions are out of order.

"All these come from the confusion caused by sentiment. Therefore a wise Sovereign is awake to this; he seeks for the worthy as if in hunger and thirst; he accepts admonitions without satiety; he suppresses his sentiments and diminishes his desires, he replaces private affection by uprightness. When this is the case, at the top there are no prejudiced, unfitting appointments, and below there are no presumptuous hopes. You would do well to think thrice on this, and to humble yourself by subjecting yourself to filth and 'taking dirt in the mouth', that the great work covering the world with your virtue may be accomplished."

The Sovereign of Wu read the writings and shed tears on account of it.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sun Jul 16, 2006 7:13 pm

18. Winter, tenth month (Nov. 4 - Dec. 3). P'ing-wang-kuan was renamed T'ing-sung-kuan (Terrace for Judgement of Crimes). The Emperor used to say criminal justice was the life of the empire. Whenever a major crime was judged, he always betook himself to T'ing-sung-kuan and listened to the case.

19. In other times, Li K'uei, teacher of Marquis Wen of Wei, wrote the Fa ching (Canons) in six sections. This was transmitted to Lord Shang, who used it as Prime Minister of Qin. Xiao He, when he codified the Han laws, augmented it to nine sections. Later the book was gradually augmented to sixty sections. There were also 'Regualtions' in over three hundred sections and the 'Decisions' in 906 chuan. Generation after generation there were augmentations and reductions; it was all confused and without order. Later people paragraphed and punctuated it, each one differently--Ma Jung, Zheng Xuan and other Confusion scholars, in all more than ten writers. And so down to the Wei, when what had to be consulted amounted altogether to 26,272 items comprising more than 7,730,000 characters; the readers were very much at a loss. The Emperor issued an edict that Zheng Xuan's paragraphing and punctuation alone were to be used.

Wei Ji, the shang-shu, memorialized, "Codes in nine sections have been transmitted since antiquity; for judging crimes and passing sentence, their import is both profound and detailed. Any officials in charge of a district of a hundred li in area ought to be aquainted with the law codes. Criminal laws are something the state holds to be important but which are despised in the opinion of private persons; a judge is one on whom the life of the people hangs, but who is held in contempt by the governmental officials who give him the appointment. There has been no unworthiness in the rule of a Sovereign but what must be attributed to this. I request that an Academician specializing in law codes be appointed, in order that he may give instructions."

The Emperor accepted this advice. By another edict he ordered the ssu-k'ung Chen Qun and the san-chi ch'ang-shih Liu Shao, and others to make an abridgment of the Han laws. They compiled new "Codes" in eighteen sections, "Regulations for Province and Prefectures" in forty-five sections, "Regulations for Officials of the shang-shu" and "Regulations for the Army", in all one hundred eighty-odd sections. Compared with the original Codes in nine sections, these contained augmentations; but compared with the subsidiary laws and regulations, they were simple.

20. Eleventh month (Dec. 2, 229 - Jan. 1, 230). The Ancestral Temple at Luo-yang was completed; the spirit-tablets of Gao-Huang-Di, D'ai-Di, Wu-Huang-Di, and Wen-Di in Ye were sent for.

21. Twelfth month (Jan. 2-31, 230 A.D.). Cao Zhi, Prince of Yong-qiu, was transferred to be Prince of Tung-o.

22. Zhuge Liang, the ch'eng-hsiang of Han, moved his headquarters to Xia-yuan in Nan-shan. He built Han-cheng at Mien-yang and Luo-cheng at Cheng-gu.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat Jul 22, 2006 8:35 pm

Wei: Fourth Year of T'ai-ho (230 A.D.)
Shu: Eighth Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: Second Year of Huang-lung

1. Spring. The Sovereign of Wu sent the chiang-chun Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi with ten thousand armed men to sail the sea, in search of the islands Yi-zhou and T'an-zhou; he wished to make captives of the people of these places to augment his army.

Lu Xun and Quan Song both protested, giving their opinion: "When Prince Huan [i.e., Sun Ce] started, he had no more than one division of troops. At present the army is quite sufficient for our purpose. We should not let our men sail afar through the wastes. In this attempt to make an onslaught on a people ten thousand li distant, wind and waves are difficult to calculate. Furthermore, when people change climate, they are inevitably subject to diseases and epidemics. Bent on increase, we shall suffer decrease; bent on profit, we shall suffer harm. Besides, the people of these places are like animals--even if we obtain them, they will not serve much purpose; without them our army is not deficient."

The Sovereign of Wu did not listen.

2. The shang-shu Zhuge Dan of Lang-ye, the chung-shu-lang Deng Yang of Nan-yang, and others, formed a partnership. They went on to make internal distinctions: the san-chi ch'ang-shih Xiahou Xuan and others, four men in all, were the "Four Sagacious"; Zhuge Dan, etc., eight in all, were the "Eight Intelligent". Xiahou Xuan was a son of Xiahou Shang. Liu Xi, was a son of the chung-shu-chien Liu Fang; Sun Mi, a son of the chung-shu-ling Sun Tzu; and Wei Lieh, a son of the shang-shu Wei Zhen. These three were not their equals, but because their fathers occupied influential positions, they were tolerated as the "Three Candidates".

3. The acting ssu-t'u Dong Zhao memorialized the throne, "Of all those who have ruled over the empire there has been none who did not appreciate men of simplicity and thruthfulness, and profoundly dislike those who were false and untruthful. This is because the latter would demolish good teachings, disturb good rule, destroy good custom, and injure good transformation. In recent years, Wei Feng was put to death at the end of the Jian-an period and Cao Wei suffered the punishment of death at the beginning of the Huang-chu period. I respectfully observe that the sacred edicts, ancient and modern, expressed deep hatred for superficiality and falsity, to the extent of gnashing the teeth, the intention being to destroy and scatter wicked partisanship. Yet the officials in charge of the law all stand in fear of their power and influence, and so are unable to eliminate them. The destruction of good custom has thus reached an extreme degree.

"I presume to observe that young men of our times do not consider study as their fundamental duty but make it their exclusive business to form associations. These gentlemen of the land do not take filialty, brotherly affections, and the cultivation of character as the paramount matter, but put first running after the powerful and associating with those who might give them profit. They form groups and associate into parties, mutually praising and eulogizing; calumny and defamation are considered as capital punishment, partisan commendation and praise as rank and reward. Those who follow they praise vociferously; those who do not, they find fault with. They go so far as to say to each other, 'Why worry that we cannot make our lives and careers good? Worry only lest we should not be assiduous in the "way" of searching out people and not extensive in spreading out out net. Why should any man worry that other people do not appreciate him? He only needs to make them swallow our medicine to make them affable.'

"I am also told there are those who even let their slaves and retainers presumptuously assume official titles in their houses; and under these false titles they go to and from the palace, take letters back and fourth, and make inquires.

"All these are things which laws do not permit and which are unpardonable with respect to punishment. Even the crimes of Wei Feng and Cao Wei are not worse than these."

The Emperor commended his words.
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Unread postby Sima Hui » Sun Jul 23, 2006 2:56 pm

Stickied. This definitely deserves it.
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