The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms

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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat Feb 11, 2006 7:34 pm

Fourth Year of Huang-ch'u (223 A.D.)
Shu: Third Year of Chang-wu
First Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: Second Year of Huang-wu

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 18 - Mar. 19). Cao Zhen had Zhang He strike a crushing blow against the Wu troops, capturing and occupying Chung-chou (River Islet) in Jiang-ling.

2. Second month (Mar. 20 - Apr. 17). Zhuge Liang reached Yong-an.

3. Cao Ren marched with several tens of thousands of infantry and cavalry troops towards Ru-xu. But he had first loudly proclaimed that he intended to move eastwards and attack Hsien-ch'i. Zhu Huan took a detachment of his Wu troops to that place. After it had gone, Cao Ren advanced with his main force straight to Ru-xu. When he learned this, Zhu Huan recalled the detachment dispatched to Hsien-ch'i. The detachment had not ye returned, when Cao Ren arrived, carrying all before him. At this time the number of available troops under Zhu Huan's direct command and under his subordinate generals amounted to only five thousand, and his generals were all in a great panic.

Zhu Huan expostulated with them, "When two armies meet, the outcome of the battle is decided by the quality of their commanders, not by the numerical superiority or inferiority of the rank and file. You gentlemen are well informed of Cao Ren's generalship; is it superior to mine? What is said in the Art of War--the the 'guest' (i.e., invader) requires double forces and the 'host' (defender) half--applies only when both armies are on a plain, without the protection of walls and moats, and when they are balanced as to bravery of the rank and file. Now Cao Ren is neither intelligent nor brave. Furthermore, his troops are exceedingly cowardly. Besides, they have marched a thousand li; both men and horses are worn out. Gentlemen, you and I together take our position within high walls, southwards facing the great Jiang and northwards backed by hills and mounds. With rested troops we wait for a fatigued enemy; as 'host' we have the 'guest' at our mercy. This is a situation where one hundred battles mean one hundred victories. Even if Cao Pi were here, there would be nothing to worry about, much less when it is a man like Cao Ren!"

Zhu Huan then had banners and battle-drums put away, feigning a weak defense in order to entrap Cao Ren. Cao Ren dispatched his son Cao T'ai to attack the walled city of Ru-xu. He also dispatched the general Ch'ang Tiao, with Wang Shuang and others; to go in oiled boats and attack Chung-chou by surprise. This Chung-chou was a place where wives and children of Zhu Huan's troops were living.

Chiang Chi said, "The Wu rebels occupy the west bank and their boats are lined up on the upper reaches of the river. To let our troops enter the islet (i.e., Chung-chou) under such circumstances is like sending them to hell; we are only courting disaster." Cao Ren did not listen to this. With ten thousand men under his direct command, he stayed at T'o-kao.

Cao Ren gave help from the rear to Cao T'ai and his men. Zhu Huan dispatched one of his subordinate generals to strike at Ch'ang Tiao and his men; he himself offered resistance to Cao T'ai; Cao T'ai set fire to his own camp and then withdrew. In the end Zhu Huan slew Ch'ang Tiao and captured Wang Shuang. He killed and drowned more than a thousand soldiers.

4. Formerly, when Lu Meng was mortally ill, the King of Wu asked him, "Should you, sir, be unable to rise again, who shall be your successor?"

Lu Meng replied, "Zhu Ran has plenty of courage; I think he can be given the appointment."

This Zhu Ran was the son of the elder sister of Zhu Zhi, the t'ai-shou of Chiu-chen, and his original family name was Shih; Zhu Zhi had adopted him as his son. At this time he was chao-wu chiang-chun. After Lu Meng's death, the King of Wu made him Plenipotentiary in Military Affairs and stationed him at Jiang-ling.

When Cao Zhen and his men laid seige to Jiang-ling and put Sun Sheng to rout, the King of Wu dispatched Zhuge Jin and others to go forward with troops and raise the seige; but Xiahou Shang attacked and repulsed them. Jiang-ling was totally cut off. Within the walls, many of the soldiers were suffering from a swelling disease, and the number of those fit to fight amounted to only five thousand. Cao Zhen and his men raised artificial mounds, dug out tunnels, and set up turrets along the city walls. Arrows poured down like rain and generals all paled. Zhu Ran remained calm and fearless. He busied himself encouraging his men, then taking his oppurtunity, attacked and took two Wei camps.

The Wei troops had been besieging Zhu Ran for six months in all. Yao T'ai, the Magistrate of Jiang-ling, was in command of a detachment defending the north gate of the city. Observing how numerous and powerful were the enemy forces outside of the city walls and how small the number of men within the city, with provisions almost gone, he was afraid there would be no rescue. He plotted to betray the city to the enemy. Zhu Ran discovered the plot and killed him.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sun Feb 19, 2006 6:54 pm

5. At this time the Jiang was shallow and narrow. Xiahou Shang intended to transport his infantry and cavalry by boats to the river islet, where they would encamp, and to build pontoon bridges so that they might move forwards and backwards to the north and south. Many who discussed the matter maintained that in this way the city was certain to be captured.

Dong Zhao memorialized the throne, saying, "The Emperor Wu Huangdi [i.e., Cao Cao] surpassed others in wisdom and courage, yet in battle he feared the enemy enough not to underestimate him. In war, advance is agreeable and retreat disagreeable--this is only natrual. Even where the terrain is flat and without defiles, there still are natural difficulties. Circumstances may require a deep incursion, but a practicable route for retreat ought to be kept ready. Advance and retreat in war cannot always accord with our wishes.

"Now the troops are encamped on the river islet--this is 'deepest'; they cross the river by means of pontoon bridges--this is 'most precarious'; they move on a single route, this is 'narrowest'. These three things are avoided by students of military art, yet they are precisely what our troops are doing. The Wu rebels will repeatedly attack the pontoon bridges, and in the meanwhile we may commit some untoward mistakes; in that case the picked troops on the river islet will no longer belong to the Wei, but will fall into the hands of the Wu.

"Your Servant is worried to the extent of forgetting sleep and food; yet the officials who discuss the matter are not perturbed at all. Are they not mistaken?

"Furthermore, the Jiang is wont to overflow; should it rise suddenly, how shall we protect ourselves? Even if we cannot destroy the rebels, at least we ought to preserve ourselves. How is it that we court disaster, yet do not fear? The situation is precarious. May Your Majesty take notice of it!"

The Emperor thereupon commanded Xiahou Shang and his men to leave the river islet speedily. The Wu advanced simultaneously by two routes. The Wei troops retreating along their single route were unable to evacuate the islet at once; however, they barely got across the river.

The Wu general Pan Zhang had made rafts of rushes, planning to use them to burn the pontoon bridges; as Xiahou Shang had already withdrawn, he desisted. Ten days afterwards, the water of the Jiang rose high. The Emperor said to Dong Zhao, "How perspicacious you were when you discussed the matter! Even Zhang Liang and Ch'en P'ing could not have surpassed you."

6. It happened that heaven sent down a great epidemic. The Emperor ordered all his troops to retreat.

7. Third month. On the day Apr. 25 the Emperor returned to Luo-yang.

8. Some time before the Emperor said to Jia Xu, "I intend to attack those who do not obey my command, in order that I may unify the empire. Of Wu and Shu which shall be first?"

He replied, "He who would attack and take, attends to his military command as his first business; he who would build a foundation considers as important the transformation of the people through his virtue. Your Majesty responded to the time and received the throne, and now you rule over the land as a benevolent sovereign. If you will put them [Wu and Shu] at rest by means of the virtues of peace, waiting meanwhile for changes in them, it will not be difficult to conquer them. Small states though they both are, Wu and Shu are protected by mountains and barricaded by waters. Liu Bei possesses excellent talent, Zhuge Liang is good at governing; Sun Quan is versed in military strategy, Lu Xun understands military tactics. They occupy passes and guard strategic positions; they have ships afloat on the Jiang and lakes. It is difficult for us to plan against either one of them all of a sudden. The way of using arms is to make sure of victory before a battle is fought, and to ascertain the strength of the enemy before a commander is appointed; thus there will be no move that will turn out amiss.

"Your Servant is of the opinion that none of your numorous officials is equal to Liu Bei or Sun Quan. Hence, even if you with your celestial majesty should proceed against them, I do not see that the matters will all turn out satisfactorily. In antiquity, Shun danced with shields and axes; the Prince of Miao then submitted. In my judgement we at present ought to bring peace to the fore and put war to the rear."

The Emperor did not accept this advice. The campaign, as was expected, proved unsuccessful.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Fri Feb 24, 2006 12:46 am

9. On the day June 16, Cao Ren, the 'Loyal' Lord of Chen died.

10. Huang Yuan was not liked by Zhuge Liang. Hearing that the Sovereign of Han had fallen ill, he became fearful lest calamity might eventually befall him. Therefore he rose in rebellion with the whole prefecture and set fire to the walled city of Lin-ch'iung. At this time Zhuge Liang had gone east to visit the indisposed sovereign; Cheng-du was weakly defended, and Huang Yuan became all the more fearless.

Yang Hung, the chih-chung ts'ung-chih of Yi-zhou, advised the Crown Prince to dispatch the generals Ch'en Hu and Cheng Ch'o to lead a punitive campaign against Huang Yuan. But the officials of the Court considered that, failing to lay siege to Cheng-du, Huang Yuan would be certain to proceed by way of Yueh-hui to occupy Nan-zhong.

Yang Hung said, "Huang Yuan is by nature cruel and tyrannical, and has never earned any gratitude or trust from the people. So how could he succeed in that? He will merely take to the river and descend to the east, hoping to see our Sovereign still well and to present himself bound as if for execution. Should it turn out to be different with our Sovereign's health, he will flee to Wu to save his life. We need merely instruct Ch'en Hu and Cheng Ch'o to intercept him at the pass of Nan-an; we will then capture him."

Huang Yuan's troops were defeated and, as had been expected, moved down eastward on the Jiang; Ch'en Hu and Cheng Ch'o captured him and put him to death.

11. The Sovereign of Han now being mortally ill, he charged Zhuge Liang, his premier, with the guardianship of the Crown Prince and appointed Li Yan, the shang-shu-ling, as his deputy.

12. The Sovereign of Han said to Zhuge Liang, "You are ten times more talented then Cao Pi; you are certainly able to put the country at peace. You will eventually accomplish the great work. If my heir is worthy of your support, then support him; if he is not talented, you may take the throne yourself."

Zhuge Liang wept and said, "How shall Your Servant dare not to put forth all his strength for you heir, as due from one who is his legs and arms, not to serve him with loyalty and sincere devotion, and not to continue service unto death?"

13. The Sovereign of Han furthermore issued an edict exhorting the Crown Prince: "When a man is fifty years old, his death is not called premature. My age being more than sixty years, what should I regret? I am worried only about you and your brothers. Exert yourself, exert yourself. Do no wicked deed, however small, nor leave and good deed undone, however small. Only excellence and virtue will make others submit to you. Your father, a man of slender virtue, is not worthy of your emulation. You will follow the directions of the premier, serving him as if he were your own father."

14. Summer, fourth month. On the day kuei-ssu [sic], the Sovereign of Han died at Yong-an. He was canonized Illustrious and Majestic.

15. Zhuge Liang, the ch'eng-hsiang, brought the imperial coffin to Cheng-du. Li Yan was appointed chung-tu-hu, in which capacity he was stationed at Yong-an.

16. Fifth month (June 16 - July 15), Liu Shan, the Crown Prince, mounted the throne; he was seventeen at the time. He honored the Empress by conferring upon her the title Empress Dowager, issued a general amnesty, and altered the reign-title to Chien-hsing.

17. He eneoffed Zhuge Liang, the ch'eng-hsiang, as Lord of Wu-hsiang, and also appointed him governer of Yi-zhou. All state affairs, great and small, were decided by Zhuge Liang.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sun Feb 26, 2006 6:07 pm

18. Zhuge Liang then regulated offices and duties, and established laws and regulations. He issued the following instruction to his subordinates: "'Consultation and collaboration' means to assemble the ideas of the multitude and to widen the circle of advisors. If we are estranged from each other because of minor disagreements and it thus becomes difficult for us to discuss differences and examine situations, affairs of state will become neglected and deteriorate. This is harmful. If we differ and examine, and consequently arrive at the golden menu, it is like throwing away worn-out shoes and obtaining pearls and jewels. But we all suffer from being, by nature, unable to carry this out. It was only Hsu Yuan-Chih who did not err in this; also Tung Yu-Tsai, during the seven years of his working for consultation and collaboration, would revert to a matter even ten times when it was not satisfactory, and would come to me for discussion. If only I can be one-tenth as worthy as Hsu Yuan-Chih and offer my loyal service to the state as assidously as Tung Yu-Tsai, then Zhuge Liang will be free from faults."

He furthermore said, "When I associated with Ts'ui Chou-P'ing in other days, I often received his advice. When later I was associated with Hsu Yuan-Chih, he assidously favored me with his exhortations. Formerly when I was consulting about matters with Tung Yu-Tsai, he did not desist until he had spoken to me exhaustively. Later when I had advice from Wei-Tu, he admonished me many a time. Although I was unable, because of my unenlightened nature, to accept all of their advice, I remained friendly throughout. This at least is sufficient to make clear how I, Zhuge Liang, have no suspicion of the motives of those who give me advice."

The man called Wei-Tu was Hu Chi of Yi-yang, the chu-pu of Zhuge Liang.

19. Once Zhuge Liang himself was checking account books. Yang Yung, the chu-pu, came straight into the room and admonished him, "In administrative matters there is a certain system; the superior and the inferior should not encroach on each other.

"I beg to draw Your Excellency an analogy from housekeeping. Now there is a man who lets his slave plough the land and his female slave take charge of cooking, lets his cock herald the dawn and his dog bark away burglars, lets his ox bear heavy burdans and his horses walk long distances. Each does the assigned work without negligence, and whatever is sought is fulfilled. A happy expression on his face, the master of the house has nothing to do but enjoy peaceful sleep, drink and eat. Should he one day wish to take charge of all these matters in person and refrain from commiting his affairs to these agents, thereby burdening himself with all these petty things, then his body will be exhausted and his mind fatigued, and he will end with nothing accomplished. Is it because his intelligence is inferior to that of his slave and female slave, his cock and his dog? It is because he has neglected the proper status of the master of a house.

"That is why the ancients said that one sits and discusses the Way--referring to Kings and Dukes--and that things are put into practice by regulations--referring to the work of state officials.

"Hence Ping Chi did not make inquiries when he saw a man lying dead across the road, but was worried over a panting ox; Ch'en P'ing did not want to know the total sum of the state revenues in cash and grain, saying there were officials who were in charge of it. These two really were men who knew well the different duties pertaining to different positions. In the administration of state affairs, Your Excellency in person checks the account books, perspiring through the length of the day. Is this not too much toil?"

Zhuge Liang thanked him. When Yang Yung died, Zhuge Liang wept for him for three days.

20. Sixth month. On the day Aug. 1, Cao Zhang, the 'Conquering' Prince of Jen'ch'eng, died.

21. On the day Aug. 11, Jia Xu, the 'Solemn' Lord of Wei'shou, died.

22. There was a great flood.

23. Ho Ch'i of Wu launched a surprise attack on Ch'i-ch'un; he returned after capturing the Prefect Chin Tsung.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Mon Feb 27, 2006 1:06 am

24. Some time earlier, Yong Kai, a local chieftain of Yi-zhou-chun, had killed the Prefect Cheng Ang, and through Shih Hsieh he sought to offer his allegiance to the Wu. He had also seized Chang I of Cheng-du, the succeeding Prefect, and sent him to Wu.

The Wu appointed Yong Kai t'ai-shou of Yong-ch'ang. Lu Kai, the kung-ts'ao of Yong-ch'ang, and Wang Kang, the fu-ch'eng of Yong-ch'ang, directed the under-officials to refuse to accept him, and to defend the district by closing its borders. Being unable to advance, Yong Kai had Meng Huo, a man of the district, entice and incite the various barbarian tribes, who then followed him.

Chu Pao, the t'ai-shou of Tsang-k'o, and Gao Ding, the King of the barbarians at Yueh-hui, both revolted and responded to Yong Kai. Because of the recent death of the Emperor of Han, Liu Bei, Zhuge Liang temporized with them all and did not dispatch a punitive expedition against them. He paid attention to agriculture in order to increase production; he closed the passes in order to give rest to the people. Only when the people were put as ease and provisions became abundant did he employ them.

25. Autumn, eighth month. On the day Spet. 23, Chung Yu, the t'ing-yu, was appointed t'ai-yu; Kao Jou, the chih-shu-chi-fa, replaced him as t'ing-yu.

26. At this time the Three Ducal Ministers were not charged with any active duties and rarely participated in matters discussed at court. Kao Jou memorialized the Wei throne, "Heaven and earth achieve their work by means of the four seasons; the sovereign of a state administers good rule by means of his ministers. Ch'eng T'ang was supported by A Heng; Wen and Wu relied on the exertion of T'ai Kung Wang and Tan (the Duke of Zhou). In the early days of Han, Xiao He and Ts'ao Ts'an, both men of unsurpassed merit, served as heart and shoulders of the Emperor. In all these cases, on the one side the clear-sighted kings and sage sovereigns showed their trust in their ministers; on the other, competent ministers and excellent helpers served as the legs and arms of government.

"As officials the Three Ducal Ministers are the bulwark of the state, and are the ones to whom the people all look. Charged with the duties of the 'three directors of affairs', they are not allowed to know the petty details of government. And so they save their breath and cultivate their independence, offering advice but rarely. This way certainly was not one of employing great ministers prominently at court; it is not what is meant by the duty of ministers of state to recommend the practicable and remove the objectionable. In ancient times, when there was doubt about the decision of criminal cases, discussion was always help under the locust and jujube trees.

"Henceforth, when there occur any doubts in court discussion, or any important matters of a judicial nature, the Three Ducal Ministers ought to be consulted frequently. On the first and fifthteenth days of the month when the Three Ducal Ministers attend court, they ought to be especially invited to discuss and supplement the counsel received by the Son of Heaven. Thus they will glorify and increase the august rule."

The Emperor gave his approval.

27. On the day Sept. 27, the Emperor hunted at Ying-yang; then he made a tour of inspection to the east.

28. Ninth month. On the day Oct. 30, he reached Xu-chang.

29. Deng Zhi of Yi-yang, the shang-shu of Han [i.e., Shu], said to Zhuge Liang, "At present the Sovereign is young and weak, and has only recently mounted the august throne. We ought to send an envoy of some importance to renew our friendship with the Wu."

Zhuge Liang said, "I have thought of that for some time, but unfortunately have not found the right man for it. Only today have I found one." When Deng Zhi asked who the man was, Zhuge Liang said, "Your Excellency and none else." He then dispatched Deng Zhi in the capacity of chung-lang-chiang, to cement friendship with the Wu.

Winter, tenth month (Nov. 11 - Dec. 12). Deng Zhi reached Wu. At this time the King of Wu had not yet broken off relations with the Wei; he was vacillating. He would not at once receive Deng Zhi in audience. Deng Zhi then requested the favor of a reception, saying, "My coming at this time is in behalf of Wu also, not merely Shu."

The King of Wu then received him and said, "I indeed wish to become friendly with Shu. But I am afraid that as the Sovereign of Shu is young and weak and his state small and powerless, he will be taken advantage of by the Wei and surely will be unable to hold his own."

Deng Zhi replied, "Wu and Shu occupy four provinces between themselves. Your Majesty is a renowned hero of our age; Zhuge Liang is also a talented man of the time. Shu is fortified by numerous passes, Wu is protected by three rivers. When these two points of advantage are combined and the two states become as intimate as lips and teeth, they will conquer the whole empire if circumstances permit them to advance, or they will stand independently along with Wei as the three feet of a tripod if circumstances compel them to draw back. This is natural and logical. Should Your Majesty become a vassal of the Wei, the Wei will be certain to wish Your Majesty to pay homage to their court on the one hand, and to demand your Crown Prince as hostage on the other. Should you dissent and disobey them, they will find a pretext and lead a punitive expedition against 'the rebels'. Shu, also, will drift with the stream, and when the oppurtunity appears, will advance. In that case, the territory south of the Jiang will no longer be in Your Majesty's possession."

The King of Wu was silent for a long time, then said, "Your words are excellent." In the end he broke off with the Wei and became an ally of the Han exclusively.

30. In this year, the Sovereign of Han made his consort, Lady Zhang, his Empress.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sat Mar 04, 2006 7:04 pm

Fifth Year of Huang-ch'u (224 A.D.)
Shu: Second Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: Third Year of Huang-wu

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 8 - Mar. 7). The order was first issued that only rebellion and treason were to be grounds for accusation. No other crimes were to be reported and punished, and any one who dared to bring false charges was himself to be punished with the sentence appropriate to the crime.

2. Spring, third month (Apr. 7 - May 5). The Emperor returned from Xu-chang to Luo-yang.

3. Since the Ch'u-p'ing period (190-193 A.D.) educational facilities had declined.

Summer, fourth month (May 6 - June 4). The Imperial Academy was founded. Academicians were appointed, and in accordance with the Han system regulations for examining scholars in the Five Classics were established.

4. The King of Wu had the fu-i chung-lang-chiang Zhang Wen of Wu-jun go to Han as his envoy. From that time there was constant interchange of envoys between Wu and Shu.

5. The King of Wu used to have Lu Xun speak with Zhuge Liang on the current affairs. He also had another seal of his own cut and placed it in the hands of Lu Xun. Each time the King dispatched a letter to the Sovereign of Han or to Zhuge Liang, he would show it to Lu Xun, and if any point was not just right in emphasis or appropriate priateness, would let him revise it and reseal the letter with that seal.

6. The Han again sent Deng Zhi as an envoy to Wu. The King of Wu said to him, "If the empire enjoys peace while we two sovereigns rule seperately, is it not a matter of rejoicing?"

Deng Zhi answered, "There are not two suns in the sky, nor are there two sovereigns on earth. After Wei is annexed, Your Majesty will still remain one without true recognition of the Mandate of Heaven. When sovereigns each increase their innate power, and ministers each strive to the utmost in serving them, and generals take up their battle-drums--then indeed war will start!"

The King of Wu laughed heartily and said, "You are really sincere, aren't you!"

7. Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 3-31). The Emperor made a tour to the east and reached Xu-chang.

8. The Emperor intended to levy a great army and attack Wu. The shih-chung Xin Pi admonished him, saying, "The people of Wu and Ch'u are stout-hearted and difficult to turn aside. When the Way prevails in China proper they submit; when the Way is sullied, they are the first to rebel. They have been instruments of calamity not only in these days but even since ancient times. But now that Your Majesty reigns over the empire, can disobedience long exist? Formerly Wei T'o proclaimed himself Emperor, and Tzu-Yang also assumed the title; but they did not last many years--one becamse a vassal and the other was put to death. This was because the way of disobedience does not long remain secure, and great virtue makes all submit.

"At present the empire is newly constituted; the territory is vast, but thinly populated. Even when a campaign is begun after first taking counsel in the Ancestral Temple, one must still be apprehensive in confronting the actual situation. How much more so when there has been no counsel in the Ancestral Temple! Yet you intend to use the resources of the empire in this campaign. Your Servant for one sincerely fails to see any profit in it. The late Emperor started out several times, with strong forces, but drew back when he had reached the Jiang. Now the Six Armies have not been increased, yet you would follow in his wake. This will not be easy.

"The best plan at present would be to devote care to nourishing the people as Fan Li did; to take as a model Kuan Chung's policy of having the people share in the government; to copy the military-agricultural colonization of (Chao) Ch'ung-Kuo, and to understand clearly Confucius' cherishing of the distant people. If you undertake the campaign after ten years, then it will not need to be repeated."

The Emperor said, "Were I to follow your ideas, I should be leaving the Wu barbarians as a legacy to my successors."

He replied, "Of old, King Wen of Zhou left Zhou to his son King Wu. He knew the necessity of time. When time does not accord, what can be gained?"

The Emperor did not follow his advice.
Last edited by Gabriel on Tue Mar 07, 2006 1:11 am, edited 1 time in total.
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Unread postby iamnick » Mon Mar 06, 2006 4:34 am

Just wanted to say thanks again for taking the time to post this. I will get around to posting the bios you asked for as soon as I get them done.
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Unread postby Gabriel » Sun Mar 12, 2006 12:28 am

9. The Emperor stationed the shang-shu p'u-i Sima Yi at Xu-chang. In the eighth month (Sept. 1-30) he headed a marine force, and taking his boat, navigated the Ts'ai and Ying rivers to the Huai and reached Shou-chun. In the ninth month (Oct. 1-29) he arrived at Kuang-ling.

10. The an-tung chiang-chun Xu Sheng of Wu suggested driving timbers into the ground and covering them with rushes. In this way dummy walls and turrets were put up from Shih-t'ou to Jiang-cheng, extending continuously for several hundred li. These were constructed in a single night. Also a large number of boats and ships were launched on the Jiang, which was then at high water.

11. When the Emperor saw this, he sighed and exclaimed, "Wei has thousands of armed horsemen, but there is no way to use them. We cannot do anything yet."

12. The Emperor rode in a dragon-boat, which on one occasion was shaken by storm and almost capsized.

13. The Emperor asked his officials, "Will Sun Quan himself come forward to meet me, or not?"

They all said, "Since Your Majesty is leading the campaign in person, Sun Quan must be fearful, and is certain to surrender with his entire state. Furthermore he will not dare to entrust the fate of his masses to his officials, so he is sure to come in person."

Liu Ye however said, "He reckons that although Your Majesty, in your august person, would indeed subdue him, the one to cross the Jiang and the lakes would be just a general. Therefore he is certain to hold his troops back and make no move."

The Emperor waited several days, but the King of Wu did not come. The Emperor then withdrew his forces.

14. At this time Cao Xiu reported to the Emperor that a deserter from the Wu rebels said Sun Quan had already come to Ru-xu-kou. The chung-ling-chun Wei Zhen said, "Relying on the protection of the great Jiang, Sun Quan does not dare to meet us on equal terms. This is nothing but a ruse invented out of fear."

When the "deserter" was examined, the information was traced to a Wu general.

15. a) Zhang Wen of Wu at an early age was renowned for his distinguished talents. Gu Yong regarded him as peerless in his time; Zhuge Liang also appreciated him.

b) Zhang Wen had recommended Chi Yen, a man of the same prefecture as he, to be head of the Board of Selection of Officials. Chi Yen was by nature intolerant and severe, and was fond of criticizing others. Seeing that the various palace bureaus were occupying lang confusedly and promiscuously, many of them unfit for their duties, he wished to distinguish between the able and the stupid. He impeached numerous officials. Examining the qualifications of the officials of the three shu, he reported the results to the throne. In each case he demoted and degraded them by several degrees. Not one out of ten could retain his old office. Those who were avaricious and mean, whose principles and morals were foul and low, he reduced to be petty military officials and stationed them in barracks.

c) Men from the same chun as Zhang Wen such as Lu Xun, Lu Xun's younger brother Lu Mao and the shih-yu-shih Chu Chu, all warned him to desist. Lu Mao sent Chi Yen a letter, saying, "The sage praises the good and pities the stupid, forgets other people's faults and notes their merits; thereby he brings about good government. Besides, the monarchy is just being set up, and there is going to be a great unification. This is a time when one should give men employment, as did Han Kao-Tsu, by overlooking their faults. Were we to order the good and bad into different channels, and emphasize monthly criticism, as did the two Xu of Ju-ying, we should of course improve custom and make brilliant example; but I am afraid that would not be easy to practice. We ought to emulate the 'overflowing love' of Confucius of old, and follow the toleration of Kuo T'ai of recent times, so that we may contribute something to the Great Way."

d) Chu Chu said to Chi Yen, "The empire is not yet settled. We should cover up men's flaws with their merits, neglect faults and give employment. To promote the pure and improve the muddied is sufficient to deter the bad and encourage the good; sudden demotion and degradation will eventaully result in blame." Chi Yen did not heed any of these.

e) So murmuring and resentment became universal. People were only too eager to say that Chi Yen and his subordinate, the hsuan-ts'ao-lang Xu Biao wholly followed their private loves and hates rather than justice. Chi Yen and Xu Biao were both incriminated and ordered to commit suicide. Zhang Wen, who had shared the views of Chi Yen and Xu Biao, was also judged, reprimanded and sent back to his own prefecture to serve as menial. He died at his home.

f) Eariler, when Zhang Wen was enjoying power in the state service, Yu Jun of Yu-yao sighed and said, "Zhang Wen has much talent but little wisdom; he is all blossom but no fruit. He is one on whom men's resentment will gather; his will be the calamity of bringing his family to ruin. I have already seen it beginning." This was shortly before he met his fall. Hearing of these anxious words of Yu Jun in regard to Zhang Wen, Zhuge Liang did not believe them. When Zhang Wen was disgraced and banished from court, Zhuge Liang then wondered at Yu Jun's prophecy. When he first heard of Zhang Wen's fall, Zhuge Liang did not understand the cause of it. He thought about it for some days, and said, "I have it. The man was too sure about what is pure and was is sullied; he attempted to discriminate too sharply between good and bad."
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Unread postby Gabriel » Thu Mar 16, 2006 7:09 pm

16. Winter, tenth month (Oct. 30 - Nov. 28). The Emperor returned to Xu-chang.

17. Eleventh month. On the day Dec. 27, last day of the month, the sun was eclipsed.

18. Ke Bineng of the Hsien-pei decoyed Pu-Tu-Ken's elder brother Fu-Lo-Han and killed him. Pu-Tu-Ken henceforth harbored a grudge against Ke Bineng, and they continually attacked each other.

Pu-Tu-Ken's clan decreased in number and weakened slightly. With ten thousand households he guarded Yen-me [chun] in T'ai-yuan. He came to court in this year to offer tribute.

The clan of Ke Bineng's on the other hand waxed powerful. He went forth and attacked Su-Li, chieftain of the Eastern branch of the Hsien-pei. T'ien Yu, the Wu-huan chiao-yu [a military officer named protector of the Wu-huan tribes], taking advantage of his weak defense, struck at him from the rear. Ke Bineng sent one of his generals, So-Nu, to resist T'ien Yu; T'ien Yu attacked and defeated him.

Ke Bineng was recalcitrant from then on. He made frequent border raids, from which Yu[-chou] and Ping[-chou] suffered.

Sixth Year of Huang-ch'u (225 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Chien-hsing
Wu: Fourth Year of Huang-wu

1. Spring, second month (Feb. 25 - Mar. 26). By imperial edict, Ch'en Ch'un was appointed chen-chun ta chiang-chun, to accompany the Emperor in his expedition, superintending the various armies and taking charge of the mobile shang-shu; Sima Yi was appointed fu-chun ta chiang-chun, to stay behind at Xu-chang and superintend state papers of the [shang-shu-]t'ai left behind there.

2. Third month (Mar. 27 - Apr. 25). The Emperor went to Chao-ling to open the Canal of the Campaign against the Wu Barbarians.

3. On the day Apr. 23, he returned to his palace in Xu-chang.

4. Liang Xi, the tz'u-shih of Bing-zhou, made a campaign against the Hsien-pei Ke Bineng, and heavily defeated him.

5. Zhuge Liang of Han led his troops in a campaign against Yong Kai. Ma Su, the ts'an-chun, accompanied him for several tens of li to see him off.

Zhuge Liang said, "Although I have been taking counsels from you for years, you may now still give me some excellent advice."

Ma Su said, "Relying on steep terrain and remoteness, the South has never long acknowledged our sovereignty. Although you may conquer it today, tomorrow it will rebel again. Now, if Your Excellency starts a northern campaign with the entire force of the land in order to engage the rebels, then they [the people of the southern region] will know that our own territory is weakly defended, and their rebellion will occur very soon. As for annihilating them entirely in order to avoid future trouble, first of all, that would not be in accordance with the heart of a benevolent man; and secondly, it could not be done in a hurry. Now, the Way of War is this: attacking the heart is the best, attacking the walls if the worst; battle launched at the heart is the best, battle launched at soldiers in the worst. I would wish that Your Excellency subdue their minds only."

Zhuge Liang accepted his advice.

Ma Su was Ma Liang's younger brother.
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Unread postby iamnick » Mon Mar 20, 2006 11:54 pm

I figured I would try to help out with some of the translations for you. I could be wrong since this is in pinyin... but I'll try anyways. Starting with your first post with the bold letters (on page 2):

i-lang= si-lang?= Imperial Attendant
t'ai-shou = Tai-shou?= governor of a district
chu-chi chiang-chun = ju-ji jiang-jun? = General of Chariots and Cavalry
ch'ien-fu ssu-ma = b'ie-bu si-ma? = Auxiliary Corps commanding officer
ts-ung shih = jun shi? = director general
ch'eng-hsiang= ch'eng xiang? = prime minister
ssu-t'u = zhu-b'u? = first secretary
---- or--- ssu-t'u = si-tu? = minister of the interior
fu-jen nee = don't know, but i believe it is not military... as it is refering to SXX
wu-kuan chung-lang-chiang= ?-? zhong-lang-jiang ? = ? ? Imperial corps commander
kuei-pin= don't know, but it means concubine or second wife.
t'ai-yu = taiyu ? = Grand Commandant

first on page 3

Ch'un-ch'iu= not military, so don't know

second on page 3

i-chun chiang-chun = ?-? jiang-jun =?-? general of the flying army.
chu-chi chiang-chun= jujijiangjun = general of the chariots and cavalry
ying-tu-tu = don't know

3rd on page 3

chiang-chun= jiang-jun= general/commander
chen-hsi chiang-chun= ?-? Jiang-jun= Lieutenant General
shih-chung =shi-jun? =a military leader of a district.. but not a governer apperently. Not sure.
an-yuan chiang-chun = ?-? jiang jun= General who Pacifies Far-Off Lands

4th on page 3

t'ai-chang = taichang = Master of Ceremony
p'iao-chi chiang-chun = piaojijiangjun = general of the flying cavalry
chiang-chun = Jiang Jun = general/commander
cheng-nan ta chiang-chun= zhen-nan dajiangjun = Supreme commander who guards the south.
t'ai-yu = taiyu = grand commandant
kuang-lu ta-fu =
chung erh-ch'ien-shih =Zhong chang shi? = Constant attendant?


I hope that some of those helped.
Last edited by iamnick on Fri Mar 24, 2006 4:57 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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