The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms

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Unread postby Gabriel » Wed Apr 19, 2006 3:22 pm

29. In this year died Shi Xie, Prefect of Jiao-zhi in Wu. The King appointed Shi Hui, a son of Shi Xie, to be an-yuan chiang-chun and Prefect of Jiu-zhen, and the chiao-yu Chen Shi to succeed Shi Xie as Prefect of Jiao-zhi.

Because Jiao-zhi was far away, Lu Dai, the tz'u-shih of Jiao-zhou, memorialized the throne to have the three chun south of the sea constitute Jiao-zhou--of which the chiang-chun Tai Liang became tz'u-shih--and the four chen east of the sea to be Guang-zhou, of which Lu Dai himself became tz'u-shih. He dispatched Tai Liang and Chen Shi to proceed southwards to their posts, but meanwhile Shi Hui proclaimed himself Prefect of Jiao-zhi, and with his clan warriors stood up against Tai Liang, who then had to stay at Ho-p'u.

30. Huan Lin of Jiao-zhi was a Recording Official under Shi Xie. He preformed the kotow before Shi Hui and admonished him to welcome Tai Liang; in anger Shi Hui had Huan Lin flogged to death. Huan Lin's elder brother Huan Zhi got the warriors of his own clan together and attacked Shi Hui, but unsuccessfully.

31. Lu Dai memorialized the throne asking for permission to launch a punitive expedition against Shi Hui. He was to lead three thousand soldiers and proceed by sea, sailing day and night.

Some one said to Lu Dai, "Shi Hui can depend on the good will his family has earned for generations from the people of Jiao-zhi; the whole province obeys him. It is not easy to trifle with him."

Lu Dai answered, "Although he harbors threacherous plans, Shi Hui does not anticipate my sudden coming. If I keep my troops concealed and move lightly, taking him by surprise, I am certain to defeat him. Should I tarry and move slowly, putting him on the alert to defend himself solidly within walled cities, then the hundred tribes of the Man barbarians in the seven chun will echo and respond to him, and not even the wisest man will then be able to cope with him."

So he marched, and passing through Ho-p'u, advanced with Tai Liang.

32. Lu Dai appointed Shi K'uang, a son of Shi Xie's younger brother, to be his Assistant with the Status of Teacher and Friend and sent him to reason with Shi Hui. Shi Hui and his brothers all six came to surrender; Lu Dai killed them all.

33. Sun Sheng in his discussion says, "For putting the distant at ease and drawing service from the near, there is nothing like sincerity. For preserving greatness and preforming achievements there is nothing like justness. Hence (Marquis) Huan of Qi, when he began to lay the foundation of his rule, made his virtue shine at the meeting of Ke; (Marquis) Wen of Jin, when he first became a hegemon, made his justness manifest at the attack on Yuan, with the result that the former was able to assemble all the princes, uniting and rectifying the whole kingdom, and to retain for his house for generations the leadership of alliance in China; and the latter's good renown lasted for generations, remaining as a model for a hundred kings.

"Lu Dai appointed Shi K'uang as his Assistant with the Status of Teacher and Friend and had him convey his guarantee of good faith. Shi Hui and his brothers bared their sholders and in complete faith entrusted their lives to him; yet Lu Dai annihilated them in order to gain credit. From this the superior man knows that Sun Quan was not capable of far-sighted plans, and that the line of the Lu was not one that would endure."

34. Shi Hui's generals Gan Li and Huan Zhi [etc.,] led the minor officials and the people in attacking Lu Dai. Lu Dai struck them energetically and heavily defeated them. He was raised in eneoffment to Lord of P'an-yu. At length Guang-zhou was abolished and the region again became Jiao-zhou as formerly. Having pacified Jiao-zhou, Lu Dai moved on and attacked Jiu-zhen, killing and capturing ten thousand.

He furthermore sent his assistants to proclaim the majestic sovereignty of the King of Wu in the southern regions and extend it to the lands beyond the frontiers. The King of Fu-nan (Siam), Lin-i (Annam), and T'ang-ming (north of the present Cambodia) each sent an envoy to offer tribute to Wu.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Wed Apr 19, 2006 8:39 pm

First Year of T'ai-ho (227 A.D.)
Shu: Fifth Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: Sixth Year of Huang-wu

1. Spring. In Wu, Hu Tsung, the tu of Jie-fan, and Zhou Fang, the t'ai-shou of Poyang, attacked and captured P'eng Ch'i.

2. Now, P'eng Ch'i had claimed that he was raising loyal forces to attack Wu on behalf of Wei. Many officials who discussed the matter considered that should a campaign against Wu be launched on this occasion, victory would be certain. The Emperor asked the chung-shu-ling Sun Tzu of T'ai-yuan about it. Sun Tzu said, "The clansmen of P'eng Ch'i at P'o-yang raised loyal arms several times in all, but their numbers were weak and their plans were shallow, so that in each case they failed and were dispersed.

"Formerly, the Emperor Wen-Huang-Di discussed the rebel [i.e., Wu] situation confidentially with me, saying, 'We killed ten thousand men at Tung-p'u, obtaining some thousand boats. But in several days the boatmen rallied again. Jiang-ling was besieged for months, and it was with only a thousand and a few hundred men that Sun Quan defended the east gate, yet the place did not fall; this is an unequivocal evidence that their laws were obeyed regardless of high and low.' Judged from this, P'eng Ch'i cannot became a cause of great trouble to Sun Quan."

On this occasion P'eng Ch'i suffered defeat and death, as was expected.

3. Second month. On the day Mar. 10, the Emperor plowed in the imperial land allotment. On the day Mar. 20, the mausoleum of the "Illustrious" Empress, Consort of Emperor Wen was erected at Ye.

4. Wang Lang went to inspect the mausoleum. He discovered that many people were in penury and distress, at a time when the Emperor was occupied with repairing his palaces. He sent up a memorial admonishing him:

"Since Your Majesty ascended the throne, Your Majesty has repeatedly issued gracious edicts, at which the people of the land rejoice. Recently, under your order, I travelled north. On the way and back, I learned from the masses that there are a large number of corvees which could be either allowed exemptions or be abolished. I hope Your Majesty will redouble the attention that you do not relax all day, and plan for the control of the enemy.

"Anciently, the great Yu wished to rescue the empire from its great calamity, so first of all he lived in a low mean palace and was frugal in food and clothing; thus was he able to rule over the entire Nine Provinces and fix the Five Domains.

"Kou-Chien wished to strengthen his borders at Yu-erh and behead Fu-Ch'a at Ku-su; he also was sparing not only to his own person but also toward his house, practicing frugality in his house to benefit the State; thus he was able to conquer the Five Lakes and rule over the Three Jiang, to be feared in China and become a hegemon in it.

"The Emperors Wen and Jing of Han also wished to enlarge the work of their ancestors and augment the great lineage. Therefore the former was able to forego a terrace that would have cost a hundred units of gold, and to show frugality by wearing a garment of black cloth. The latter, in his place, was able to reduce the number of officials in charge of the imperial table, not receiving any offering; and outside, to diminish the corvee and attend to agriculture and silk production. Thus the age was called one of peace and prosperity, and almost no penal sentence was necessary.

"The reason the Emperor Xiao-Wu was able to hold military sway and open up new territories, verily was that his grandfather and father had left him sufficiently provided so that he was able to accomplish great work.

"Huo Qubing was a general of mediocre ability, yet even he, since the Xiong-nu had not yet been annihilated, did not undertake to construct his residence.

"He who would show clearly that he is helping the distant, neglects immediate interests; he who would serve those without is summary about the internal. From the early days of the Han until their renaissance, it was only after arms were laid down that the Feng-ch'ueh(palace) stood high and the Te-yang(palace) rose with it.

"Now, the front of the hall should be adequate to hold court meetings, and the rear of the Ch'ung-hua ample enough to array the palace ladies; the garden and the pond should suffice for banquets. We may first construct the Hsiang-wei terrace at the Ch'ang-ho, amply enough to array the distant people who come to offer tribute, and repair walls and moats sufficiently to unify the out-of-the-way regions and build strongholds.

"For the remainder we shall have to wait for a year of prosperity, meanwhile devoting ourselves exclusively to diligent husbandry as our business and to military training as our duty. Then there will not be in the land persons bereft of their mates, and the population will increase; the people will prosper and the army will become strong--and the enemy will submit to us."
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Unread postby Gabriel » Thu Apr 20, 2006 1:16 am

5. Third month (Apr. 4 - May 3). Zhuge Liang, ch'eng-hsiang of Shu, led his various troops northward and quartered in Han-zhong. He had the chang-shih Zhang Yi and the ts'an-chun Jiang Wan superintend the affairs of his office which were left behind. Just before leaving, he sent up a memorial:

"Your Servant Zhuge Liang observes: The late Emperor laid the foundation of our state, but had not accomplished the half when he died in the middle of his task. At present the empire is divided into three parts, of which Yi-zhou (i.e., Shu) is the most exhausted. This is indeed a most critical time as to security and danger, existence and annihilation. Within the capital the officials who attend Your Majesty are not remiss, and outside the capital gentlemen of loyal heart forget their own persons in serving the state; this is because they recall the extraordinary treatment accorded them by the late Emperor and would requite it to Your Majesty.

"You indeed must open your sage hearing, in order to glorify the virtue bequeathed you by the late Emperor, and encourage the spirit of the gentlemen of loyal heart. You should not demean yourself by listening to improper instruction, for thus will you obstruct the road of loyal admonition.

"It is all one whether it has to do with the palace or the ch'eng-hsiang-fu: there must not be any discrimination on matters of rewarding the good and punishing the wicked. As for those who commit misdeeds and transgress the laws or those who act loyally and well, all should be referred to the proper officials to decide their punishments or rewards, thus brilliantly demonstrating the just rule of Your Majesty; there should be no partiality, nor different laws for those within the palace and those outside it.

"The shih-chung and shih-lang such as Kuo Yu-Chih, Fei Yi, Dong Yun, etc., are all good and sound, their heart and thought loyal and pure; it was because of this that the late Emperor picked them out and left them to Your Majesty. I presume to hold the opinion that they should be consulted on all matters pertaining to the palace, great or small, and that only thereafter should action be taken; they are certain to supplement and complement, to bring about benefit and advantage.

"The chiang-chun Xiang Chong is by nature good and upright, and is well-versed in military matters; in the past he was given his trial and the late Emperor pronounced him competent. Therefore the consensus recommended Xiang Chong to be a tu. I presume to maintain that on all camp matters he should be consulted to insure peace and amity within the barracks, and appropriate use of men of different qualities.

"By befriending able ministers and avoiding mean men, the Former Han flourished; by befriending mean men and avoiding able ministers, the Later Han perished. In his day the late Emperor discussed this matter with me, and he never abstained from heaving a sigh and showing his dissatisfaction with the Emperor Huan-Di and Ling-Di.

"The shih-chung shang-shu Chen Zhen, the chang-shih Zhang Yi, and the ts'an-chun Jiang Wan are all officials who are correct and upright, ready to die for the state. I hope Your Majesty will befriend them and trust them; then the flousihing of the House of Han can be looked forward to in a short time.

"Originally I was a mere commoner, tilling land with my own hands at Nan-yang; I was just preserving my life and existence in a time of troubles, not seeking name and fame among the feudal lords. The late Emperor did not consider me to be too mean for his condescension, and thrice deigned to visit me personally in my grass-thatched hut, where he consulted me on contemporary affairs. I was move at this and in the end I offered myself to the service of the late Emperor, to be commanded by him. Later on, we encountered defeat and loss; I was entrusted with work at the time when the army was defeated and received his command in times of danger and difficulty.

"That was twenty-one years ago. Well aware of my prudence, the late Emperor, on his death-bed, entrusted me with the great work. Having received his command, day and night I have sighed and worried lest I should fail his trust and discredit the late Emperor's judgment.

"And so in the fifth month of 225 A.D. I crossed the Lu river and made a deep incursion into the land of waste and barrenness. Now the southern region is pacified; our armaments are sufficient. I now ought to encourage and lead the Three Armies and pacify China Proper in the north; thus I may exert my upmost, stupid though I am, to exterminate the wicked and unruly, bring restoration to the House of Han and recover the ancient capital. This is my duty, to requite the late Emperor and serve Your Majesty loyally.

"As for holding consultations and deliberations and offering advice loyally and thoroughly, these are the duties of Kuo Yu-Chih, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun. I hope that Your Majesty will entrust myself with accomplishing the punishment of the rebels and the restoration of the House of Han. If my work is not accomplished, punish me for my misdeed and annouce it to the spirit of the late Emperor. I also hope you will reprove any negligence on the part of Kuo Yu-Chih, Fei Yu, and Dong Yun and publish their faults. Further, Your Majesty ought to make your own deliberations, but consult good counsel and accept excellent words; thus you will be profoundly following the late Emperor's last will.

"I am greatly moved at having received such graciousness. Now that I am going far away, tears stream down as I face this memorial. I do not know what more to say."

He then departed, and encamped at the Yang-p'ing Pass and the Shi-ma Hill north of the Mien River.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Fri Apr 21, 2006 2:53 am

6. Zhuge Liang appointed the prefect of Kuang-han Yao Zhou his assistant. Yao Zhou recommended men both civil and military. Zhuge Liang praised him, saying, "There is no greater loyal service than recommending men, but in recommending men we each make much of what we are fond of. Now, Assistant Yao combines the qualities of hard and soft, and thus expedites the employment of civil and military men; he can be called a man of enlightenment. I want all my Assistants to emulate him in this to meet my wishes."

7. Hearing that Zhuge Liang was in Han-zhong, the Emperor wished to mobilize large forces and attack him, and consulted Sun Tzu, the san-chi ch'ang-shih, about it.

Sun Tzu said, "Of old, Wu-Huang-Di (i.e., Cao Cao) led a campaign to Nan-zheng to take Zhang Lu. The battle of Yang-p'ing was at first percarious, and only later did good result ensue. Furthermore he personally went ahead to rescue Xiahou Yuan from danger. He used to say Nan-zheng was nothing else than the inside of a natural prison, and the Hsieh-ku road a stony cave of five hundred li. In these words he expressed how steep the terrain was and how glad he was to have Xiahou Yuan's army extricated.

"Furthermore, Wu-Huang-Di, who was a sage in military operations, observed how the rebels of Shu perched themselves on mountains and rocks, and how the barbarians of Wu took their refuge in the Jiang and lakes; so he went around these and avoided them, not taxing the strength of his generals and troops nor giving vent to his ire of the moment. He indeed can be called one who fought only after seeing victory ahead, and retreated when aware of difficulties.

"Should we now advance our troops to Nan-zheng and attack Zhuge Liang,--first, the road is steep; second, we will not only have to use our best troops, but additional troops for supply, for garrisoning the four provinces and for defense against the Wu marine rebels besides--as I reckon it, a hundred and fifty or sixty thousand men in all. We will have to levy more troops; the empire will fall into tumult and expenditures will be enormous. This indeed is something on which Your Majesty ought to reflect.

"Now, the defender uses treble the strength of the aggressor. To order the various generals to take possession of the various key positions and defiles, we need only the troops we now have; then our prowess will be sufficient to awe the invader, strong though he be. The country will be made calm, generals will sleep like tigers, and the people will continue to live in peace. In a few years, when China proper will have become stronger day by day, the two barbarians Wu and Shu will become weak and worn-out by themselves."

Thereupon the Emperor desisted.

8. Since the Emperor Wen-Di stopped the circulation of the Wu-shu coins and had grain and silk used instead, the people increasingly took recourse to subterfuges. They vied with each other in wetting their grain to increase their profit, and in making thin the silk they sold. Although such people were punished severely, the malpractice could not be stopped. Sima Zhi and others at court held a great discussion on the matter, maintaining that circulation of coins would not only enrich the state but would also reduce frequency of punishments, and that no measure was more needed than minting the Wu-shu coins again.

Summer, fourth month. On the day June 13 the Wu-shu coins were again put into circulation.

9. On the day June 22 the Ancestral Temple of the Imperial House was erected in Luo-yang for the first time.

10. Sixth month (July 2-30). Sima Yi was appointed tu-tu in charge of the various military affairs of Jing-zhou and Yu-zhou, and stationed at Wan with his own troops.

11. Winter, twelfth month (Dec. 16, 227 - Jan. 24, 228). Lady Mao of He-nei, the kuei-pin, was made Empress.

Now, when the Emperor was Prince of P'ing-yuan, he took as his consort Lady Yu of He-nei. When he ascended the throne, Lady Yu did not attain the position of Empress. The Grand Dowager Empress Pien consoled her. Lady Yu said, "The Cao are fond of making regular consorts out of women of lowly status; there never has been one who was made Empress because it was her due. Yet an Empress takes charge of affairs within, while the Sovereign listens to governmental matters outside; in this manner they complement each other. One who does not begin correctly and justly will never have a happy ending. Because of this, the House of Cao will probably lose the State and lack posterity to continue the ancestral sacrifice."

In the end Lady Yu was sent back in disgrace to the palace at Ye.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Fri Apr 21, 2006 11:31 pm

12. Formerly T'ai-Tsu and Shih-Tsu had both proposed to restore corporal punishments, but the proposal was not put into practice because of war.

After the Emperor Lieh-Tsu ascended the throne, the t'ai-fu Zhong Yu sent up his opinion that it would be proper to follow the laws promulgated by the Emperor Hsiao-Ching of Han, allowing those who deserved capital punishment to elect having the toes of their right feet cut off; while those who deserved branding, or cutting off of the nose, or cutting off of the toes of the left foot, or castration, might have their punishments commuted to the shaving of their heads and flogging, as in the time of the Emperor Hsiao-Wen of Han, in which case three thousand men could be saved annually. The Emperor in an edict commanded the Three Ducal Ministers, Ministers, and other lower offificals to discuss the matter.

The ssu-t'u Wang Lang maintained, "It has been several hundred years since corporal punishments were discontinued. Should they now be restored, I am afraid the provisions for reduction of punishments will not be manifest to the eyes of the masses of the people, whereas the ill-fame of having restored corporal punishment will soon reach the ears of our enemies. This is not the right way to induce the distant peoples to join us.

"Now we may adopt Zhong Yu's proposal for redcuing captial punishments, commuting the death sentence to the punishment of shaving the head. Should such punishment be deemed too light, we may double the term of hard labor. Within the country we will earn endless gratitude for having replaced death with life, and without the country there will not be the shocking ill-fame of having exchanged the shackling of feet for the cutting off of toes."

More than a hundred men participated in the discussion, and the majority agreed with Wang Lang. On the ground that Wu and Shu had not been conquered, the Emperor dropped the matter for the time being.

13. In this year, in Wu, the chao-wu chiang-chun Han Dang died. His son Han Song indulged in debauchery and disorder, and feared that he might be punished. In the intercalary twelfth month (Jan. 25 - Feb. 22, 227 A.D.), he took his family and subordinates and fled to Wei to seek protection.

14. Meng Da had stood in favor with the Emperor Wen-Di, and had also been on excellent terms with Huan Jie and Xiahou Shang. After Wen-Di died, and when Huan Jie and Xiahou Shang were dead, Meng Da, considering himself a guest who had been entrusted with a frontier post for a long time, did not feel secure. Hearing of this, Zhuge Liang tempted him; Meng Da frequently exchanged letters with him and secretly pledged himself to return to Shu. Now, Meng Da had been at odds with Shen Yi, the t'ai-shou of Wei-hsing, and Shen Yi secretly sent up a memorial informing the throne of the matter.

15. Hearing of this, Meng Da was alarmed and decided to rise in armed rebellion. Sima Yi sent a letter to put his mind at ease: "Formerly you, General, left Liu Bei and entrusted yourself to our state. And our state has given you a frontier post, thereby entrusting to you the measures of our plans against Shu. The puport of our state is as bright and pure as can penetrate the sun. The Shu, regardless of wise and stupid, all have been gnashing their teeth at you. Zhuge Liang wishes to destroy the plan, but lacks the wherewithal. Kuo Mu's mission is not a trifiling matter; how can he make a light issue of it and divulge it? This is, I think, easily understandable."

Meng Da vacillated and remained undecided. Sima Yi then secretly led his troops to attack him. The various generals told him that since Meng Da was in communication with the Wu and Han, it would be well to wait and observe before taking any action. Sima Yi said, "Meng Da is a man who cannot be trusted. At present he is suspicious. We ought to push him, now that he is vacillating, to a decision."

Thereupon he doubled the march and moved rapidly. On the eighth day he reached the foot of the city-wall of Xin-cheng. Wu and Han each sent generals commanding detachments, which marched respectively to An-ch'iao and Mu-lan-sai in Xi-cheng, to aid Meng Da. Sima Yi dispatched his various generals to different posts to resist them.

Now, Meng Da had sent a letter to Zhuge Liang, which read: "Wan is eight hundred li distant from Luo-yang and a thousand and two hundred li from here. Hearing of my rebellion, Sima Yi will have to report to the Emperor. It will take a month's time to obtain a reply from the Son of Heaven. By that time my city will have been strongly fortified and my various troops will have made sufficient preparations. We occupy well-protected positions. His Excellency Sima Yi certainly will not come in person. If other generals come, I have nothing to fear."

When the army arrived, Meng Da again reported to Zhuge Liang, "I opened rebellion only eight days ago, yet the army has reached the foot of the city-wall. That's devilishly fast!"
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat Apr 22, 2006 5:36 pm

Second Year of T'ai-ho (228 A.D.)
Shu: Sixth Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: Seventh Year of Huang-wu

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 23 - Mar. 23). Sima Yi attacked Xin-cheng; he captured it in sixteen days and put Meng Da to death.

2. Shen Yi, who had been in Wei-hsing for a long time, usurped authority and had the imperial seal carved, with which he conferred a large number of official titles. Sima Yi summoned him to his presence, arrested him and sent him to Luo-yang.

3. Now Xiahou Mao, a son of the cheng-hsi chiang-chun Xiahou Yuan (really Xiahou Dun), had been married to the Princess of Qing-ho, a daughter of Cao Cao. In his early days Wen-Di had been friendly with him; having ascended the throne, he appointed him an-hsi chiang-chun and tu-tu of Guan-zhong, and stationed him at Chang-an to fill the post left vacant by Xiahou Yuan.

4. About to make an incursion, Zhuge Liang consulted his subordinates. Wei Yan, the ssu-ma to the ch'eng-hsiang, said, "I am told that Xiahou Mao is a son-in-law of the Wei Emperor; he is faint-hearted and without counsel. If I am given five thousand troops and another five thousand men to carry provisions, to march straight out of Bao-zhong eastward along the Qing-ling mountains, and then turn west from the Tzu-wu highway, I shall be at Chang'an in ten days at most. When he hears of my sudden arrival, Xiahou Mao is sure to leave the walled city and take to flight. In Chang-an itself there will be no one to defend it but the tu-chun yu-shih and the t'ai-shou of Jing-zhao. The provisions in the storehouse at Guang-men and those left behind by people who scatter in flight will suffice to feed us. It will take some twenty days more to unite with our forces from the east, and by taking Ye-ku route Your Excellency will also be able to reach the place. In this manner the region west of Hsien-yang will be conquered with a single stroke."

Zhuge Liang held this to be a dangerous plan, not as good as to march at ease along smooth routes so that Lung-yu might be taken easily, with all possible chance of success. Therefore he did not accept Wei Yan's plan.

5. Zhuge Liang loudly proclaimed that he would march along Ye-ku to take Mei. He had the chen-tung chiang-chun Zhao Yun and the yang-wu chiang-chun Deng Zhi lead troops on to make a show to the enemy and to occupy Chi-ku. The Emperor sent Cao Zhen to be Commander-in-chief of all forces in Guan-yu; he quartered at Mei. Zhuge Liang led the main forces in person and attacked Ch'i-shan; his troops were in good order, and his commands were clear and majestic.

6. Now, after the Emperor Liu Bei had died, complete quiet had reigned in Han [i.e., in Shu] for some years, so Wei had not made any preparations at all. Hearing of suddenly Zhuge Liang's exodus, both the court and the country at large were frightened and awed.

7. So Tian-shui, Nan-an, An-ding all revolted and joined Zhuge Liang; Guang-zhong was shaken.

8. At this time the court officials were at a loss to think of any counsel. The Emperor said, "Zhuge Liang has been fortifying himself with mountains, but now he has come in person. His case is precisely that of one who, as the Book of War says, is induced by the enemy to advance. It is certain that we shall defeat Zhuge Liang." He thereupon mobilized fifty thousand troops, infantry and cavalry, of which he appointed the yu chiang-chun Zhang He commander, to resist Zhuge Liang in the west.

9. On that day Mar. 4, the Emperor went to Chang-an.

10. Ma Su, the t'ai-shou of Yueh-hui, a man of unexcelled talent and ability, was fond of discussing military strategy. Zhuge Liang appriciated him deeply. When the Shu-Han Emperor Liu Bei was about to die, he said to Zhuge Liang, "Ma Su is a man whose words exceed actuality; he should not be employed in too high a position. Mark this."

Zhuge Liang however disagreed with this, and appointed him his ts'an-chun. Whenever he visited him, they would converse from daylight into the night.

11. When we went out with his army to Ch'i-shan, Zhuge Liang did not use a more experienced general such as Wei Yan and Wu Yi to command the vanguard, but put Ma Su in charge of the front troops. He fought with Zhang He at Jie-ting. Ma Su disobeyed Zhuge Liang's orders; his action was complicated and troublesome. Leaving water he mounted a hill, and did not come down to occupy the walled city. Zhang He cut off the route of his water supply and dealt him a severe blow; his troops dispersed.

Zhuge Liang advanced but there was no position he could take. He then took more than a thousand households to Xi-hsien and with them returned to Han-zhong.

He arrested Ma Su, sent him to prison, and put him to death. Zhuge Liang in person offered sacrifice to him and wept, and he took care of the orphaned children treating them as graciously as ever.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sun Apr 23, 2006 8:38 pm

12. Jiang Wan said to Zhuge Liang, "Anciently Chu killed Te-Ch'en; the joy of Duke Wen of Jin can be understood. Now, the empire has not yet been conquered, yet you put a man of wise counsel to death. Is it not regretful?" Weeping, Zhuge Liang said, "The reason Sun Wu was able to win victory through the empire was that he was clear in the application of laws. It is thus that when Yang Gan had brought confusion to laws, Wei Jiang put his charioteer to death. Now, the 'four seas' are divided and split, and war has just begun. If we put laws in disuse, by what means shall we quell the rebels?"

13. Before Ma Su suffered defeat, the pei chiang-chun Wang Ping of Ba-xi admonished him repeatedly. Ma Su was not able to accept his admonitions. When he was defeated, the rank and file completely scatterd out; only the thousand men commanded by Wang Ping beat the drums and kept themselves in order. Zhang He suspected there might be an ambush here and did not press hard. Thus Wang Ping slowly collected together the scattered stragglers from the various units one after another, and then returned leading officers and troops. Zhuge Liang put Ma Su to death as well as the generals Zhang Xiu and Li Sheng, and deprived the general Huang Xi of his commandership; but he showed special honor to Wang Ping, giving him the added title of ts'an-chun and having him command five detachments as well as putting him in charge of the army headquarters. His rank and was advanced to that of t'ao-k'ou chiang-chun and he was eneoffed as lord of a t'ing.

14. Zhuge Liang sent up a memorial requesting that he himself be demoted by three degrees. The Sovereign of Han appointed Zhuge Liang yu chiang-chun, acting as ch'eng-hsiang.

15. At this time the troops of Zhao Yun and Deng Zhi also were defeated at Chi-ku. Zhao Yun collected his men together and kept them in order, so that there was not much harm. Zhao Yun was also demoted and became chen-chun chiang-chun.

16. Zhuge Liang asked Deng Zhi, "When the troops at Jie-ting retreated, the rank and file and generals could not be collected together, but when the troops at Jie-ku retreated, the rank and file and generals did not get lost from each other. How is this?" Deng Zhi said, "Zhao Yun in person defended the rear; not letting any provisions be thrown away. The rank and file and generals could not get lost from each other."

Zhao Yun had some excess silk in his military stores, and Zhuge Liang asked him to make a gift of it to his subordinate generals. Zhao Yun said, "Our troops have not won any victory; why should we grant gifts? I request that the stuffs be sent to the state storehouse at Ch'ih-an and be distributed in the tenth month as winter bounty."

Zhuge Liang highly commended him.

17. There were some who advised Zhuge Liang to levy more troops. Zhuge Liang said, "While at Ch'i-shan and Chi-ku, our forces were in each case larger than the enemy's, yet we could not defeat the enemy, but were defeated by the enemy. The fault lies not in numerical inferiority, but rests with a single person (i.e., myself). Now I wish to reduce the number of troops and generals, to be clear about punishment and think of my faults, to think out a modified plan for the future. If I am not able to do so, what good will it do to have many troops? From now on, all those whose hearts are loyal to the state need only attack my defects; then will our affairs be set in order and the enemy destroyed, and the achievment can be expected in a short time."

He then reviewed even the smallest service, and gave distinction to the heroic and loyal. He took the blame and reproved himself, proclaiming his own faults throughout the land. He drilled his troops and taught warfare in preparation for the future. Those in arms were well trained and the people forgot their defeat.

18. When Zhuge Liang issued forth to Ch'i-shan, Jiang Wei, the ts'an-chun of Tian-shui came to Zhuge Liang and surrendered. Zhuge Liang appriciated Jiang Wei's courage and wisdom, and appointed him his ts'ang-ts'ao-yuan, putting him in charge of military affairs.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Wed Apr 26, 2006 11:03 pm

19. Cao Zhen, who had led an attack on the three chun, An-ding and others, pacified them all. Cao Zhen thought that Zhuge Liang, having been put to the task at Qi-shan, would be certain later to come out by way of Chen-cang, so he had the chiang-chun Hao Zhao guard Chen-cang and repair it's walls.

20. Summer, fourth month. On the day June 29 the Emperor returned to Luo-yang.

21. The Emperor had appointed Xu Mo of Yen-kuo to be Governer of Liang-zhou. Xu encouraged agriculture and had grain stored up; he established schools and made instruction enlightened, promoted the good and dismissed the wicked. In dealing with the Qiang barbarians, he did not inquire into minor misdeeds, but when any one committed a major crime he first notified the chieftains and let them know why the criminal deserved death, and then had him put to death before the public. Thus the Qiang submitted to him because of his augustness and justice. All Liang-zhou became peaceful and orderly.

22. Fifth month (June 20 - July 19). Heavy drought.

23. The King of Wu ordered Zhou Fang, t'ai-shou of P'o-yang, to seek out secretly those of ancient families and renowned chieftains in the mountains of P'o-yang who were known in the northern region and get them to deceive and decoy Cao Xiu, the Wei ta ssu-ma and Governer of Yang-zhou.

Zhou Fang said, "I am afraid these chieftains of the people and petty followers are not worthy of our trust and of the task. If the matter should leak out, we will fail to get hold of Cao Xiu. May I send my own trusted men with a letter in seven times to decoy Cao Xiu?"

The letter said that he had been banished and was in fear for his life, and that he wanted to surrender P'o-yang to the North; and asked that Cao Xiu's troops come to his aid. The King of Wu gave his permission. At this time, the officials frequently visited Zhou Fang to investigate and inquire into various affairs, and then Zhou Fang betook himself to the government house of P'o-yang, where, with his hair shaved off, he pretended to seek for pardon.

24. When he heard this, Cao Xiu advanced with ten thousand infantry and cavalry towards Huan to cooperate with Zhou Fang. The Emperor further had Sima Yi advance to Jiang-ling and Jia Kui to Tung-kuan. Thus they advanced simultaneously along three routes.

25. Autumn, eighth month (Sept. 17 - Oct. 15). The King of Wu came to Huan. He appointed Lu Xun to be commander-in-chief, lent him the Yellow Axe of Royal Power, and personally held the ceremonial whip to show him honor. He also appointed Zhu Huan and Quan Song as Commanders of the Left and of the Right, each commanding thirty thousand men, to attack Cao Xiu. Cao Xiu discovered that he was deceived, but he relied on his troops and accordingly wished to fight the Wu.

Zhu Huan said to the King of Wu, "Cao Xiu was given his position merely because he was a member of the Wei imperial clan; he is not a general renowned for intelligence and courage. If he now fights, he is certain to be defeated; if defeated, he is certain to flee; when he flees, it will certainly be along Jia-shi and Qua-zhu.

"These two routes are both steep defiles. If we use ten thousand troops and obstruct the routes with timber, his horde can be annihilated and Cao Xiu himself captured. I request that I be allowed to lead my own men and cut off the route. If, grace to the heavenly prowess of Your Majesty, I am enabled to achieve a success at the expense of Cao Xiu, we may then take advantage of the victory and make a long drive, advance and take Shou-chun and annex the region south of the Huai thus controlling Xu-chang and Luo-yang. This is an oppurtunity offered once in ten thousand generations; we cannot afford to lost it."

Sun Quan asked Lu Xun about it; Lu Xun did not assent, so it was dropped.

26. The shang-shu Jiang Ji sent up a memorial saying, "Cao Xiu has penetrated deeply into enemy country and confronts the picked troops of Sun Quan, but on the upper course of the river Zhu Ran and others threaten Cao Xiu's rear. I do not see any profit in this."

27. The ch'ien chiang-chun Man Chong sent up a memorial saying, "Though clear in mind and resolute, Cao Xiu has seldom participated in battle. The route he now takes has lakes at the rear and the Jiang on the side; it is one where advance is easy and retreat is difficult. This is what is called Terrain of Fetters. If the Wu enter Wu-jiang-k'ou, a great precaution will be necessary." While Man Chong's memorial was still unanswered, Cao Xiu fought Lu Xun at Shi-t'ing.
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Unread postby Jordan » Thu Apr 27, 2006 12:42 pm

Hmm...I could be wrong but I think that t'ai-shou is 'taisho' or general. I'm not really positive however. :/
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Unread postby Gabriel » Fri Apr 28, 2006 1:16 pm

SlickSlicer wrote:Hmm...I could be wrong but I think that t'ai-shou is 'taisho' or general. I'm not really positive however. :/
Hmm... I always thought chiang(-chun) was general. Maybe both?
You don't need to go to church to be saved, and you don't need to go to rehab to get off drugs. You just need to make the right decisions.
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