The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms

[Jordan]

I could use some translations of ranks:

Jiangjun: Is "General' a good translation and "Grand General" a good translation for Da Jiangjun.
Situ, Sigong, etc.: Clearly very important ministerial ranks. What do they mean?
Shangshu, Shizhong and Zhongshu: ?

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Second Year of Jingchu (238 AD)
Shu: First Year of Yanxi
Wu: First Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month. (January 3-February 1). The Emperor summoned Sima Yi from Chang'an and had him lead an army of forty thousand men in a campaign against Liaodong.

2. Some of the counselling ministers thought that forty thousand were too many and it would be hard to secure expenses. The Emperor said, “In this expedition of four thousand li, mobile troops must be employed, and we must exert our utmost. We should not mind the expense at all.”

3. The Emperor said to Sima Yi, “What plan will Gongsun Yuan take to meet you?”

He answered, “To leave his walls behind and take to flight would be the best plan for Gongsun Yuan. To take his position in Liaodong and resist our large forces would be the next best. But if he stays in Xiangping and defends it, he will be captured.”

The Emperor said, “Which one of these three courses will he take?”

He replied, “Only a man of insight and wisdom is able to weigh his own and the enemy's relative strength, and so give up something beforehand. But this is not something Gongsun Yuan can do. On the contrary, he will think that our army, alone and on a long-distance expedition, cannot long keep it up. He is certain to offer resistance on the Liao-shui {Liao River} first and defend Xiangping afterwards.”

The Emperor asked, “How many days will it take, going and coming?”

He replied, “A hundred days for going, another hundred days for the attack, still another hundred days for coming back, and sixty days for rest. Thus, one year is sufficient.”

4. When he heard about this, Gongsun Yuan again sent an envoy to Wu, calling himself vassal and seeking for help. The Sovereign of Wu wanted to kill the envoy. Yang Tao disapproved saying, “By doing so you only exult in the anger of a common man, and the work of a hegemon will be abandoned. It is better to make the most of this opportunity-treat the envoy liberally, send a mobile force to proceed secretly, and await his success. Should the Wei attack Gongsun Yuan without success, then our troops, which have made a distant expedition, will be instrumental in earning friendship with the distant barbarians and our great spirit will be demonstrated to a region ten thousand li distant. Should the battles be so entangled that head and tail (Wu and Gongsun Yuan) are cut off from one another, then we shall seize the people of neighboring provinces and return with them as booty, which is a quite satsisfactory way of punishing him and requiting the affair.”

The Sovereign of Wu found this advice good. He then displayed his troops in grand style and spoke to the envoy from Gongsun Yuan. “Please wait for further communication. I comply with the message. I will share fortune with my younger brother (i.e. Gongsun Yuan) and live or die in his company; even if I perish in the Central Plain (i.e. Wei territory), I shall be happy.”

He further said, “Sima Yi is invincible wherever he goes. I am seriously worried on behalf of my younger brother.”

5. The Emperor asked the Hujun Jiangjun Jiang Ji, “Will Sun Quan come to the help of Liaodong?”

Jiang Ji said, “He is well aware that you are quite ready for him and that there would be no advantage in that for him. It is not in his power to make a deep incursion. A shallow incursion, on the other hand, will not result in any gain in spite of toil. Even when his children were in danger, he made no move. How much less so when it has to do with people of a foreign land. And, when, to make it worse, he suffered insult at their hands? The only reason why he makes such a to-do of it to the outside world is that he is deceiving the envoy and trying to make us suspicious; for if we fail to succeed, he hopes Gongsun Yuan may submit to him. On the other hand, Ta[-shi-xian] on the sea coast of Liaodong is far from where Gongsun Yuan is. If our troops do not advance, and result is not speedily obtained, even the shallow plans of Sun Quan may be capable of a surprise attack from his light troops. It is quite possible.”

6. The Emperor asked the Libu Shangshu Lu Yu who might be appointed situ. Lu Yu recommended Guan Ning, a scholar without official appointment, but the Emperor was not able to employ him, and asked for the next. He answered, “For virtue and perfect conduct, there is the taizhong dafu Han Ji; for uprightness and rectitude, there is the Sili Xiaoyu Cui Lin, and for solidness and purity, there is the taichang Chang Lin. Second month. On the day of guimao, the Emperor appointed Han Ji as situ.

7. The Sovereign of Han named Lady Zhang as Empress. She was the younger sister of the late Empress. He established Liu Xuan, his son by the guiren {consort?} Wang, as his Crown Prince and Liu Yao as the Prince of Anding.

8. The da sinong Meng Guang of Henan asked the Bishu Lang Qi Zheng about the crown prince's reading, character and propensities. Qi Zheng said, “He serves his parents reverently, never remiss day or night. He has the qualities of the 'son and heir' of antiquity. He associates with the crowd of officials cordially and behaves righteously and tolerantly.”

Meng Guang said, “Such as you describe are found in every house. What I really want to know, in asking you, is how resourceful and intelligent he is.”

Qi Zheng said, “The duty of a son and heir lies in following his parents' wishes and pleasing them to the utmost degree. First, it is that he should not behave himself wantonly, and after that—intelligence is concealed in a man's breast, and resourcefulness appears at proper times. How can we know beforehand if these two qualities are there or not?”

Meng Guang understood that Qi Zheng was being prudent and not speaking freely, so he said, “I am used to speaking out my mind without avoiding anything. I always attack other people for their profit seeking, hence I am disliked by the world. I guess you, too, do not like my words; but my saying has some sense. At present, the Empire is not settled, and because of this intelligence is of the first importance. But intelligence is born with man and cannot be forcibly induced. This being so, must the heir to the throne imitate us in his study, must he exhaust his strength and widen his knowledge in the expectation of being consulted, must he take up a theme, as a bo shi would do, and write an essay on it, all for the sake of obtaining rank and position? What he ought to pay attention to is things that are immediately urgent.”

Qi Zheng profoundly agreed with Meng Guang's saying. Chi Zheng was a grandson of Qi Jian.

9. The Sovereign of Wu minted coins of large denomination, one worth a thousand units in value.

10. Summer, fourth month. On the day of gengzi, the “Reverent” Lord of Nanxiang, Han Ji, died.

11. On the day of gengxu, a general amnesty was given.

12. Sixth month (May 31-June 28). Sima Yi and his army reached Liaodong. Gongsun Yuan had his dajiangjun Bei Yan and Yang Zuo lead several ten-thousands of infantry and cavalry on to Liaotsui, where they put up an encampment stretching more than twenty li.

13. The various generals wanted to attack them. Sima Yi said, “In fortifying their walls, the rebels wish to make our troops wear themselves out; if we attack them now, we will only be falling into their trap. Besides, with the bulk of the rebels here and consequently their lair empty, we are sure to destroy them if we proceed directly to Xiangping.” He thereupon had large numbers of banners and flags put up and indicated that he was going to make a sortie south of them, to which position Bei Yan and his men hastened with all their best troops. Sima Yi, however, secretly crossed the Liaoshui and came to their north, from which he hastened directly toward Xiangping.

14. In fear, Bei Yan and his men withdrew with their troops during the night, and the various troops of Wei advanced to Shoushan. Gongsun Yuan again ordered Bei Yan and his men to give battle. Sima Yi put them to route, and then advancing to Xiangping laid siege to it.

15. Autumn, seventh month (June 29-July 26). Heavy and continuous rainfall. The Liaoshui rose violently, so that convoy ships could sail from the mouth of the Liaoshui directly to outside the walls of Xiangping. The rain did not stop for more than a month. On level ground water was several feet deep. The Three Armies were alarmed and wanted to move their barracks. Sima Yi proclaimed that any one in the army who dared to speak of moving would be put to death. The Lingshi to the Dudu, Zhang Jing violated the order; he was put to death and the troops were stabilized.

The rebels, relying on the flood waters, were gathering firewood and grazing their domestic animals without fear. The various generals wanted to seize them, but in no case would Sima Yi hear of it. The Si-ma Chen Gui said, “formerly, when you attacked Shangyong, you had eight detachments advance simultaneously, without resting day or night, and so you were able to take the well-fortified walls and kill Meng Da in half a month. Now we have come a long way and you are satisfied to procrastinate. Stupid as I am, I do not understand.”

Sima Yi said, “Meng Da had not many men under him, but his supplies were sufficient for a year; our generals and troops were four times those of Meng Da, but our supplies were not enough for a month. Since I had to plan a month against a year, how could I not be quick? Since I was striking with four against one, it was worth while even if I had won victory at the cost of losing half. This is why I did not take into account the number of dead and wounded; I was contending against provisions. Now, the rebels are numerous and we are few; the rebels are hungry and we are full. With flood and rain like this, we cannot employ our effort. Even if we take them, what is the use? Since I left the capital, I have not worried about the rebels attacking us, but have been afraid they might flee. Now, the rebels are almost at their extremity as regards supplies, and our encirclement of them is not yet complete. By plundering their cattle and horses or capturing their fuel-gatherers, we will be only compelling them to flee. War is an art of deception; we must be good at adapting ourselves to changing situations. Relying on their numerical superiority and helped by the rain, the rebels, hungry and distressed as they are, are not willing to give up. We must make a show of inability to put them at ease; to alarm them by taking petty advantage is not the plan at all.

16. When those at court heard the army had run into rain, everybody wanted to stop the campaign. The Emperor said, “Sima Yi takes proper measures when he confronts dangers. We may hear of Gongsun Yuan's capture in a few days.

17. When the rain cleared up, Sima Yi completed the encirclement. He constructed artificial hills and tunnels, and by means of shields, wooden towers, hooked ladders, and battering-rams, he attacked day and night, arrows and stones falling like raindrops.

18. Gongsun Yuan was hard pressed. His provisions were exhausted, and there were many deaths from cannibalism. His generals Yang Zuo and others, surrendered.

19. Eighth month (July 29-August 27). Gongsun Yuan sent the xiangguo Wang Jian and the Yushi dafu Liu Fu to beg that the siege be raised and the army withdrawn, whereupon the ruler and his ministers would present themselves bound. Sima Yi ordered them put to death, and communicated to Gongsun Yuan, “Of old, Chu and Zheng were states of equal footing, but the Earl of Zheng nevertheless met the Prince of Chu, with his flesh bare and leading a sheep. I am a superior Ducal Minister of the Son of Heaven, yet Wang Jian and his following wanted me to raise the siege and withdraw my men. Is this proper? These two men were dotards and failed to convey your mind; I have put them to death. If you still have anything in mind, send a younger man of intelligence and resoluteness.

Gongsun Yuan sent another envoy, the shizhong Wei Yan, begging that they might send a hostage. Sima Yi said to Wei Yan, “The essential points in war are five. If you can fight, then fight; if you cannot fight, then defend yourself; if you cannot defend yourself, then flee. The remaining two points are nothing else than surrender and death. Now that you are not willing to come bound, you are determined to have death; there is no need of sending any hostage.”

20. On the day ren-wu (September 29), Xiangping fell. Gongsun Yuan and his son Gongsun Xiu, leading several hundred mounted men, got through the encirclement and fled towards the southeast. The large Wei forces instantly struck at them and killed Gongsun Yuan and his son on the Liangshui.

21. Entering the city, Sima Yi put to death their Ducal and other Ministers, down to soldiers and civilians, to the number of more than seven thousand. He buried their bodies together in a huge mound (jingguan). The four prefectures of Liaodong, Daifang, Lelang and Xuandu were all pacified.

22. When Gongsun Yuan was about to revolt, his generals Lun Zhi, Jia Fan and others had bitterly remonstrated with him, and Gongsun Yuan had killed them all. Sima Yi raised mounds on the graves of Lun Zhi and the others, and honored their heirs; he also released Gongsun Yuan's paternal uncle, Gongsun Gong, from imprisonment. The Chinese who wanted to return to their own places of birth were allowed to do so. In the end, he marched back with the army.

23. Now, Gongsun Yuan's elder brother, Gongsun Huang, was living in Luoyang as Gongsun Gong's hostage. Before Gongsun Yuan revolted, he frequently set forth the latter's disloyalty and wished the State to make ap unitive campaign against Gongsun Yuan. When Gongsun Yuan rose in rebellion, the Emperor could not bear to have him executed in public and wished to put him in prison and there put him to death.

The tingyu Gao Rou sent up a memorial saying: “The Shu says, 'The criminal shall die the death; and the doer of good shall have his virtue displayed.' This is an enlightened institution in the royal regulations. Gongsun Huang and his wife and children are the rebels' kin and deserve to have their decapitated heads hung high; no posterity should be left of them. I am informed that Gongsun Huang has repeatedly set forth the hidden danger from Gongsun Yuan. To be sure, he is a relative of the criminal, but he deserves to be pardoned for his sentiment. Confucius was perspicacious about Sima Niu's anxiety; Qi Xi was clear about Shu Xiang's 'misdeed.' These are instances of noble attitudes of the ancients. I think that if Gongsun Huang really expressed those words, he ought to be pardoned from death. If he did not, he ought to be executed publicly. Now, neither is his life spared, nor his crime manifested, but he is shut up in prison, allowing him to decide his fate himself. The four quarters of the Empire, observing this of our State, will perhaps raise some doubt at this measure.”

The Emperor did not listen to him, but sent a messenger with pulverized gold, which Gongsun Huang and his wife and children were made to drink. He donated their coffins and clothes. Their bodies were temporarily entombed in their own house.

24. Ninth month (August 28-September 25). Wu changed the reign title to Chiwu.

25. In Wu, Lady Bu died. Now, the Sovereign of Wu, while he was married in Wujun as Daolu Jiangjun, married Lady Xu of Wujun. The woman who bore the Crown Prince Sun Deng was a menial servant; hence the Sovereign of Wu had Lady Xu adopt him as her son. Because of her jealousy, Lady Xu did not enjoy his favors. When the Sovereign of Wu moved to the west, Lady Xu was left behind at Wujin, while Lady Bu of Linhuai monopolized his affections in the harem. The Sovereign of Wu wanted to make her Empress, but his officials were all in favor of Lady Xu. The Sovereign of Wu remained undecided for more than ten years. When it happened that Lady Bu died, the officials memorialized that the seal of the Empress be conferred on her posthumously. Thus, Lady Xu remained deserted and died in Wujun.

26. The Sovereign of Wu had the Zhongshu Lang, Lü Yi take charge of auditing all the documents and papers of the various governmental offices as well as of the provinces and prefectures. Thus, Lü Yi gradually came to abuse his power. He brought forth unwarranted accusations by deliberate misinterpretation and incriminated the innocent, brought impeachment against the Ministers of State, and made it his business to report to the throne on even the most trifling flaws. The Crown Prince Sun Deng had frequently protested, but the Sovereign of Wu did not listen to him. The officials did not dare to speak any more; they all feared him.

27. Lü Yi made false charged that Tao Jia, former taishou (Prefect) of Jiangxia, had spoken calumny of the government. The Sovereign of Wu, angered, threw Tao Jia into prison and put him to interrogation. AT that time all who were involved in the case, afraid of Lü Yi, said they had heard him speaking so. The Shizhong Shi Yi of Bohai, alone said that he had not so heard, and he was questioned pressingly for days. The Emperor was very harshly disposed toward him, and the officials were all holding their breath for him.

Shi Yi said, “Now that the sword and saw are on my neck, why should I shield Jia only to have my family annihilated and myself become a ghost branded as disloyal? But what I heard and know happens to be different.

He then answered questions truthfully and did not waver in his words. In the end, the Sovereign of Wu freed him, and Tao Jia was also freed.

28. The shangda jiangjun Lu Xun and the taichang Pan Jun were concerned that Lü Yi was disturbing the peace of the land; every time they spoke of the matter they wept.

29. Lü Yi charged the chengxiang Gu Yong with misdeeds; the Sovereign of Wu was angry and reprimanded Gu Yong. The Huangmen Shilang, Xie Hong, when speaking of some other matters, asked Lü Yi, “How is the case of His Excellency Gu?”

Lü Yi said, “It cannot be good.” Xie Hong further asked, “When his Excellency is dismissed, who is to succeed him?” Before Lü Yi replied, Xie Hong said, “Not the taichang Pan Jun I suppose?” Lü Yi said, “Your guess is quite near.”

Xie Hong said, “The taichang Pan Jun is always gnashing his teeth at you. It is only the distance of the road that hinders him. Should he succeed to His Excellency Gu today, I fear he will strike at you on the morrow.” Lü Yi was fearful and had the case of Gu Yong dismissed.

Pan Jun asked for an audience at court, and proceeded from Wuchang to Jianye, wishing to use his oratory in earnest remonstrance. When he arrived he learned that the Crown Prince Sun Deng had already spoken repeatedly and had gone unheeded. Pan Jun then invited all the officials together, intending to stab Lü Yi on this occasion and take the responsibility on himself, to rid the State of the evil. Lü Yi, however, had been secretly informed of this, and under pretense of illness did not come.

30. The dudu of Xiling, Bu Zhi, sent up a memorial saying: “The chengxiang Gu Yong, the shangda jiangjun Lu Xun, and the taichang Pan Jun, profoundly anxious for the State and entrusted with heavy duties, aim at using their sincerity to the utmost. Assiduous day and night, they are not at their ease when they sleep or eat; their desire is to build a permanent plan to put the State at ease and benefit the people. They can be called Ministers who serve as heart and backbone, arms and legs of the Sovereign, Ministers directing the destiny of the dynasty. They ought to be given charge of their own duties; no other officials should supervise their functions, demand results, or exact their account. These three Ministers may fall short in thought, but would they dare to monopolize and abuse power, to deceive the one whom they hold as their Heaven?”

31. The troops under the Zuo Jiangjun Zhu Ju were entitled to receive thirty thousand min (strings of cash). An artisan by the name of Wang Sui received the mony under false pretense. Lü Yi suspected that Zhu Ju had embezzled the sum, and he tortured the subordinate official in charge of the account, who died under the cane. Zhu Ju in pity of his innocence had the body buried in a good coffin. Lü Yi then memorialized that Zhu Ju's subordinate had been shielding Zhu Ju, who on this account had given him a good burial. The Sovereign of Wu questioned Zhu Ju repeatedly. With no means to prove his innocence, Zhu Ju laid himself on straw and waited to be punished. In a few days, the Dian Junli Liu Zhu discovered the truth and said that the sum had been taken by Wang Sui. The Sovereign of Wu was greatly moved at this and said, “Even Zhu Ju is falsely accused. How much more so then is it the case with under-officials and with the people?” He then probed into Lü Yi's crimes and rewared Liu Zhu with a million cash.

32. The chengxiang Gu Yong went to the office of the dingyu to give sentence. Lü Yi appeared as a prisoner. With his face composed and friendly, Gu Yong questioned him. About to leave the place, he further asked Lü Yi if there was anything he wished to say. Lü Yi knocked his head on the floor without saying a word. At that time the Shangshu Lang Huai Xu reviled Lü Yi in his face. Gu Yong reprimanded Huai Xu, saying, “The government has laws. Why must you act like this?

33. The officials in charge memorialized to put Lü Yi to death. Some maintained he ought to be burnt alive or quartered, to show his great crime. The Sovereign of Wu asked the Zhongshu Ling, Kan Ze of Kuaiji about it. Kan Ze said, “In this enlightened age, there should not be such punishments.” The Sovereign of Wu followed his advice {and put Lü Yi to death, albeit not with such “inhumane” methods}.

34. Lü Yi having been put to death, the Sovereign of Wu sent the zhongshu lang, Yuan Li to his various high generals to offer apologies, on which occasion he asked them about the improvement of State affairs. After Yuan Li returne,d an edict reproved Zhuge Jin, Bu Zhi, Zhu Ran, Lü Tai and others in these words:

“Upon his return, Yuan Li reported that he had met with Ziyu (the style name of Zhuge Jin), Zishan (Bu Zhi's style name), Yifeng (Zhu Ran's style name), and Dinggong (Lü Tai's style name) and sought their advice on what was urgent and what was not in State affairs; but each of them, on the grounds that he was not in charge of civil affairs, was unwilling to speak his mind and shifted everything to Boyan (Lu Xun's style name) and Chengming (Pan Jun's style name). Upon seeing Yuan Li, Boyan and Chengming shed tears and were sincerely grieved; their words were bitter, even to the extent of showing that they were fearful and felt their positions insecure. Hearing this I am grieved and profoundly puzzled.

Allow me to explain. Only sages are devoid of faults, but men of insight can see into themselves. How can men's acts all conform to the right measure? There must be things on which I have unknowingly displeased the opinion of others, hence you gentlemen are suspicious. If that is not so, how could things have come to this pass?

For the past fifty years of my military life, all those hundreds of levies and corvee came from the people. Yet the Empire is not unified and the evil elements are still there. That soldiers and people toil assiduously I am certainly well aware of, but it cannot be helped that the people must toil.

Since I began work with you gentlemen, from my youth to manhood, my hair has had two colors (turned gray). I would have said that we understood our minds perfectly, that public and private intersts were so well differentiated that we could feel secure towards each other.

To give honest advice and direct admonition is what you gentlemen are expected to do; I also desire to have my negligence and defects pieced out and supplemented. Of old, Duke Wu of Wei, although he had passed the age of maturity, still sought those who would support and help him; I have always admired him. Furthermore, you and I were friends at a time when we wore coarse clothes and leather girdles; though there have been many vicissitudes, I remain the same.

In my present relation with you gentlemen, there indeed is the distinction between Sovereign and subjects; yet no blood relation could exceed the tie between us. We share our prosperity and misfortune. True loyalty does not conceal honest sentiment, wisdom does not leave any plan unconsidered. IN all things, good or bad, we are united. How can you gentlemen remain unaffected? In crossing a river in the same boat, for whose company would you exchange me? Duke Huan of Qi [a mere hegemon among the feudal princes], Guan Zhong never desisted from admiring when he did right, nor from admonishing when he did wrong. When his admonitions were not accepted, he persisted in giving more admonitions. I am well aware that I lack the virtue of Duke Huan, but also you gentlemen have never uttered a single word of admonition, and still are suspicious. Speaking from this point of view, I must be superior to Duke Huan of Qi! But how are you gentlemen compared with Guan Zhong?

Having missed mutual company for so long, we ought to have a laugh when we discuss affairs. For accomplishing the great work and bringing unity to the Empire, whom else can I have? In all matters that need improvement, I rejoice to hear different opinions and to have my deficiencies rectified.”

35. Winter, eleventh month. On the day renwu (November 18), the Sigong Wei Zhen was appointed Situ and the Sili Xiaoyu Cui Lin {was appointed} sigong.

36. Twelfth month (December 24, 238-January 21, 239). In Han, Jiang Wen went to Hanzhong, where he took his quarters.

37. On the day yichou (December 31, 238), the Emperor fell ill.

38. On the day xinsi, the furen Guo was enthroned as Empress.

39. (a) While he was Duke of Wei, Taizu (Cao Cao) had appointed the magistrate of Can, Liu Fang, and the Can Junshi, Sun Zi, to be Bishu Lang. After Wend's accession to the throne, the bishu office was restyled zhongshu. Liu Fang was appointed zhongshujian and Sun Zi zhongshu ling. Eventually they took charge of important and secret matters of the State. When the present Emperor succeeded to the throne, they were especially favored and trusted; both were given the additional titles of shizhong and guanglu da fu, and were enfeoffed as Lords of their own native districts.

(b)At that time the Emperor in person was directing all the State business. Military campaigns were frequent. Matters of confidential nature were all taken in charge by these two men. Whenever there were important matters and Ministers of the court held discussions, the Emperor always had them decide, and adopted the measures they recommended.

40. The zhongshu jun Jiang Ji sent up a memorial saying: “I have heard that when a Minister of the State is too much prized, the State is in danger; when attendants are held in too great intimacy, the Sovereign's own person is obscured. This is a profound warning from antiquity. In former times when the Ministers held power, both inside and outisde were in tumult. Since Your Majesty began to direct the myriad affairs of the State, there has been none who is not reverent and orderly.

“It is not that Ministers of the State are not loyal, but the fact is that when power lies with those who are low, the minds of the masses become lax in their regard towards their superiors. This is only natural. Since Your Majesty has observed this truth with regard to Ministers of the State, I hope you will not forget it with regard to your attendants. In loyalty, rectitude, and far-sighted thinking, the attendants may not necessarily be better than Ministers of the State; as for their practicing flattery to attain their objects, they may be more skillful.

At present, the outsiders all say of the zhongshu that they may be ever so prudent and cautious, not daring to associate with those without; but the mere fact of their having this name is enough to puzzle the common world. How much more so when they wield power and are under your eyes every day; at times you are tied, they may intrude and interfere.

Observing that they are able to exercise some power, the officials will naturally turn towards them. Should this precedent once be started, they will plot from within; hence the masses say that they beseech their friends' support. This being the case, there will arise flattery and calumny; rewards and punishments will unjustly alter. Those who advance along the straight path will sometimes suffer injustice, while those who attach themselves to the attendants will win success. They will go into the smallest crack and come out when they find suitable opportunities. Since you are intimate with them and trust them, you will not be aware of the abuse at all. This is something your sage wisdom ought to have been informed of at once. If you pay attention, their real shape will appear of itself.

“Possibly your Court Ministers are afraid that if they speak to you and fail to obtain your attention, they will only incur the displeasure of your attendants; hence they have not informed you of the matter.

I have observed of Your Majesty that you think profoundly and finely, listen fairly and see justly. If matters are not in accord with right principle, or things are not satisfactorily executed, you should change tune and alter the melody; you should emulate Huangdi and Tang (Yao) for antiquity of their achievements, and make illustrious the traces of Wudi and Wendi of recent times. How can you be fettered by workaday habits?

Yet a Sovereign cannot take sole charge of the affairs of the Empire, he must of necessity entrust them to others. If he entrusts them to a single minister, unless the latter is as loyal as Dan, the Duke of Zhou, and as just as Guan Yiwu (Guan Zhong), there will be the evil of abusing his power and duty.

At present, officials who can serve as pillar stones are indeed few. But those whose conduct is praised in their province and whose wisdom is sufficient for the offices they are invested with; those who are loyal and trustworthy, ready to give up their lives, and those who conscientiously execute their duties-- all should be employed in your service, so that the Court of Sage Enlightenment may divest itself of the name of monopolizing officials.”

The Emperor did not listen to him.

41. His illness becoming grave, the Emperor was deeply concerned about his successor. He therefore appointed the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, a son of Wudi, as da jiangjun, and had him, together with the lingjun jiangjun Xiahou Xian, the wuwei jiangjun Cao Shuang, the dunji xiao yu Cao Zhao and the xiaoji jiangjun Qin Lang, serve as guardians. Cao Shuang was a son of Cao Zhen and Cao Zhao was a son of Cao Xiu. In his youth, the Emperor had been friendly with the Prince of Yan, Cao Yu, and because of this entrusted him with his successor.

42. Liu Fang and Sun Zi had long been in charge of confidential posts. Xiahou Xian and Cao Zhao were disquiet at heart. In front of the palace there was a tree on which chickens roosted. The two men said to each other, “What a long time this has been here. How much longer can it last?” By this they meant Liu Fang and Sun Zi. Liu Fang and Sun Zi, afraid lest eventually they might suffer harm from them, secretly plotted to estrange them from the Emperor.

43. The Prince of Yan, reverent and good by nature, sincerely declined the appointment. The Emperor received Liu Fang and Sun Zi in his bredroom and said, “This is how it is with the Prince of Yan. They replied, “It is merely that the Prince of Yan knows that he is not competent for the great task.”

44. The Emperor asked, “Who then is competent for the task?” At that time, only Cao Shuang happened to be at the Emperor's side. Hence Liu Fang and Sun Zi recommended Cao Shuang. They further said Sima Yi ought to be summoned and appointed to be his partner.

45. The Emperor said, “Is Cao Shuang competent for the task?” Cao Shuang perspired and was unable to speak. Liu Fang stepped on his foot and whispered in his ear, “Say, 'I will serve the dynasty to my death.'”

46. Following the advice of Liu Fang and Sun Zi, the Emperor desired to appoint Cao Shuang and Sima Yi. Meantime there was a change and the Emperor had his former order canceled. Liu Fang and sun Zi went in to persuade the Emperor. The Emperor again followed them. Liu Fang said, “There must be a rescript in your own hand.” The Emperor said, “I am too weak. I cannot.”

Liu Fang then went up to the Imperial couch, and holding the Emperor's hand, made him write it down. Then he brought out the rescript and said loudly, “By this rescript the Prince of Yan and the others are relieved of their appointment; they are not permitted to remain in the office.” In tears, they all went out.

47. On the day jiashen (January 19, 239), Cao Shuang was appointed da jiangjun. Fearing that Cao Shuang was not sufficiently able the Emperor appointed the shangshu Sun Li as zhangshi (secretary) to the da jiangjun to assist him.

48. At this time, Sima Yi happened to be in Ji; The Emperor dispatched his courier, the bixie, with a rescript written in his own hand, to summon him. Before this, the Prince of Yan had counselled the Emperor that due to important matters in Guanzhong, it would be well to have Sima Yi take the short route by way of Zhiguan and return west to Chang'an. This counsel had been already adopted and executed. Having received in close succession two rescripts entirely different in contents, Sima Yi surmised some change in the capital and hastened to the court.

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Third Year of Jingchu (239 AD)
Shu: Second Year of Yanxi
Wu: Second Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (January 22-February 20). Sima Yi came and was received in audience. The Emperor grasped his hand and said, “I entrust you with the care of affairs after my death. You and Cao Shuang will act as guardians over my young son; now I can bear to die. I have been delaying the approach of death waiting for you. Now that I am able to see you, there is nothing more for me to regret.”

He then summoned the two Princes of Qi and Qin, whom he showed to Sima Yi. Pointing his finger at the Prince of Qi, Cao Fang, he said to Sima Yi, “This is he. Look at him carefully and do not make any mistake.” He also made the Prince of Qi step forward and embrace Sima Yi's neck. Sima Yi knocked his forehead on the floor and wept.

2. On this day, the Prince of Qi was appointed Crown Prince, and the Emperor died soon afterward.

3. The Emperor was grave and firm of purpose, perspicacious and nimble-minded. He acted in accordance with the dictates of his mind. He measured and selected the meritorious and competent, nor did he allow the true and false to be confused. He put aside and did away with superficial show. When he employed his armies in campaigns, or discussed and decided important matters of State, his counselors, ministers and generals without exception wondered at his great mind. By nature he possessed a particularly tenacious memory. The service records, personal character, and the fame and accomplishments of his meanest attendants, as well as the names of their fathers and elder brothers, their sons and younger brothers—once he chanced to hear or read these, he did not forget them to the end. He was patient with disagreeable and vexing things, and would admit straightforward admonitions. He listened patiently to his officials and to the common people. He allowed his gentry and commoners to send in letters, even to the amount of tens and hundreds in a month. Even when their style and diction was unpolished and vulgar, he would still read them to the end, without being bored with them.”

4. Sun Sheng would remark, “I have heard from the elders that Mingdi of Wei possessed an unsurpassingly fine physical appearance. His hair reached to the ground when he stood up. He stammered, and spoke seldom, but he was grave and firm of purpose, and good at making decisions. In his early days, Their Excellencies the various officials served as his guardians and tutors in accordance with the edict of the Late Emperor; but the Emperor gave them provincial employments, he himself ruling the State. [But] he showed especial respect to Ministers of State; he was open to and tolerant of good, straightforward admonitions. Even when they displeased him by excessive admonition, he did not crush or kill them. His tolerance was that majestic, worthy of a Sovereign over men. But he did not think of planting his virtue and disseminating good influence, nor did he consolidate the 'fortified wall,' with the result that the great power of the state was only partially invested and the foundation of the Imperial House lacked protection. What a pity!”

5. The Crown Prince ascended the throne, aged eight. He granted a general amnesty and reverenced the Empress as Empress-Dowager. He added the title shizhong to Cao Shuang and Sima Yi, conferred on them the Plenipotentiary Tally and the Yellow Axe, and made them Directors of all Military Affairs and lu shangshu shi. The work of constructing palaces was all to be stopped, by posthumous edict of the late Emperor. The male and female slaves belonging to the government who were aged sixty and more were to be freed to become commoners. Cao Shuang and Sima Yi commanded three thousand soldiers each, and in rotation stayed in the palace as guard.

6. Because Sima Yi was high both in age and in rank, Cao Shuang used to serve him as if he were his own father; he consulted him on every matter and did not dare to act on his own authority.

7. At first, Bi Gui of Dongping, the zishi (Governor) of Pingzhou, as well as Deng Yang, Li Sheng, Hu Yan, and Ding Mi, were well known as men of talent, but precipitous in seeking for riches and honor. They kept up with the powers-that-be of that time and leaned on influential personages. Mingdi had disliked their superficial show; he had suppressed them all and had not employed them. Cao Shuang used to be intimate with them, and when he came to assist in the government as a guardian, he gave them sudden promotions and made them his confidants. Hu Yan was Hu Qin's grandson. Ding Mi was Ding Fei's son.

8. Hu Yan and others all stood for Cao Shuang's interests and maintained that heavy power should not be entrusted to anyone else. Ding Mi schemed in the interest of Cao Shuang; he had Cao Shuang speak to the Emperor in favor of an edict transferring Sima Yi to be taifu (Grand Preceptor). Externally he would thus honor him by conferring on him a higher title; internally, however, he intended to make all the memorials sent in from the shangshu, pass through his hands first so that he might exercise his influence over them. Cao Shuang followed this suggestion.

9. On the day dingchou, Sima Yi was appointed taifu.

10. Of Cao Shaung's younger brothers, Cao Xi was appointed zhong lingjun, Cao Xun wuwei jiangjun and Cao Yan san qi changshi shiqiang. His other younger brothers all became imperial attendants in the capacity of feudal lords. They went in and out of the palace; their honors and favors were unequalled.

11. Cao Shuang indeed served the taifu with due respect, but he seldom consulted him on the measures he introduced.

12. Cao Shuang demoted Lu Yu, the libu shangshu, to be Puyi, replacing him by Hu Yan. He appointed Deng Yang and Ding Mi to be shangshu, and Bi Gui to be sili xiaoyu.

13. Hu Yan and others abused their power in their official functions; those who adhered to them were promoted. Those who disagreed with them were dismissed. Inside and outside, all came under their sway and there was none who dared to go counter to their wishes.

14. Fu Jia, the huangmen shilang, said to Cao Shuang's younger brother Cao Xi, “Hu Pingshu is calm externally but fierce internally. He is sharp and avaricious, not attending to what is fundamental. I am afraid he will first of all delude you and your brothers; good men will keep away and State affairs will be neglected.” Hu Yan and the others, as a result, were antagonistic toward Fu Jia, and on a trifling matter had him dismissed from office.

15. They also ousted Lu Yu from the inner circle of the court to become tingyu. Bi Gui further made a false charge against him in his memorial and had him dismissed. The general opinion of the time defended him, so they reinstated him in office as guanglu xun.

16. Sun Li was straight and uncompromising in character. Cao Shuang was not at ease in mind, and sent him away from Court as Zishi of Yangzhou.

17. Third month (March 22-April 20). Man Chong, the chengdong jiangjun, was appointed Taiyu.

18. Summer, fourth month (April 21-May 19). Yang Tao, the dujun shizhe, attacked the garrison commanders of Liaodong, captured the people, and left.

19. After Jiang Wan of Han had become the da sima, Yang Xi of Jianwei was appointed dong cao yuan. He was by nature simple and unpolished. When Jiang Wan conversed with him, sometimes he would not answer. Some one said to Jiang Wan, “Your Excellency spoke to Yang Xi but he did not answer. He is extremely insolent.”

Jiang Wan said, “Men's minds are as different as their faces. To accord with a man to his face and criticize behind is back, is something the ancients warned against. If Yang Xi had wished to agree with me, it would have been against his conviction. If he had wished to disagree with me, it would have showed up his fault. Hence he kept silent. This is commendable of Yang Xi.”

Then again, Yang Min, the dunong, once slandered Jiang Wan, saying, “In managing things, he is muddle-headed. He certainly is not the equal of his predecessor.” Some one reported this to Jiang Wan, and an official responsible for such matters requested him to refute and punish Yang Min. Jiang Wan said, “ I really am not an equal of my predecessor. I cannot refute him.”

The official, attaching importance to his basis for declining to make a refutation, asked him in what way he was muddle-headed. Jiang Wan said, “If I am not the equal of my predecessor, things will not be well-regulated. If things are not well regulated, then I am certainly muddle-headed. What more is there to be said?”

Later, Yang Min was incriminated and committed to prison. Everyone feared he was sure to be put to death. But Jiang Wan's mind was superior to personal issues. Yang Min was able to escape the heaviest punishment.

20. Autumn, seventh month (July 18-August 16). The Emperor for the first time appeared in Court and listened the reports of the ministers. Eighth month (August 17-September 14). A general amnesty was granted.

21. Winter, tenth month (October 15-November 12). In Wu, the taichang Pan Jun died. The Sovereign of Wu appointed Lü Tai, the chennan jiangjun, to succeed him together with Lu Xun to take charge of the political affairs of Jingzhou. At this time, Lü Tai was already eighty years old. He had always been strong in body and participated in person in the administration of state affairs. He united his heart with Lu Xun's and worked in cooperation. When anything commendable was done, they would attribute the credit to each other, for which the people of the southern region praised them.

22. Twelfth month (December 13, 239-January 11, 240). Liao Shi, a Wu general, killed Yan Gang, taishou of Linhe, and others, and proclaiming himself pingnan jiangjun, he attacked Lingling and Guiyang and shook the various jun in Jiaozhou. There were several tens of thousands under him.

Lü Tai sent in a petition to the throne and proceeded immediately, going on day and night. The Sovereign of Wu sent a messenger after him to appoint him mu (Governor) of Jiaozhou. He also dispatched Tang Zi and other generals to him one after another with reinforcements. He carried on the punitive campaign a year and destroyed them, putting to death Liao Shi and his followers. The region was entirely pacified. Lü Tai then returned to Wuchang.

22. Zhou Yin, the Lord of Duxiang in Wu, who was in command of a thousand soldiers and stationed at Gong'an, was banished to Luling because of a misdeed. Zhuge Jin and Bu Zhi interceded for him. The Sovereign of Wu said, “As my confidant and one who formerly earned merit, and as one who cooperated with me, Gongjin (Zhou Yu) fully deserves credit. Formerly, Zhou Yin, who had in those days earned no merit, was given command of select troops, enfeoffed as Lord and made a general. This was all because my memory of Gongjin was applied to him. But Zhou Yin, relying on this, indulged in wantonness and disorder. Many a time I admonished him, but he never reformed. I am disposed toward Gongjin just as you are two gentlemen. How can my wish to see Zhou Yin become a success in life have abated? Because of the offenses he has committed, it would not be proper to have Zhou Yin recalled immediately from banishment. Besides, my intention is only to torment him to make him aware of his crimes himself. Now, you two gentlemen mention the oath of Han Gaozu at Taishan and the Huanghe. I feel ashamed. But though my virtue does not equal his, still I intend to emulate him more or less in my deed. Therefore, it is not for me to comply with your wishes. Zhou Yin, being a son of Gongjin, if you two gentlemen are able to reform him, what need to worry?

23. The Pian Jiangjun Zhou Jun, son of Zhou Yu's elder brother, died. Quan Zong requested that Zhou Hu, Zhou Jun's son, be appointed to command his father's troops. The Sovereign of Wu said, “The repulse of Cao Cao and the opening of Jingzhou were both the achievements of Gongjin. I have never forgotten them. On hearing of Zhou Jun's death, I first thought of using Zhou Hu. But I have heard that Zhou Hu is of a dangerous nature. If I use him it will only bring calamity upon him. Therefore I have changed my intention and desisted. How could my memory of Gongjin have abated?”

24. Twelfth month (December 13, 239-January 12, 240). By imperial edict, the month of yin was resotred as the first month of the year.

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240 AD was obviously a very eventful year in the history of China.

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First Year of Zhengshi (240 AD)
Shu: Third Year of Yanxi
Wu: Third Year of Chiwu

1. Spring. Drought in Wei.

2. The Man barbarians of Yuehui several times had risen in rebellion against the Shu-Han and had killed the taishou. Thereafter, no taishou ever dared proceed to the district to take his office. The seat of the taishou's residence was moved to Anding[-xian], more than eight hundred li from the district. The Sovereign of Han appointed Zhang Yi of Baxi as taishou of Yuehui. Zhang Yi appeased and soothed those of the barbarians who had recently offered allegiance, and punished those who were disobedient and unruly. The Man barbarians feared him and submitted. The district was thus completely pacified and the former seat of residence was recovered.

3. Winter. In Wu, famine.

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Second Year of Chengshi (241 AD)
Shu: Fourth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Fourth Year of Chiwu

1. The Wu were about to lead a campaign against the Wei. Yin Cha, taishou of Lingling, said to the Sovereign of Wu: “Now Heaven has forsaken the Cao clan; its punishment in the form of death [of the Wei Sovereigns] has manifested itself repeatedly. This is a time for tigers to contend against each other, yet a mere boy is administering the State of Wei. Your Majesty should don armor, 'take from the disorderly and deal summarily with those going to ruin,' and become absolute master of the regions of Jingzhou and Yangzhou. Let appropriate use be made of the strong and the weak: the strong shall carry lances, the weak shall transport supplies. In the west, let the troops of Yizhou (Shu) be ordered to march to Longyou. Let Zhuge Jin and Zhu Ran command the hosts and march directly to Xiangyang while Lu Xun and Zhu Huan lead a separate expedition to Shouchun. The Great Carriage (the Sovereign of Wu) should enteri Huaiyang and then go through Qingzhou and Xuzhou. Then Xiangyang and Shouchun will be harassed meeting the enemy {Wei will be harassed contending with Wu's armies}, and the region west of Chang'an will be occupied with warding off the Shu troops, so that the multitudes of Wei at Xuchang, Luoyang, etc. will be isolated

If we [Wu and Shu] advance simultaneously, attacking from both directions, the people [of Wei] will join us from within. Their generals will differ among themselves and thus they may commit mistakes; should one army of theirs be defeated, all their armies will lose heart. We will have then but to feed our horses, grease the axles of our chariots, and go on to trample on their walled cities, and take advantage of our victory to pursue the enemy. Thus shall we conquer China proper.

If we start the campaign without mobilizing our entire armies, and make light-hearted moves as we did formerly, it will be inadequate for the great undertaking, and occasion only frequent retreat. The people will be fatigued and our martial renown will vanish, opportunity will be gone and our strength will be exhausted. This is not the best plan.”

The Sovereign of Wu was unable to adopt this advice.

2. Summer, fourth month (April 28-May 27). Quan Zong of Wu conquered Huainan and broke open the dike Sha-po. Zhuge Ke attacked Liu'an. Zhu Ran besieged Fan and Zhuge Jin attacked Zuzhong.

3. Wang Ling, the zhengdong jiangjun, and Sun Li, Governor of Yangzhou, fought against Quan Zhong at Sha-po. Quan Zong was defeated and fled.

4. Hu Zhi, Governor of Jingzhou, proceeded with light-armed troops to the aid of Fan. Some one said that an enemy so powerful, they should not approach too closely. Hu Zhi said, “The city wall of Fan is low and the troops there are scanty, so we must advance our troops and reinforce them from outside, else the situation will become dangerous.”

He thereupon took command of his troops and proceeded to the besieged city. The city was thus relieved of danger.

5. Fifth Month (May 28-June 25). Sun Deng, the Wu Crown Prince, died.
6. The Wu troops were still in Jingzhou. The taifu Sima Yi said, “In Zizhong the Chinese people and the barbarians number a hundred thousand; south of the water they wander and roam without a master over them. Fancheng has been under attack more than a month without relief. This is a precarious situation. I ask to lead a campaign myself.”

7. Sixth month (June 26-July 25). The taifu Sima Yi directed the various troops and saved Fan. Hearing of this, the Wu troops fled by night. Sima Yi pursued them to Sanzhoukou. Having taken many captives, he returned.

8. Intercalary [sixth] month (July 26-August 23). The Wu da jiangjun, Zhuge Jin, died. Zhuge Jin's heir Zhuge Ke had been made a Lord. The Sovereign of Wu had Zhuge Jin's younger brother Zhuge Rong inherit his father's enfeoffment and succeed to his troops and functions, and stationed him in this capacity at Gong'an.

9. The Han da sima Jiang Wan observed that formerly, Zhuge Liang made sallies several times to Qinchuan, but due to difficulties transporting supplies, never achieved any success. He therefore built a large number of boats, with the intention of sailing down to the east on the Han and Mien {rivers?} for a surprise attack on Weixing and Shangyong. It happened that he was attacked by his old ailment and could not immediately execute his plan.

The Han all thought that if the affair should end in failure, the retreat would be very difficult, and that consequently the plan was not the best. Therefore, the Sovereign of Han sent the shangshu ling Fei Wei, the Zhong Jianjun Jiang Wei and others to convey his instructions.

Jiang Wan then proffered his view: “To set aside filth and quell troubles is my duty. It is already six years since, by your instruction, I stationed myself in Hanzhong. Unenlightened andd weak by nature, I am harassed by ailments, so that I have not accomplished my duties; morning and night, I am worried and sorrowful.

Now the Wei are astride the Nine Provinces. Their foundation is broad and wide; it will not be easy to destroy them. If East and West (i.e. Wu and Shu) work together and attack from both head and tail, though we may not speedily accomplish our aims, yet we may divide up their territory and gradually eat it up, crush to pieces their support. However, our expectations of the Wu being uncertain, we have not been able to act with determination. Glancing up and down, I observe only difficulties; indeed I forget my food and sleep in anxiety. When I consulted with Fei Wei and others, we decided that Liangzhou is a strategic point on the borders of the barbarians, a place we can depend on for both advance and retreat [and which the Wei rebels value]. Furthermore, that the Qiang barbarians long for us Han as if they were thirsty. Formerly, when a subsidiary army entered it, Guo Huai was put to rout. After comparing advantages and disadvantages, we deem it [the occupation of Liangzhou] a matter of primary importance.

We should appoint Jiang Wei zishi of Liangzhou. When Jiang Wei proceeds on his expedition and controls the region west of the He, I shall lead the army and serve as Jiang Wei's support.

Now Fou is a place connected with the four quarters by land and water; it is necessary to take it speedily. Should any misfortune occur in the northeast, it will not be difficult to cope with the situation from this place. I request to move headquarters to Fou.”

The Sovereign of Han gave his approval.
10. The Court wished to open up more lands for growing grain in the regions of Yangzhou and Yuzhou, and so had the shangshu lang Deng Ai of Runan make a tour of inspection through the region east of Chen[-xian] and Xiang[-xian] as far as Shouchun. Deng Ai held that excellent soil with scanty water would not fully bring out the benefit of the land, and that they ought to dig canals for irrigation and thereby store up large quantities of military provisions and furthermore that the system of transportation by water should be facilitated. He therefore wrote the Ji He Lun (Discussion of River Utility), in which he set forth his views.

He further maintained as follows: “Formerly, Taizu's (Cao Cao's) destruction of the Yellow Turbans was due to his instituting the tuntian (military agricultural colonies) by which he stored up grain in the capital Xu, in this manner controlling the four quarters. Now three quarters of the Empire are settled, and only the region south of the Huai is troubled.

Whenever a large force goes out on an expedition, more than half the army consists of transport troops. The expense amounts to millions of cash, and this is considered a serious item.

In the region of Chen and Cai, the terrain is low and the land good. We may spare the various rice fields around Xuchang and descend to the east following the course of the water. Have twenty thousand men settle in military agricultural colonies north of the Huai, and thirty thousand men south of the Huai. Of these, put two tenths on leave [in turn], so that there will always be forty thousand to attend to agriculture and to garrison duty. Let us dig more and more canals, thus increasing irrigation and facilitating water transportation. Deducting the various expenses, we will still get five million hu of grain to serve as military stores. Within six or seven years we shall be able to store up thirty million hu on the Huai—tantamount to five years' provisions for a host of a hundred thousand. If with this at our disposal we fall on the Wu, victory is guaranteed.”

The taifu Sima Yi commended and put into practice all of his proposal. In this year, transport canals were first dug extensively. Whenever there was any campaign in the southeast, a large force was levied and sent down by boats to the Jiang and the Huai. Provisions were more than ample, and there were no floods. This was all Deng Ai's work.

11. Guan Ning died. Guan Ning was a man noble and pure in fame and deed, one to whom the people looked up. He appeared to be distant and unapproachable, but when one approached him, he was found to be gay and affable. He was able to induce other people, on adequate occasion, to do good; there was none who did not change and submit. When he died, there was no one throughout the Empire, whether or not acquainted with him, who did not lament.

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Third Year of Zhengshi (242 AD)
Shu: Fifth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Fifth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (February 17-March 18). Jiang Wei of Han, leading the subsidiary army, returned from Hanzhong to Fou and quartered there.

2. The Sovereign of Wu named his son Sun He Crown Prince, granting a general amnesty.

3. Third month (April 17-May 16). Man Chong, the Illustrious Lord of Changyi, died.

4. Autumn, seventh month. On the day of yiyu (September 1), the lingjun jiangjun Jiang Ji was appointed taiyu.

5. The Sovereign of Wu dispatched the general Nie You and the xiaoyu Lu Kai in command of thirty thousand soldiers to attack Tan'er and Zhuyai.

6. Eighth month (September 12-October 11). The Sovereign of Wu enfeoffed his son Sun Ba as Prince of Lu. Sun Ba was Sun He's younger brother by the same mother. He enjoyed special favor and affection no less than Sun He.

7. The shangshu buyi, Shi Yi, was at the same time charged with tutoring the Prince of Lu. He sent in a memorial to the throne with the recommendation: “Your servant presumes to think that the Prince of Lu was born with unusual endowment. He is a person of excellent virtue and of qualities adequate alike in peace or in war. As far as the needs of the time are concerned, he ought to take his position in one of the four quarters of the realm, where he would be a vassal and a support to the throne. He should have a chance to unfold and make renowned Your Majesty's virtue and admirable qualities, to spread and make illustrious Your Majesty's prowess and awe. Such is the proper and normal procedure for the State, and what the people of the empire expect. But my words are boorish and unpolished, and inadequate to fully express my thoughts.

Furthermore, the two princes, (i.e. the Crown Prince and the Prince of Lu) ought to be demoted in order to rectify the distinction between high and low and make clear the foundation of good rule.”

He {Shi Yi} sent in his memorials three or four times. The Sovereign of Wu paid no heed.

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Fourth Year of Zhengshi (243 AD)
Shu: Sixth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Sixth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (February 7-March 7). The Emperor was capped. He distributed gifts to the multitude of officials differently in accordance with their ranks.

2. Zhuge Ke of Wu, launched a surprise attack on Liu'an. Having seized the people of the place, he departed.

3. Summer, fourth month. On the day yimao (May 29), Lady Chen was made Empress. A general amnesty was granted. The Empress was the granddaughter of Chen Yan, elder brother of the Brilliant Empress, Consort of Wendi.

4. Fifth month. On the first day [renxu] (June 5), the sun was completely eclipsed.

5. Winter, tenth month (October 30-November 28). Jiang Wan of Han returned from Hanzhong to Fou and stationed himself there. His illness became more and more acute. Wang Ping, the taishou of Hanzhong, was appointed qian jianjun and chenbo da jiangjun, in which capacity he was to direct the military affairs of Hanzhong.

6. Eleventh month (November 29-December 28). The Sovereign of Han appointed the shangshu ling Fei Wei to be da jiangjun and lu shangshu shi.

7. Gu Yong, the chengxiang of Wu, died.

8. Zhuge Ke of Wu had sent his spies afar to reconnoiter strategic points, intending to take Shouchun. The taifu (Sima Yi) led his troops into Shu, from which he intended to attack Zhuge Ke. The Sovereign of Wu was about to dispatch reinforcements when a geomantist held it to be unprofitable, so he transferred Zhuge Ke to Chaisang and stationed him there.

9. Bu Zhi and Zhu Ran each sent in a memorial to the sovereign of Wu, saying, “Those who have returned from Shu all say that [the Han of] Shu were intending to break the covenant and were in contact with Wei; that they were constructing large numbers of boats and ships and repairing walls. Furthermore, Jiang Wan, who had been defending Hanzhong, on hearing of Sima Yi's southward march, did not start a campaign to take advantage of the enemy's unguardedness and cooperate with us in attacking him from both sides. Instead he left Hanzhong and returned to a place near Chengdu. The thing is now all too apparent; there can be no room for any doubt. We ought to prepare against them (i.e. the Han).

The Sovereign of Wu answered, “We have treated the Han of Shu decently. We have exchanged envoys, made a covenant and taken oaths. We have not betrayed them. How can this be possible? Furthermore, formerly Sima Yi came forward and entered Shu but retreated in ten days. How can Shu, ten thousand li distant, know of our danger, to start a campaign? Formerly, when the Wei troops were intending to enter Hanchuan, we indeed did take guard, but did not start any move. Hearing of the retreat of the Wei troops, we desisted. Could Shu remember this and harbor suspicion towards us? Then again, what is there to prevent other people from constructing boats and ships and repairing walls as part of their state business? Are we preparing against Shu when we train our troops? Rumors are certainly not to be believed. I guarantee [Shu{Han's loyalty to the alliance}] at the expense of ruining my house.”

10. Wang Chang, the zhengdong jiangjun and Director of the Military Affairs of Yangzhou and Yuzhou, sent in his advice: “States have their fixed number of troops, but battles do not always result in victory. The terrain has its fixed number of natural strongholds, but defense is not confined to fixed measures. Now, my headquarters is in Wan, more than three hundred Li from Xiangyang. The troops are scattered here and there and boats are moored at Xuanchi. In case or urgency, they cannot come to help each other. Thus his headquarters was transferred to Xinye.

11. Cao Xiong, a member of the Imperial clan, sent in his advice to the throne: “I have heard that the Kings of antiquity set up those of their own clans to show clearly their affection for their relatives and raised those of other clans clearly to honor the worthy. Therefore the Zuozhuan says, 'Employ the meritorious, show affection to relatives, cultivate the acquaintance of those near at hand, honor the worthy.' The Shu says: 'He was able to make the able and virtuous distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine classes of his kindred.' And the Shi says: 'The cherishing of virtue secures repose; The circle of the King's relatives is a fortified wall.'

Thus looked at, without the worthy there is no way to achieve things, and without relatives there is no way to secure assistants for rule. Now, as for the way of showing affection to one's relatives, if favoritism is used, the evil will be weakness. As for the way of honoring the worthy, if discrimination is resorted to, the defect will be usurpation. The sages of old knew this, hence they sought extensively among their relatives and non-relatives, employing both classes. Near at hand, there was consolidation through covenants made by the members of the clan, and the bulwark of their service as vassals; farther away there was the assistance and support given by the able and the worthy. In flourishing times, they shared good rule; in times of decay, they helped to keep the land safe. In peace they partook of prosperity, in precarious times they shared the calamity. This being so, they therefore could preserve their States and preserve their Altars. The line of succession continued long and the scions of the clan spread out for a hundred generations.

Now our Wei is indeed perspicacious about 'honoring the worthy,' but the way of 'showing affection to one's relatives' is not yet made complete. Does not the Shi say, 'There is a wagtail on the level height; Brothers are in urgent difficulties?' Thus seen, brothers helped each other in times of death and disorder, and united their hearts against worries and calamities. Though they might be vexed enough to wage internal war, they did not forget to oppose insults from without. And why was this so? Because they shared worries and disasters. But now things are different. Sometimes employment is given them, but never an important one; sometimes they are deposed and unemployed. Should alarm be sounded one day within the territory, or disobedience and revolt occur at the border, the 'legs and arms' will not lend help, the 'chest and heart' will be unprotected.

I think on this and do not find ease even in sleep. I have thought of offering my sincerest view and submitting to the throne my suggestions. Respectfully I have put together what I have heard (from history), discussing merits and demerits. My discussion reads:

Long ago Xia, Shang and Zhou lasted through tens of generations, but Qin perished in only two generations. The cause was that the rulers of the Three Dynasties shared the people with the whole Empire, which therefore shared their worries also. The Kings of Qin monopolized the people; therefore ruin was imminent and no rescue came to them. Now if one shares joy with the people, others will be sure to rescue him from danger. The Former Kings were aware that autocracy could not long endure, hence they shared their rule with others. They were aware that sole government could not be solid, hence they shared their government with others. They employed both their relatives and non-relatives and made rulers of both those who were similar to them and those who were dissimilar. Thus the powerful and the less powerful stabilized each other, relatives and non-relatives protected each other. The means for encroachment and seizure were obstructed; disobedience and unruliness did not arise. At the time of the fall of Zhou, Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin became guardians of the rites. When the tribute of covered cases of the three-ribbed rush was not rendered to the King of Zhou, the Qi army led a punitive attack on Chu. When Song did not wall Chengzhou, Jin put its Minister of State to death.

The royal sway, which had become weakened, was restored. The feudal lords, who had been overbearing, became respectful. But after the two hegemons died, aggression prevailed. Wu and Chu, relying on the Jiang and Fangcheng respectively, coveted the nine tripods of the House of Zhou, but being in fear of the royal Ji clan, no sooner had they harbored the thought than their unruliness dissipated and their plot for usurpation vanished as soon as they mouthed it. Was this not due to the fact that the Zhou trusted and held important their relatives, and appointed and employed the worthy and competent, so that the branched flourished luxuriantly for the root and stem to rely on? After this, there was a succession of attacks and campaigns. Wu was annexed by Yue, Jin was divided into three, Lu was destroyed by Chu and Zheng was annexed to Han. Coming to the Warring states period, the Ji became weak, only Yan and Wei surviving; even these two were weak and small, pressed by the powerful Qin on the west, terrified by Qi and Chu in the south; in fear of destruction they had no leisure for mutual aid. Even when King Nuan was deposed to be a commoner, the branches and the stem still held together, so that he was able to occupy the throne nominally, but for more than forty years the Empire did not have a Sovereign.

The Qin, relying on their favorable terrain, and making free use of deceit, made campaigns against the region east of the Pass (i.e. Dongguan), gradually devouring nine states. Coming to the reign of the First Emperor, Shihuang, the Heaven conferred rule was established. So long had the matter been left undecided, and such had been the energy expended, was it not because the root had been deeply and solidly laid down? The Yi says: 'We may perish! We may perish!' So shall the state of things become firm, as if bound to a clump of bushy mulberry trees.' The fortune of the Zhou describes just this.

The Qin, considering the weakness of the Zhou to be that it had little power and hence became a prey, did away with the ranks of five degrees and appointed officials for the jun and xian, put aside the teachings of rites and music, and employed harsh administration, so that the Sovereign's sons and younger brothers were given credit for fragmentary achievement and meritorious officials did not receive a particle of fief. Internally there was not a relative, who might have served as support. Externally there was not a feudal lord, who might have served as protection. No benevolent spirit was applied to the relatives of the blood or by marriage, no gratifying influence was exercised on the branches and leaves. It was like cutting off the legs and arms, relying solely on the chest and belly, like throwing away oars when floating on the Jiang or the Ocean. Onlookers shivered in their hearts, but the First Emperor was at ease, considering the land within the Pass, encompassing a thousand li fortified as if by iron walls, a legacy for his descendants to rule for ten thousand generations. Was this not a fallacy?

As Chunyu Yue admonished, 'I have heard that the Kings of Yin and Zhou enfeoffed their sons and younger brothers, as well as meritorious officials, with more than a thousand cities. Now Your Majesty rules over the Empire, but your sons and younger brothers remain mere commoners; should there be officials like Tian Chang and the six Ministers, where will you obtain rescue, since there is no protection? I have never heard of an instance when anything long endured without following the ancient usages.' The First Emperor listened to the one-sided views of Li Si and disapproved this view. The result was that when he was about to die, he had no one to whom he could entrust (the empire): he entrusted the Empire, a great thing, to the hands of a mediocre man and gave to the mouth of a treacherous minister the power to enthrone or depose, so that men like Zhao Gao put to death members of the Imperial clan.

Huhai had learned in his youth the teaching of harsh rule and when he grew up followed the work of his cruel father. He was not able to alter the institutions and change the laws, so that his brothers might have been given important employment. Instead he was tutored according to Shen Buhai and Lord Shang (Shang Yang), and consulted Zhao Gao. From his secluded palace he entrusted the government to calumnious ruffians. When his own person was thus brought to ruin and his hopes shattered, how could he even become a commoner when he wanted to do so? In the end, the provinces were estranged and the multitudes rose in revolt. Chen Sheng {or Chen She} and Wu Guang started the rebellion, Liu Bang and Xiang Yu continued it.

Had the First Emperor in his day accepted Chunyu Yue's advice and suppressed Li Si's opinions, and divided his territory to enfeoff his sons and younger brothers as princes, enfeoffed the descendants of the Three Dynasties, and rewarded the toil of meritorious officials, so that the gentry could have their permanent rulers and the people fixed lords—branches and leaves supporting each other and the head and the tail serving each other—then even when his descendents committed evil deeds and the men of the time were not as worthy as Tang or King Wu, the rebellious plot still could not have been formed and the rebels could have been put to death long ago. Such insignificant men as Chen Sheng and Xiang Yu could not have done anything.

Therefore the founder of the Han dynasty swung his three-foot sword, gathered the rabble together, and laid the foundation of a dynasty within five years. Since the beginning of the world, there never had been an instance where achieving the Imperial task was as easy as it was with the founder of the Han dynasty. The fact is, one who would hew down a deep root will hardly succeed in his attempt, but one who would crush a decayed one will easily achieve his end. This is only natural.

Taking a lesson from the defects of the Qin, the Han enfeoffed their sons and younger brothers. When the Lü usurped power and endangered the Liu, the reason the Empire was not shaken thereby and the people did not swerve in their loyalty was simply that the feudal lords were powerful, solid as rocks, The Lords of Dongmou and Zhuxu receiving commands from within and the Princes of Qi, Dai, Wu and Chu serving as protection from without. Had Gaozu followed in the footsteps of the defunct Qin and neglected the regulations of the former Kings, the Empire could not have remained in the hands of the Liu. However, in conferring fiefs, Gaozu overstepped the ancient regulations. The larger fiefs each combined several provinces and prefectures, and the smaller ones tens of cities. There was no distinction between high and low, and their power equaled that of the Emperor.

Therefore there was the trouble with the Seven Feudal States of Wu, Chu, etc. Jia Yi maintained: 'The feudal lords, once powerful, will cause trouble and initiate wickedness. Now, for bringing about peace and good rule in the Empire, nothing is so good as appointing feudal lords in large number but with little power, so that the Emperor can wield the Empire as a body wields the arms and the arms wield the fingers. Then there will be no rebellious thought on the side of the lords and no necessity of punishing them on the side of the Emperor.

Wendi did not accept this advice. Eventually the Emperor Xiaojing without forethought used the scheme of Zhao Cuo and deprived the feudal lords of their power. The result was the trouble with the Seven States. The origin of this was laid down by Gaozu, and Wendi and Jingdi encouraged it. It was because the initial leniency went beyond the regulations, and the consequences were hurried precipitously. This fits the saying, 'Great branches are sure to break the roots; a great tail cannot be moved about.' The tail is a part of the body, yet it sometimes becomes disobedient. How then can a tail that does not even belong to the body be moved about? Wudi, following the plan of Zhufu Yan, decreed that the fiefs be divided among the various sons of each lord. From then on, Qi was divided into seven smaller states, Zhao into six, Huainan was thrice divided, Liang and Tai five times. Finally disruption was reached—the descendents became weak and were clothed and fed on the State revenues alloted to them without participating in the government. Some states were spared from having their fiefs reduced through bribery; some were discontinued because there was no heir.

Coming to the times of Chengdi, Wang Mang monopolized the government. Liu Xiang admonished the Emperor: 'I have heard that the royal clan is the branches and leaves of the state. If branches and leaves fall, the root lacks protection. At present those of the same surname as the Emperor are treated as strangers, and those of the Empress' clan monopolize the government. Members of the Imperial clan are kept at a distance and the royal clan is alone and weak. This is not the way to preserve the foundation of the dynasty and consolidate the continuation of the throne.' His words were profound and to the point, quoting many allusions, but although he grieved and sighed, Chengdi was unable to follow them.

Coming to the time of Aidi and Pingdi, Wang Mang held power. He pretended to follow the precedent of the Duke of Zhou, but caused the trouble of Tian Chang. In ease and comfort, he usurped the throne, suddenly bringing to subjugation the territory within the four seas. The members of the Imperial clan and the feudal princes and lords of Han, even those who returned their fiefs and brought tribute to the throne, were in fear of not remaining in their position as subjects. Some made Heaven conferred commands (fu-ming) and eulogized Wang Mang's graciousness and virtue. Was this not sad? Looked at thus, it was not that the sons of the Imperial clan were loyal and filial only during the times of Huidi and Wendi and became rebellious during the reigns of Aidi and Pingdi. It was merely that their power was small and their influence weak. They were incapable of remaining constant. Due to the peerless ability of the Emperor Guangwu, Wang Mang was captured at his height and the interrupted dynasty was revived. Was this not due to the influence of a son of the Imperial clan? And yet he did not take warning from the evils of the Qin, and did not follow the ancient institutions of the Zhou. He followed in the traces of fallen dynasties, hoping for the endless continuation of his dynasty.

Reaching the reigns of Huandi and Lingdi, eunuchs ruled. In the court there was not a single official who would die for the royal cause, outside it there was not a single state that would share the worry. The Sovereign stood alone on the one hand and the ministers abused power on the other; root and branches could not control each other, body and head could not use each other. And so the empire was in tumult; treacherous persons contested against each other, the imperial ancestral temple was burnt to ashes, palaces were turned into thickets of hazelnut bushes. Living in the territory comprising the Nine Provinces, the Imperial personage had no place to put himself at ease. Alas!

The Emperor Wu, Taizu of Wei {Cao Cao}, had in his person sage and brilliant talents with which he combined divinely martial scope. He was ashamed that the royal sway was broken off, and pitied the House of Han its fall. He flew like a dragon in Qiao and Pei, soared like a phoenix in Yan and Yu, brushing off the cruel and rebellious and destroying the unprincipled. He brought the Emperor back from the west and fixed the capital at Ying. His virtue moved Heaven and Earth. His justice touched men and Gods. The Han, in accord with the will of Heaven, transmitted the throne to our Great Wei.

It has been already twenty-four years since our Great Wei arose. Observing the vicissitudes of the five dynasties (Xia, Yin, Zhou, Qin and Han), we do not employ their best methods. Gazing at the capsizing of the cart before us, we do not alter our track. The sons and younger brothers are enfeoffed as Princes of insignificant districts, so that the lords have people whom they could not make serve. Members of the Imperial clan conceal themselves amongst the people and do not hear of the government of the land. Their power equals that of commoners, their influence is the same as that of the people. Internally there is no consolidation of a deep root that cannot be eradicated; externally there is lacking the assistance of rock-like covenants with the members of the Imperial clan. This is not the way to put the foundation of the state at ease and accomplish a work for ten thousand generations.

The mu of the zhou (provinces) and the heads of the jun (prefectures) of today are like the fangbo, or feudal lords of antiquity, all ruling over territories of a thousand li and wielding the military power. Here, several contiguous states are in their hands; there, brothers occupy the regions simultaneously. But of the members of the Imperial clan, and the sons and younger brothers, not a single one is placed among them to serve as a counter-influence. This is not the way to strengthen the stem and weaken the branches, as a precaution against any eventuality. At present, men of talent are made use of by special promotions; some are appointed lords of famous cities, some become commanders of armies. But members of the Imperial clan are limited to being magistrates of small districts, if they have talent for civil administration, or being commanders of a hundred men, if they are military, so that men of high mind find their pleasure in retirement, men of talent being ashamed to associate with the wrong crowd. This is not the way to encourage the worthy and able, and make prominent members of the Imperial clan.

Now when the fountain is exhausted the stream becomes dry; when the root is decayed, the branches wither. Luxuriant branches protect the root, falling branches leave the stem solitary. Hence the saying, 'A reptile with a hundred feet does not lie prostate even in death; this is because the number of its supporters are numerous.' This is a trifling matter, but it can be applied to bigger things.

Again the foundation for a city wall cannot be made all of a sudden, nor can great fame be earned in a single morning; these are achieved gradually, or constructed steadily. To draw an illustration from tree planting: with the elapse of time the root becomes deep and solid, the branches and leaves luxuriant; if suddenly a tree is transplanted to a mountain or replanted within the precinct of a palace, one may bank it up with black soil and warm it with the spring sun, yet it will not be saved from withering. How can it ever grow luxuriant? Now, trees are like one's relatives, and the soil is like the gentry and the people. If for some time they are not planted, they become arrogant. Even in times of peace one must fear that they might desert and revolt. What shall then be done in times of emergency?

For these reasons the sage Kings while at ease did not forget danger, nor destruction while they were being preserved. Thus, though a strong wind might blow suddenly there was no anxiety for breaking or uprooting; though a convulsion might occur in the Empire, there would be no such calamity as destruction.”

Cao Xiong was a descendent of Cao Shuxing, and an elder brother of the Zhong Changshi. He was a great uncle of the young Emperor (the Prince of Qi). At this time, the Emperor was young. Cao Xiong wished to make Cao Shuang the wiser by this discussion of his, but Cao Shuang was {NOT} able to make use of it.*

*-The book actually says “Cao Xiong wished to make Cao Shuang the wiser by this discussion of his, but Cao Shuang was able to make use of it.” As this makes absolutely no sense, I am about 90% positive that it is meant to read “Cao Shuang was not able to make use of it.”

[Jordan]

Fifth Year of Zhengshi (244 AD)
Shu: Seventh Year of Yanxi
Wu: Seventh Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (January 27-February 25). The Sovereign of Wu appointed the shangda jiangjun Lu Xun his chengxiang (premier) {prime minister}. As for his position as mu (governor) of Jingzhou and as you duhuo in charge of Wuchang, he retained them as before.

2. The zhengxi jiangjun, Xiahou Xuan, commander-in-chief at the head of military affairs in Yongzhou and Liangzhou, was the son of a paternal aunt of the da jiangjun Cao Shuang. Xiahou Xuan had appointed Li Sheng his Changshi. Li Sheng and the shangshu Deng Yang, wishing to have Cao Shuang establish a military renown in the Empire, advised him to lead a campaign against Shu. Cao Shuang followed their advice. The taifu Sima Yi attempted to stop him, but did not succeed.

3. Third month (March 26-April 24). Cao Shuang went west to Chang'an. Levying a hundred-odd thousand soldiers, together with Xiahou Xuan, he entered Hanzhong from the Luo Valley. The Shu troops guarding Hanzhong did not number thirty thousand. Their generals were all frightened and wanted to make their defense in walled cities without venturing out, awaiting the arrival of forces from Fou.

Wang Ping said, “I disagree. Hanzhong is nearly a thousand li from Fou. If the enemy takes the city of Guan, it will be an overwhelming disaster for us. At this point, the thing to do is first to send the hujun Liu Min and the canjun Tu to occupy the mountain xingshi, while I defend the rear. If the enemy sends out a force toward the Huangjin [valley] I will personally lead a thousand men to meet it. The troops from Fou will arrive soon. This is the best plan.

All the generals were dubious except the hujun Liu Min, who was of the same opinion as Wang Ping. So he led his detachment and together with Wang Ping occupied Xingshi, displaying large numbers of banners and deploying his troops contiguously over a distance of more than a hundred li.

4. Intercalary [third] month (April 25-May 23). The Sovereign of Han sent the da jiangjun Fei Wei to direct the Han forces and save Hanzhong.

5. As he was about to leave, the guanglu da fu Lai Min visited Fei Wei to see him off, and proposed a game of chess (weiqi). At the time, wooden slips with feathers attached (military dispatches) were arriving in quick succession, men and horses were being girded with armor, and the cars {carts? Military vehicles?} were all harnessed and ready. Fei Wei played the game with Lai Min without showing in his face any sign of tension. Lai Min said, “I have only been testing you. You really can be called a man! You certainly will be able to take care of the enemy.”

6. Summer, fourth month. On the day pingchen (May 24), first day of the month, the sun was eclipsed.

7. The troops of the da jiangjun (Cao Shuang) were near Xingshi but were unable to advance. The people within the pass, the Di and the Qiang, were supplying and transporting provisions but could not amply meet the demand; their cattle, horses, mules and asses died in large numbers, so that both the Chinese populace and barbarians moaned and wept on the roads. The forces from Fou and the troops of Fei Wei arrived in succession.

8. Cao Shuang's canjun Yang Wei set forth the general situation to Cao Shuang, holding that the Wei troops had better return in haste or they would meet with defeat. Deng Yang and Li Sheng opposed Yang Wei in Cao Shuang's presence. Yang Wei said, “Deng Yang and Li Sheng are going to bring the state to ruin. They should be put to death.” Cao Shuang was displeased.

9. The taifu Sima Yi sent a letter to Xiahou Xuan saying, “In the Chunqiu the severest reproofs are given those of greatest virtue. Formerly Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) twice entered Hanzhong and came close to being badly defeated, as you know. Now the mountain Xingshi is very steep, and the Shu troops have already occupied it. If we advance and fail to take it, our retreat will be cut off, and the army will certainly be annihilated. How are you going to take such a responsibility?”

Xiahou Xuan grew afraid and told Cao Shuang to lead his troops back.

10. Fifth month (June 23-July 21). Cao Shuang led his troops back.

11. Fei Wei moved forward and occupied three ridges to intercept Cao shuang. Cao Shuang struggled up the steep terrain, fighting bitterly. In the end he barely got away after suffering heavy losses in dead and missing, and as a result Guanzhong was exhausted.

12. Autumn, eighth month (September 15-October 18). Cao Xun, Prince of Qin, died.

13. Winter, twelfth month (January 15-February 13, 245 AD). Cui Lin, the Filial Lord of Anyang, died.

14. In this year the Han da sima Jiang Wan, due to illness, insisted on resigning his Yizhou office in favor of the da jiangjun Fei Wei. The Sovereign of Han made Fei Wei governor (zishi) of Yizhou, and appointed the shizhong Dong Yun, who was at the same time the acting shou shangshu ling, to be Fei Wei's deputy.

15. At this time, with the country at war, there was much to do, official tasks being numerous and arduous. Fei Wei, as shangshu ling, had surpassing powers of understanding. When he read a state document, a quick glance would suffice for him to grasp the idea—his quickness was many times that of others, nor did he forget. He used to take care of matters during breakfast, along with interviewing guests, eating and drinking and amusing himself, even playing chess. He always satisfied everyone, and never neglected business.

When Dong Yun replaced Fei Wei as shangshu ling, he wished to emulate Fei Wei's way of doing things. Within ten days, affairs in many instances slowed down and were left unattended to. Dong Yun sighed and said, “This shows how men's capacities differ! Here is something I cannot attain to. Even attending to affairs all day long, I have not enough time for them.”

16. The Sovereign of Wu decreed: “To kill the wives of commanding generals who have deserted is to have wives leave their husbands and sons throw away their fathers. This is much contrary to moral teachings. Henceforth they shall not be killed.”

[Jordan]

Sixth Year of Zhengshi (245 AD)
Shu: Eighth Year of Yanxi
Wu: Eighth Year of Chiwu

1. Spring, first month (February 14-March 15). The piaoqi jiangjun Zhao Yan was appointed sigong.

2. In Wu, the Crown Prince Sun He and the Prince of Lu shared the same palace and the etiquette due them was identical. Many of the officials spoke of it. The Sovereign of Wu therefore ordered them to live in separate palaces and have separate staffs. The two sons thereafter harbored ill-feeling{s} against one another.

3. The wei jiangjun Quan Cong had his son Quan Qi enter the service of the Prince of Lu, and informed the chengxiang Lu Xun of this in a letter. Lu Xun replied, “If our sons and younger brothers really have talent, we need not worry ourselves about their not finding employment, and should not surreptitiously find a career for them to obtain glory and gain. Should they be not worthy, we would be courting eventual disaster. Then again, I am told that the two princes match one another in power, so partisanship is bound to occur. The ancients were very wary of this.”

True to anticipation, Quan Cong's son Quan Qi ingratiated himself with the Prince of Lu and frivolously intrigued and plotted. Lu Xun wrote another letter to Quan Cong saying, “If Your Excellency will not emulate Jin Ridi but lets Master Qi have his way, eventually your entire family will meet with disaster.”

Quan Cong not only did not reply to Lu Xun's letter, but harbored ill-feelings against him.

4. The Prince of Lu was bent on cultivating friendship with famous men of the time. The pian jiangjun Zhu Qi was renowned for his courage and bravery. The Prince in person paid a visit to his office and sat down, wishing to make friends with him. Zhu Qi came down to the floor and remained standing, refusing to sit face to face with him on the ground that he was not entitled to do so. Zhu Qi was the son of Zhu Ran.

5. Thus attendants, retainers and on down were divided into two camps, each showing animosity and hatred to the other party, which also infected the ministers of the state. Metropolitan and provincial officials, ministers of state and generals, all within the state were divided.

6. Hearing of this, the Sovereign of Wu, giving the Princes' intensive devotion to study as his reason, forbade their retainers to have anything to do with them. The dujun shizhe Yang Dao proffered a memorial to the throne, “I have heard that your illustrious command has deprived the two princes of their attendants, kept their retainers away, and made the four quarters unable to demonstrate respect to the two princes any more. Far and near, all are fearful; high and low, all are disheartened. Some may say the two princes have not followed forms of propriety. Even if it is as suspected, we still have to examine into things and take everything into account, in order to give people no opportunity, far or near, to make queer remarks. I fear that accumulated suspicions will bring about calumny, which with time will spread. The two borders, western and northern (Shu and Wei), which are not far distant from our state, will say that the two princes have committed the transgression of disobedience to you. How are you going to explain it away?”

7. The eldest daughter of the Sovereign of Wu, Sun Luban, had married the zuo huojun Quan Cong; the younger daughter, Xiaohu, had married the piaoqi jiangjun Zhu Ju.

8. Princess Quan harbored ill-feeling towards Lady Wang, mother of the Crown Prince. The Sovereign of Wu wished to make Lady Wang Empress, but the Princess hindered him. Fearing that the Crown Prince, when he should ascend the throne, might hate her, she was uneasy in mind. Several times she slandered the Crown Prince to the Sovereign of Wu and put him in danger. The Sovereign of Wu during his illness had the Crown Prince pray for him at the shrine of the “Magnificent” Prince of Changsha. Zhang Xiu, a younger brother of the father of the Crown Prince's consort, lived near the shrine, and invited the Crown Prince to visit him on the way. Princess Quan had a man spy on him, and told the Sovereign of Wu that the Crown Prince had not been in the shrine, but had spent the whole time with the family of his consort, plotting. She also said that Lady Wang, upon seeing the Sovereign ill, showed a pleased look. The Sovereign of Wu burst out in anger. The furen Wang died of grief; the Crown Prince's place in the Sovereign's affection declined more and more.

9. The partisans of the Prince of Lu, such as Yang Chu, Quan Qi, Wu An, Sun Qi, all slandered the Crown Prince, and the Sovereign of Wu was deluded. Lu Xun, proffering a memorial to the throne, admonished: “The Crown Prince is the successor to the throne; his position ought to be strong as rock. The Prince of Lu is a vassal; favors and ranks he receives should be lower. If these two enjoy their due positions, then high and low will obtain peace. Knocking my forehead on the floor till blood pours down, I submit this letter respectfully.”

He sent up three or four memorials, in language sincere and to the point. He further wished to come to the capital to set forth orally the distinction between an heir-apparent and a younger son. The Sovereign of Wu was displeased.

10. The taichang Gu Tan was a son of Lu Xun's sister. He also proffered a letter to the throne, saying, “I have heard that those who rule over a state or a family should be clear about the distinction between an heir-apparent and younger sons, differing the treatment accorded to those of high position and those of low position, so that high and low are differentiated and gradations made distinct. In this way, good relationships within the family will be maintained and the hope of pretensions will vanish.

Formerly Jia Yi set forth plans for securing good rule and peace. Discussing the relative powers of the feudal lords, he maintained that one of great power, even though a near relative of the sovereign, would incur calamity by becoming disobedient and arrogant; while one of little power, even though not a near relative, would continue secure in his fief. Therefore the Prince of Huainan, a younger brother of Wendi, did not enjoy his fief to the end because he had the misfortune to be powerful. Wu Rui, a subject who was not a near relative, had his fief continued at Changsha because he had the advantage of not being powerful. Formerly, Han Wendi let Lady Shen share the same seat with the Empress. Yuan Ang had the lady's seat relegated elsewhere. The Emperor was angered, but when Yuan Ang discoursed on the distinction between high and low and explained the warning given by the 'pig-woman,' the Emperor became pleased and the furen also understood the matter. In this exposition I hold no partiality. I am only hoping to make things secure for the Crown Prince and to help the Prince of Lu.

From then on, the Prince of Lu harbored ill feelings towards Gu Tan.
11. In the battle of Shao'po, Gu Tan's younger brother Gu Cheng and Zhang Xiu had both earned merit. Quan Cong's sons, Quan Duan and Quan Xu, disputed with them about their merit, and slandered Gu Cheng and Zhang Xiu to the Sovereign of Wu. The Sovereign of Wu banished Gu Tan, Gu Cheng and Zhang Xiu to Jiaozhou, and ordered Zhang Xiu, while he was on the way, to commit suicide.

12. Wu Can, the taifu (Grand Perceptor) to the Crown Prince, requested that the Prince of Lu be sent out to be stationed at Xiakou, and that Yang Zhu and men of his kind be sent out of the capital. He also communicated frequently with Lu Xun. The Prince of Lu and Yang Zhu both slandered him, and the Sovereign of Wu, angered, arrested Wu Can and sent him to prison, where he was put to death. Imperial messnegers one after another were sent to reprimand Lu Xun. Lu Xun died in indignation.

13. His son Lu Kang became jianwu xiaoyu, succeeded to Lu Xun's troops, and brought his remains back to the east for interment. The Sovereign of Wu questioned Lu Kang on twenty items of Zhu's accusations against Lu Xun. Lu Kang answered item by item. The Sovereign of Wu was then a bit eased in mind.

14. Summer, sixth month (July 12-August 9). Zhao Yan, the “Affable” Lord of Duxiang, died.

15. Autumn, seventh month (August 10-September 8). Ma Mao, a Wu general, plotted to murder the Sovereign of Wu and his ministers and thus to betray the state to Wei. The plot leaking out, he and his associates were all put to death.

16. Eighth month (September 9-October 7). The taichang Gao Rou was appointed sigong.

17. The Han Empress Dowager Gan died.

18. The Sovereign of Wu sent Chen Xun, a xiaoyu, to direct thirty thousand military colonists and laborers in building road through Gourong from Xiaoqi to Xicheng in Yunyang, putting up markets, and constructing palatial buildings.

19. Winter, eleventh month (December 6, 245 to January 4, 246). The Han da sima Jiang Wan died.

20. Twelfth month (January 5-February 2, 246). Fei Wei of Han reached Hanzhong, where he had the regions defended by fortifications.

21. The Han shangshu ling, Dong Yun, died, and the shangshu Lü Yi was appointed shangshu ling.

Dong Yun was just and equitable; he recommended the practicable and set aside the objectionable. He served loyally and beneficently to his utmost capacity. The Sovereign of Han stood very much in awe of him. Huang Hao, a eunuch, was glib in tongue and nimble in mind. The Sovereign of Han loved him. Above, Dong Yun admonished the Sovereign with solemn countenance; below, he reprimanded Huang Hao repeatedly. Huang Hao was afraid of Dong Yun and dared not do wrong. To the end of Dong Yun's life, Huang Hao's rank did not go beyond huangmen cheng.

Fei Wei had the xuancao lang, Chen Zhi of Runan succeed Dong Yun as shizhong. Chen Zhi was solemn, august, and of awe-inspiring mien; he had many skills and was versed in numbers. For these reasons, Fei Wei thought highly of him and gave him an extraordinary promotion by this appointment.

Chen Zhi was in league with Huang Hao. Huang Hao began to participate in government, and finally was promoted to be zhongchang shi. Wielding and abusing power, he eventually brought the State to destruction.

After Chen Zhi became a favorite of his, the sovereign of Han resented the late Dong Yun more and more every day, believing the latter had belittled him. This was because Chen Zhi flattered and pleased him while Huang Hao gradually insinuated his slanders and estrangements.

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This actually concludes Volume 1 of Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms! Future write-ups will be made in the other thread. I will be continuing where Butters [I think] left off.

[Jordan]

This is going to be rather sloppy, but for the time being I don't really have a choice. I'm going to be posting edited versions of previous chapters complete with their notes.

If I ever "finish" this, I think we should redo this whole thing and make a single locked thread with all the posts in it and a credits list mentioning everybody who helped with this (including Achilles Fang of course). But that's a long ways off...by my estimates at least 2-3 weeks optimistically. For the time being I'll just have to be a bit messy.

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Chapter 1
First Year of Huang Chu (220 A.D.)

1. Spring, first month (Feb. 22 - Mar. 21). King Wu (i.e. Cao Cao) arrived in Luo Yang, where he died on the day Mar. 15.

2. The late King knew men well, and was a good judge of them. It was difficult to dazzle him by false display. He recognized men of talent and promoted them, irrespective of humble origin; employing them according to their abilities, in each case he made the best use of them. [2] In the face of enemy ranks he remained calm and unperturbed, as if he had no thought of battle; but seizing his opportunity, he would strike for victory in exuberant spirits. In acknowledging and rewarding service he was not one to begrudge a thousand gold pieces, but to those without merit who sought to profit from his largesse he would not give a single cash. In enforcement of laws he was strict and unrelenting, always putting the transgressors to death; sometimes he shed tears as he looked at them, but he would never grant a pardon. By nature he was temperate and frugal, not giving to pomp and adornment. For all these reasons he was able to bring low the numerous powerful men of his time, and to conquer well-nigh the whole empire.

3. At this time the Crown Prince of Wei (Cao Pi) was at Ye [1]. The army was in a state of unrest, and Cao Cao's officials wanted to keep his death a secret and not hold funeral rites. However, the Admonisher Jia Kui considered that the secrecy in the matter was out of the question, so mourning was begun.

4. Some one said that the chief administrators of cities should all be dismissed and replaced entirely by the natives of Jiao and Pei [1]. The Prefect of Weijun, Xu Xuan of Guangling, said in a loud voice [2], "At present far and near are united, every one cherishing loyalty. Why should the natives of Jiao and Pei exclusively be employed, thereby disheartening those who have serving the royal house for so long?" The proposal was then rejected. [5]

5. The troops of Qingzhou deserted their barracks, beating battle-drums. [1] Numerous officials maintained that they ought to be restrained, and suppressed by force of arms if they proved recalcitrant. Jia Kui disapproved. [2] Eventually circular letters, or passports, were issued to the troops authorizing them to obtain provisions wherever they might be.

6. The Lord of Yanling, Cao Zhang, came to Luo Yang from Chang'an [1]. He asked Jia Kui where the state seal of the late King was. Jia Kui said stiffly, "The kingdom has an heir apparent. The seal of the late King is not a thing your Lordship should inquire about."

7. When news of the King's death reached Ye, the Crown Prince lamented him unceasingly. [1] The Grand Chamberlain to the Crown Price, Sima Fu, remonstrated with him: "With the death of the King, the whole empire depends on your Highness. You ought to think of your ancestors above and the myriad states below. Must you emulate the filial piety of a mere commoner?" Finally the Crown Prince desisted, saying, "You are right in your advice."

8. At this time, the officials of the Wei court had just heard of the King's death. Gathered in groups, they all lamented and did not keep to the court procession. Sima Fu reprimanded them: "Now the King is dead, we ought to pay our respects to his successor as early as possible, for the stabilization of the myriad states. Must we indulge in weeping only?" He then dismissed all of the officials from court, appointed palace guards, and attended to the business of the funeral. [4] Sima Fu was a younger brother of Sima Yi. [5]

9. The myriad officials held the opinion that before the Crown Prince acceded to the royal throne of Wei, there must be an edict from the Han Emperor. The State Secretary, Chen Jiao said, " The King having died away from his domain, the whole empire has fallen into panic. It behooves the Crown Prince to moderate his mourning and ascend the throne, so that far and near may be calmed. Furthermore, the late King's favorite son is beside his corpse at Luo Yang; if anything untoward occurs, the foundation of the state itself will be endangered." Thereupon the officials were appointed and ceremonials provided for the enthronement, all being completed in a single day. On the following day the Crown Prince, by command of the Queen Dowager, ascended the royal throne and issued general amnesty.

10. Soon thereafter, the Han Emperor sent the Supervisor of Works, Hua Xin, with an edict empowering him to confer on the Crown Prince the seal of Premier of Han and seal of King of Wei, and to appoint him Governor of Jizhou.

11. The Queen of Wei was then given the title Queen Dowager.

12. The reign title of the Han was altered to Yankang.

13. Second month. On the day Feb. 22, the sun was eclipsed.

14. On the day Apr. 6, the Monitor Jia Xu was appointed to be Grand Marshal; the Supervisor of Works Hua Xin to be Premier/Prime Minster; and the Attorney General Wang Lang to be Supervisor of Works.

15. On the day Apr. 11, King Wu was buried in the mausoleum of Gaoling.

16. The King's younger brothers, the Lord of Yanling Cao Zhang and others, all proceeded to their own territories.

 17. The Overseer of a Feudal Domain to Lord of Linzi, Guan Chun, with the intention of pleasing the throne, memorialized that the Lord of Linzi Cao Zhi, in a drunken state, had acted irreverently and contemptuously towards the throne, threatening to lay hands on the King's emissary. [1] The King degraded Cao Zhi to be lord of An-xiang. [2] He put to death the Anti-Espionage Officer of the Right Ding Yi, a native of Pei-Guo, and his younger brother the Assistant Chamberlain Ding Yi, and all male members of their families; both were partisans of Cao Zhi. [3]

18. Yu Huan comments:
" There is a saying, 'A poor man is thrifty without be taught; a lowly man is respectful without being taught.' This does not mean that their natures are different from those of others; they become what they are through circumstance. Such indeed is the force of necessity, never to be contradicted. Had Cao Cao in his time curbed the ambition of (his sons) Cao Zhi, could the latter, worthy man that he was, have become presumptuous and arrogant? Even Cao Zhang, with all his resentment, did not come to anything. How, then, could a man like Cao Zhi ever cause any trouble? What a pity that Yang Xiu was put to death because of his association with him, and Ding Yi got himself and his family exterminated through partisanship toward him. Whenever I read Cao Zhi's elegant and beautiful writings, they seem to me divinely inspired. I can understand well why Cao Cao favored him."

19. The King for the first time appointed Chamberlains and Junior Chamberlains, four of each. He also decreed that no eunuch should ever be appointed to offices higher then Director of the various palace bureaus; this regulation was inscribed on a metal tablet and placed for safe keeping in the Stone Chamber. [2]

20. At this time the Grand Chamberlain and Chamberlains were to be selected. [1] The King's retinue and his attendants from former days insinuated to the official in charge that he should select from among their number and not from other officials. Sima Fu said, "Even Yao and Shun had to have able ministers such as Ji and Qi. Since the new King has but lent talents and worthy character in the empire at large; in spite of our efforts, they perhaps may not be drawn to offer their service. Why take this opportunity of transition to recommend each? If those who are given official appointments cannot fulfill their duties, there is no glory for them in being appointed." In the end the officials in question were elected from various circles.

21. The State Secretary Chen Qun, alleging that the Celestial Court (i.e., the court of the Han), in its selection of officials failed to recruit men of talents, instituted the Regulation for Rating all Officials into Nine Grades. [1] In each province and each prefecture, an Equitable Rectifier was to be appointed to take charge of selection of officials; the post was to be filled by a man of ability and insight in the province or prefecture in question. He was to assess the qualifications of men and grade them into nine ranks. [2]

22. Summer, fifth month. On the day June 21, the Han Emperor conferred the posthumous appellation of August King on the King's grandfather the Grand Marshal and that of August Queen on his consort Ding.

23. The King appointed the Prefect of An Ding Tsou Ch'i to be Provincial Governer of Liangzhou. [1] In the prefecture of Xi Ping a certain Ju Yan, in league with neighboring prefectures, rebelled and refused to accept Tsou Ch'i. [2] In the prefecture of Zhangye Zhang Jin seized the Prefect Du Dong and refused to accept the Prefect Xin Ji, both rebels proclaiming themselves Prefects; thus they acted in concert with Ju Yan. [3] In the prefecture of Wuwei, Three Tribes of the Hu Barbarians again revolted. [4] The Prefect of Wuwei, Wuqiu Xing appealed for help to the Prefect of Jincheng and Commissioner for the protection of the Qiang tribe, Su Ze, a native of Fufeng. Su Ze was about to send him reinforcements; but the people of the prefecture were all of the opinion that, as the rebels were very powerful at that moment, heavier forces than his would be needed. [6] At that time the generals Hao Zhao and Wei Ping had been garrisoning Jincheng for some time, but the King had commanded them not to cross the Yellow River to the west.

Su Ze then called an assembly of higher functionaries of the prefecture as well as Hao Zhao, etc...., and the chiefs of the Qiang tribe. He addressed them thus: " Powerful as they are at this moment, the rebels have joined hands but recently; possibly some of them have rallied through the coercion and not out of sympathy or conviction. If we take advantage of this heterogeneity and strike at them, the good will separate from the bad, and once segregated, will come back to us, increasing our forces and decreasing theirs. By taking this course we not only will have more troops but also will redouble out spirits; when we launch an attack, we shall be certain to destroy the enemy at one stroke. On the other hand, if we wait for the arrival of larger forces, much time will be wasted; meanwhile the good, unable to come back to us, will gradually coalesce with the bad; once the good and the bad are united, it will be difficult for us to separate them. To be sure, there is the King's order to be taken into consideration. But we may disobey it to cope with the present emergency. Let us take the responsibility on our shoulders."

Hao Zhao and the others agreed with him. [10] He sent troops to reinforce the garrison at Wuwei, so that the Three Tribes of the Hu barbarians were made to surrender. He then joined forces with Wuqiu Xing to attack Zhang Jin at Zhangye. Hearing of this, Ju Yan with three thousand foot and horse came to see Su Ze; he gave forth that he had come to reinforce the latter's army, but his real intention was to attack him in his own camp. Su Zee inveigled him into his camp and killed him [13], after which he proclaimed the event throughout the army. The followers of the rebel took flight in all directions.

In the end Su Ze joined forces with various troops in laying siege to the city of Zhangye, and succeeded in capturing it. He killed Zhang Jin; Huang Hua took fright and surrendered. [14] Thus the region west of the Yellow River was pacified.
 
 24. Some time ago, when the Prefect of Dunhuang Ma Ai died in his post, the people of the prefecture elected the Provincial Secretary for Personnel Zhang Gong to act as Prefectural Chancellor. [1] Zhang Gong then sent his son Zhang Jiu to court to convey his request for prompt appointment of a new Prefect. [2] Meanwhile Huang Hua and Zhang Jin rebelled and wanted the garrison at Dunhuang to join forces with them. [3] They seized Zhang Jiu and threatened him with drawn sword, [4] but Zhang Jiu would not go back to Dunhuang. He sent a letter secretly to his father Zhang Gong: "You, sir, have been persevering in your duty at Duhuang and are well known for your loyalty. Why should you become a turncoat because of the adversity in which I happen to find myself? Formerly Yo Yang had to eat his own son and Li Tong brought his family to extermination. Can an official devoted to the weal of the land ever think of his wife and children? Large reinforcements will come soon. All you have to do is hearten your troops and continue to resist. I beg you not to let your paternal affection for me become cause for my grief in the netherworld."

Upon receiving this, Zhang Gong led his troops forth to attack Jiuquan. [6]He also had two hundred of his crack cavalry and the officials of the prefecture proceed eastward by way of the northern pass of Jiuquan to welcome the newly appointed Prefect Yin Feng. [7] Huang Hua wished to come to Zhang Jin's help, but he had to keep an eye on Zhang Gong's troops, who might attack his rear; for this reason he was not in a position to do so and in the end surrendered. [8] Zhang Jiu did not suffer any harm, and Yin Feng was enabled to take his post in the prefecture. [10] The King conferred the titular rank of Guannei Lord on Zhang Gong. [11]

25. Sixth month. One the day Aug. 12, the King with his army started on a tour of inspection in the south.

26. Autumn, seventh month (Aug. 17 - Sept. 14). Sun Quan sent an envoy to offer tribute to the Wei court.

27. Meng Da, a general of Shu, had been garrisoning Shangyong. But discord arose between him and the Commandant of the Auxiliary Corps Liu Feng, who encroached on his right. [1] At the head of more then four thousand soldiers under his command Meng Da came and surrendered to Wei. [2]

Meng Da had an imposing appearance and a fine mind; the King made very much of him, sharing his carriage with him. [3] He conferred on Meng Da the title of Chamberlain and the military rank of General for Establishing Prowess, and enfeoffed him Village Lord of Pingyang. Having merged the three prefectures of Fangling, Shangyong and Xicheng into a single prefecture, Xincheng, he appointed Meng Da to be its prefect, thereby entrusting him with the management of the southwestern region of the kingdom. [4]

28. The Chancellor on the March Liu Ye said on this occasion: "Meng Da is an adventurer at heart; he is proud of his talent and fond of scheming. He certainly is not one to feel grateful and cherish loyalty. Xincheng is so situated, adjacent to the domains of Sun Quan and Liu Bei, that should he cause any trouble, our state will suffer." The King paid no heed to him.

29. The King ordered the General of the Forces for Southern Expedition Xiahou Shang and the General of the Right Corps Xu Huang to cooperate with Meng Da in a campaign against Liu Feng. The Prefect of Shangyong, Shen Dan rose against Liu Feng and gave himself over to Wei. Liu Feng suffered defeat and returned to Cheng Du, capital of Shu. [2]

Now, Liu Feng was originally a son of a certain Kou of Luohou. The King of Hanzhong Liu Bei, when he first came to Jingzhou, had no heir, and so had adopted him as his son. Zhuge Liang feared that Liu Feng, a man of strong will and character, might not remain tractable after the death of his adoptive father, so he now advised the King of Hanzhong to do away with him. Thereupon Liu Feng was ordered to commit suicide.

30. Yang Pu, King of the Di barbarians in Wudu, together with his tribesmen, pledged allegiance to the King of Wei.

31. On the day Sept. 9 the King and his army halted at Qiao. In the eastern part of the town he invited his army as well as the elders of Qiao to a grand feast, at which musical and sundry other entertainments were given, and officials and the common people toasted the King. The feast lasted till sunset. [2]
 
 32. Sun Sheng comments as follows:
"'The three years' mourning for parent is binding on all, from the Son of Heaven to the masses of the people [1]. ...Therefore, even at the end of the Three Dynasties and during the decline of the Seven Hegemons [2] there never was one who laid aside his unhemmed mourning clothes of sackcloth for even ten days or a month, or who desisted from wearing hempen band on his head, or from carrying the bamboo mourning staff on the day when he returned from the grave to wail over his deceased parents. It was only under the reign of Han Wen Di that the ancient custom was altered, the norms of human conduct being dismissed once for all... This move was not only an act of irreverence in its days but also set a bad example for a hundred generations to come... Adopting as he did all the practices and institutions of the Han court, the King of Wei brought about a change in one of it's principal ceremonials; confronted with the greatest of all sorrows, he gave a banquet. Being at first, and transmitting canons and rules to his posterity [6], he demolished the very foundation of kingly influence. When he eventually received the throne from the hand of the Han Emperor, he openly accepted the two daughters of the Han Emperor as his concubines.... From all these we can see why the King was not permitted to enjoy a long life and why the dynasty he founded could not continue more then a short span of time"

33. The King appointed Jia Kui, the Senior Recorder attached to the Han Premier, to be Provincial Governor of Yuzhou. [1] At this time the empire had been brought to order only recently, so that most of the provincial governors were not in a position to exercise their power over the prefectures under their jurisdiction. [2] Jia Kui said: "In the beginning governors of provinces examined the conduct of prefects and officials of lower rank in accordance with the edict comprising Six Items. [3] For this reason they were always described as majestic and severe, competent in supervision; they were never spoken of as mild and lenient, as possessing the virtue of affability. These days, senior officials pay no heed to the enforcement of laws and regulations, so that robbers are running amok. If provincial governors, acquainted as they are with this evil situation, leave it uncorrected, how shall we ever hope to put the empire in order?"

The Provincial Secretary of Military Affairs, who had obtained a leave of absence from the former Provincial Governor, returned to his duty several months after Jia Kui had taken his post of governor. Jia Kui censured him. He impeached all the erjianshi and officials of lower ranks in his province who had been friendly and lax towards law-breakers, and had them dismissed. He attended to the defense of the province and saw to the well-being of the people; he reclaimed lands by building embankments, dredged canals to make them navigable. Both officials and people praised him. [7] The King said [8], " Jia Kui is really a worthy provincial gorvernor. The whole empire shall be told to take as a model the provincial governor of Yuzhou." He conferred the titular rank of Guannei Lord on Jia Kui.

34. The Commandant of the Left Guard Li Fu and the Assistant Court Astrologer Xu Zhi memorialized the King that they had discovered ample evidence in prognostic records in favor of the Wei's replacing the Han. [1] Thereupon the officials sent up a memorial to him, advising the King to comply with the wishes of Heaven and men. [2] But the King withheld the assent. [3]

35. Winter, tenth month. On the day Nov. 25, the Han Emperor reported to the temple of his ancestors and had the Acting Supervisor of Works, Chang Yin, carrying the Ordinary Plenipotentiary Tally, bring to the King the imperial seal and a rescript announcing his voluntary abdication of the imperial throne in favor of the King of Wei. [1] The King sent three letter to the Emperor, in which he declined the honor out of modesty. [2] He had an alter for the abdication ceremony built at Fan-yang.

36. On the day Dec. 11 the King mounted the alter, received the imperial seal, and was proclaimed Emperor. He presented a burnt offering and sacrificed to Heaven, Earth, the fire mountains and the four rivers. He altered the reign-title from Yankang to Huangchu and issued general amnesty.

37. Eleventh month. On the day Dec. 13 the new Emperor conferred on the abdicated Han Emperor Duke of Shanyang, with the privileges of keeping the Han calender and of using ceremonials and music due an Emperor. The Duke's four sons were enfeoffed as feudal lords. The August King (i.e. Cao Song) was canonized as August Emperor; the Martial King (i.e. Cao Cao) was canonized as Martial Emperor with the temple designation of August Ancestor; and the Queen Dowager was canonized as Empress Dowager. The Emperor conferred the title Virtue-Revering Lords on the feudal princes of the blood of Han, and the titular rank of Gongzhong Lords on the Han feudal lords. He also advanced the ranks and posts of his own officials. He had the official title "Premier" restyled "Inspector of Instruction" and that of "Supervisor of Works" renamed "Inspector of Works".

38. The Duke of Shanyang offered his two daughters to be wives of the Wei Emperor.

39. The Emperor wished to alter the calender. The Grand Chamberlain Xin Pi said: "As heir to the line of Shun of Yu and Yu of Xia, the Wei have obeyed the command of Heaven and complied with the wishes of the people. T'ang of Yin and King Wu of Chou conquered the empire by means of battles, hence they altered the calender. Confucius said, 'Follow the season of Xia.' Zuo's Commentary says, 'The numbers of Xia are the more correct deductions from the heavens.' [4] Why then must you make a point of acting contrarily?" The Emperor approved and accepted the advice.

40. At this time the court officials all lauded the virtue of the Wei and many disparaged the previous dynasty. The Chamberlain Wei Chen stood alone in that he, having a clear conception of what voluntary abdication of the imperial throne signified, praised the excellence of the Han. The Emperor often followed Wei Chen with a glance and said, "The rarities of the empire I will share with the Duke of Shanyang."

41. The Emperor wished to enfeoff posthumously the parents of the empress Dowager. The State Secretary (shangshu) Chen Qun memorialized: “With sagelike virtue, Your Majesty has responded to the time and received the mandate; in founding a dynasty and instituting regulations you must decree norms for ages to come. As far as I know from the ancient writings, there never was an instance of women's enfeoffment. The Canon of Rites says that women follow the ranks of their husbands [2]. The Qin acted contrary to the ancient usage, the Han following their example; but it is not in conformity with excellent institutions of the early Kings.”

The Emperor said, “This opinion is correct; the thing shall not be put into practice.” Furthermore he had this recorded as an immutable decree, which he ordered to be preserved in the archives of the Department of the State.

42. Twelfth month (January 11- February 9, 221 AD). The Imperial Palace was being built in Luoyang. On the day wu-wu (January 27), the Emperor went to Luoyang.

43. The Emperor said to the Grand Chamberlain (shizhong) Su Ze: “Some time ago, after Jiuquan and Zhang Ye were conquered, the Western Regions sent envoys to Dunhuang to offer me a large pearl, one inch in diameter. Do you think I can get some more of them through purchase?”

Su Ze replied: “If your Majesty's benign influence pervades China and your virtue overflows to the desert, they will come to you without your ever seeking for them. There is no glory in obtaining them through seeking after them.” The Emperor did not answer a word.

44. The Emperor summoned the Commandant of the Eastern Guard (dong zhong lang jiang) Jiang Ji to the capital and appointed him Chamberlain. [1] At that time he had addressed to the General of the forces for Southern Expedition (cheng nan jiangjun) Xiahou Shang an edict which read: “Because you are my trusted and esteemed general, I empower you with special privileges. [3] Your benevolent heart is ample for my service, your affection for me is worth my cherishing [4]. You may display terrors or confer favors [5], you may kill or let live.” Xiahou Shang showed the edict to Jiang Ji.

When Jiang Ji came, the Emperor asked what he had recently heard and seen. He replied, “Nothing good, certainly. On the contrary, I have heard words that could bring doom to the dynasty.”

The Emperor colored and grew angry, demanding an explanation. Jiang Ji told him the details and went on to expostulate, “The Shu [books] expressly warns against displaying terrors and conferring favors. The ancients saw to it that 'a son of Heaven does not speak playfully.' I beg your Majesty to reflect upon this.” Thereupon the Emperor sent a messenger to retrieve the edict in question.

45. The Emperor wished to move a hundred-thousand households of soldiers from the province of Jizhou to the prefecture of Henan [in the Metropolitan province of Sizhou]. At this time, due to drought and a plague of locusts, the people were suffering from famine. Various officials of the Court disapproved of this measure, but the Emperor's mind was set on it. The Grand Chamberlain (shizhong) Xin Pi, together with other court officials, requested an audience with the Emperor. Knowing well that they intended to remonstrate with him on this score, the Emperor wore a vexed expression when he received them. No one else dared to speak; Xin Pi, however, said, “Your Majesty intends to move the households of the soldiers. What is your aim?”

The Emperor asked him, “Do you mean to say that you disapprove of me moving them.” Xin Pi affirmed, “I definitely disapprove.” The Emperor said, “I am not going to discuss the matter with you.”

To this Xin Pi said, “Your Majesty, not considering me unworthy, has made me one of your attendants and appointed me one of your counselors. How can you now be unwilling to discuss the matter with me? It is not of private nature, but concerns the dynasty itself. Why should you be vexed at me?”

Without answering, the Emperor rose from his seat and went inside. Xin Pi followed him, pulling him back by the lapel of his coat; the Emperor shook himself loose and said, “Zuozhi [Xin Pi's style name], how you did harass me!”

Xin Pi said, “Should you move these households, you will lose their affection; and besides, you cannot feed them. That is why I could not help braving your vexation and contending as hard as I could.

In the end, the Emperor moved half the original number.

On one occasion, when the Emperor went out of his palace to shoot pheasants, he turned to his attendants and exclaimed, “How delightful this pheasant shooting is!” Xin Pi replied, “Delightful indeed to your Majesty, but very burdensome to all your subjects.” The Emperor did not utter a word, but thereafter did not go out so frequently, because of him [Xin Pi and his remonstrances dissuaded Cao Pi from going out to hunt].

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Notes-220 AD

Notes about Notes (haha) by Achilles Fang: These notes are chiefly concerned with indicating the source or sources from which the compilers of the Zizhi Tongjian copied or assembled each passage, together with the omissions, adaptations, and occasional comments which the editor-in-chief Sima Guang made in further condensing and epitomizing the work of his assistants.

Numbers correspond to the section of the translated text. Additional textual or explanatory notes on specific terms or passages within such a section follow the general note for that section [by a decimal point], and are designated by the section number and a sub-number [the aforementioned decimal point]. Thus Note 17.2 refers to the passage superscribed in Section 17 of the Text, [and note 2 of that particular section].

In some cases a passage from the Sanguozhi or some other source, differing hardly at all from the related passage in the Zizhi Tongjian, appears in the notes in a translation worded somewhat differently from the English of the foregoing pages. The translation of the main text has been revised in the interests of clairty and smoothness; yet additional light may sometimes be shed on the Chinese text by retaining, in the notes, either a more literal or a more amplified version, or one following more closely the Chinese word order. The notes relative to each year immediately follow the text for that year.

Notes about these Notes from SlickSlicer: I am going to be honest and say that I am going to reduce a lot of these notes. When Achilles Fang mentions reference materials or specific sections/chapters of the Sanguozhi, I may not mention them. I admit that this is a disservice to the original work, but unfortunately I can only type so much and it would be a lot of work to type up everything. Achilles Fang also copies the Chinese of quoted sections into his notes which I am not going to do either. In some cases I may skip notes depending on how relevant they are. Achilles Fang often quotes passages from different sources (Mainly Sanguozhi) that are similar to what's listed in the Zizhi Tongjian. If they are REALLY similar, to the point where they're redundant, I'm not going to bother listing them. For professional purposes, it makes sense that Achilles Fang would have included them in order to demonstrate exactly where Sima Guang drew his material from. For educational purposes though it won't teach anybody anything about the Three Kingdoms to read a Zizhi Tongjian section that says one thing and a SGZ version that says almost identically the same thing.

When Achilles Fang cites where Sima Guang drew his material from, I'll probably just simplify it by typing something like "From SGZ" or "From Weilue" rather than listing out exactly what parts of those sources Sima Guang got his material. It will save more time for me that way and hopefully I'll be able to get more done. Again, for professional purposes, it is logical that Achilles Fang cited his sources with scrutiny. For educational purposes for those that don't know Chinese (like myself), I think it suffices enough to just know that a certain passage was drawn mainly from Sanguozhi, rather than needing to know the exact section of it. I don't have these books long and I have other commitments so I have to make use of what limited time I have. If these reductions seem excessive, it is because I am only human.

common terms:

zi=style name
SGZ=Sanguozhi written by Chen Shou
ZZTJ: The Zizhi Tongjian, which is the subject of these notes and translation
Chen Shou: See above
Pei Songzhi: Another great historian and the most famous commentator on the Sanguozhi. His comments added a large amount of content to Chen Shou's work.
Sun Sheng: Another commentator
Huayang Guozhi: Records of the States (Land?) South of Mt. Hua. This was written by Chang Qu who was contemporary with the Cheng-Han dynasty of the Ba-Cong and the Eastern Jin dynasty. It describes Sichuan in great detail and will thus come up a lot when the state of Shu-Han is mentioned.
Jin Shu: Book of Jin. Another important history.
Sima Guang: The person who compiled the Zizhi Tongjian, with help from assistants.
Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms: Part of the Zizhi Tongjian, corresponding to the years 220-265. By 265 the kingdoms of Shu and Wei were gone.
Achilles Fang: The translator of Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms.
chengxiang: Prime Minister or the equivalent. Translated by Achilles Fang as Premier.
jiangjun: General or the Equivalent
da jiangjun: Extremely high (highest?) military rank

{a and b are general rather than relating to specific portions of the text}

a.) Shizu is the temple designation (miaohao), and Wendi the canonization (shi), of Cao Pi, first Emperor of the Wei dynasty.

b.) The Chinese year here designated, for convenience, as 220 AD, is the period from February 22, 220 to February 9, 221. A similar overlap of course applies to succeeding years, which however will continue to be referred to in general by the Gregorian calendar year in which most of each Chinese year falls. As for the “year-period” or “reign-title” Huangchu, under which the events of this year are chronicled with respect to the Wei dynasty, actually it was not adopted until December 11, 220, when Cao Pi was proclaimed Emperor. During most of the year, the reign title in use throughout the Empire was that of the tottering Later Han court: the year began as the 25th of Jian'an period (famous for its literary activity), but the reign-title was shortly changed to Yankang.

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Notes from 220 AD
First Year of Huangchu

1. From Sanguozhi, Chronicle of Wudi: “In the spring, first month, he reached Luoyang. Sun Quan had assaulted and beheaded Guan Yu, whose head he now sent to the capital. On the day gengzi the King died at Luoyang at the age of sixty-six.” Hence Cao Cao lived 155-220 AD. The Han Emperor had made him King of Wei in 216. Sanguozhi records that Cao Cao “was canonized as Wuwang (Martial King)”. After his son became Emperor, this canonization was changed to Wu Huangdi and he received the temple designation Taizu.

2. Sources: Weishu and Cao Man Zhuan.

Wei Shu reads: “Taizu (i.e. Cao Cao), since he governed the whole Empire, mowed down the numerous scoundrels. In his military operations, he followed in the main the tactics laid down in the Sunzi and Wuzi. In accordance with different situations, he took extraordinary strategems; by deceiving the enemy, he won victory; he varied his tactics in demonic fashion. He himself wrote a book on war, consisting of a hundred thousand and several tens of thousands of characters, and when his generals undertook any campaign they all followed this new book. Furthermore, on each occasion he gave them personal directions; those who obeyed them won victory, and those who did not were defeated. In the face of the enemy on the battlefield, he remained unperturbed, as if he had no intention whatever of fighting; but seizing his opportunity, he would strike for victory in the highest spirits.

This is why he always won victory whenever he fought, not a single instance of his successes being attributed to mere good luck. He knew men well and was adept in judging them; it was difficult to dazzle him by false display. He picked Yu Jin and Yue Jin out among the rank and file, and Zhang Liao and Xu Huang from among the surrendered forces; all of them became his supporters and achieved merit, becoming famous generals. Furthermore, the number of those whom he picked up from mean and insignificant positions, and who eventually rose to be governors of provinces and prefects, cannot be counted. It was thus that he laid the foundations of his great work.

He cultivated both the art of peace and the art of war: during the thirty-odd years when he commanded troops, books never left his hand. During the day he attended to military matters, during the night he applied his mind to the Classics and their commentaries. When he climbed a height, he would always compose verses [this is an allusion to a sentence in Han Shu]. When he made new poems, he would set them to pipe and string, and they all turned out to be excellent songs. His talents and strength were unsurpassed; with his own hands he could shoot down flying birds and capture ferocious beasts alive. Once he shot down sixty three pheasants in a single day at Nanpi. When palaces were constructed and machined repaired, he always laid down rules which proved to work to the utmost satisfaction.

By nature he was temperate and frugal, not given to pomp and adornment. Ladies of his harem did not wear any embroidered garments, his attendants did not have two pairs of footgear. When his colored curtains and wind screens were damaged, he had them patched; he had his bedding only for keeping warm, devoid of border ornament. All things of beauty and elegance which he obtained as booty from captured cities and towns, he would distribute among those who had shown merit. In acknowledging and rewarding service, he was not one to consider a thousand gold pieces too much; but to those without merit who sought to profit from his largesse, he would not give a single cash. Gifts presented to him from the four quarters, he shared with this subordinates. He was of the opinion that the funeral service of the time was too extravagant and useless, the vulgar carrying it to excess; he therefore made a stipulation as to his own funeral, that no more than four basketfuls of clothing were to be buried with him.”

IN the Cao Man Zhuan, or Life of Cao Man (“Man” being an abbreviation of A-Man {which is another name for Cao Cao}) we read: “But in the maintainence of laws he was harsh and exacting. If any of his subordinate generals had better counsels of war than his, he would find an opportunity to put him to death under the pretext of some law; and none of his former associates and friends who had earned his grudge were spared alive. When he put a man to death, he used to look at him, weeping and lamenting over him, but he would never grant a pardon.”

2.2: This is Sima Guang's own sentence.

3. From the Weilue (quoted in Sanguozhi, Biography of Jia Kui): “Taizu approved his measures and appointed him jianyi dafu, in which capacity he and Xiahou Shang sereved as quartermasters. When Taizu died at Luoyang, Jia Kui took charge of his funeral.” The passage in Weilue reads: “At this time the Crown Prince was at Ye and the Lord of Yanling (Cao Chang) had not arrived. Soldiers and people were suffering from much corvee and there was also an epidemic; the army was in a state of unrest. The myriad officials were afraid revolution might break out in the Empire and did not want to hold the mourning rites. Jia Kui maintained that the matter could not be kept secret; and so the mourning was held. Everyone, whether of the palace or of the government, was ordered to enter the palace and mourn. After the mourning, they were to return to their posts and not move off.”

3.1 Cao Pi, the eldest son of Cao Cao, was thirty-four years old at this time. He died in 226 AD at the age of forty, and so must have been born in 187.

4. From Sanguozhi, Biography of Xu Xuan, where the following passage precedes: “He went out of the capital as taishou of Weijun. When Taizu died in Luoyang, all the officials entered the palace to mourn him.

4.1: Sanguozhi, Chronicle of Wudi: “Taizu, Wu Huangdi, was a man of Qiao in the State of Pei. His surname was Cao, his hui (i.e. ming, or given name) was Cao. His zi (sobriquet) being Mengde; he was a descendent of a xiangguo (Prime Minister) Cao Can.” On this, Pei Songzhi says in his commentary: “Taizu had Jili as another ming; his child name being A-Man.” Afraid of mutiny and rebellion, “some one” wanted to employ countrymen of Cao Cao exclusively.

4.2: Sanguozhi: Xu Xuan, zi Baojian, was a man of Haixi in Guangling.

4.5 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. Sanguozhi has: “Hearing of this, Wendi (Cao Pi) said, 'He is one who can be called a minister for the dynasty.'”

5. This is from the Weilue.

5.1 Weilue has {different characters to represent the phrase for “Troops of Qingzhou”}. These troops were the remnants of the Yellow Turbans (huangjin) at Qingzhou who had surrendered to Cao Cao in the third year of Chuping (180 AD).

5.2 Weilue has: “Jia Kui held that as the King was now dead and his remains still unburied, while his heir had not succeeded to the royal throne, they ought to be soothed.”

6. This is from Sanguozhi, Biography of Jia Kui.
6.1 Sanguozhi has: “At that time, the Lord of Yanling, Cao Zhang, who was acting as yueji jiangjun, came from Chang'an.”

7. From Jin Shu, Biography of Prince Xian of Anping, Sima Fu. The following passage precedes: “He was promoted to be zhongshu zi to the Crown Prince.”

7.1 Jin Shu has: “When Wudi of Wei died, the Crown Prince lamented to excess.

8. From Jin Shu.

8.4 Jin Shu has: “Sima Fu and the shangshu He Xia dismissed all of the officials from the Court, appointed palace guards, attended to the business of the funeral, and enthroned the Crown Prince, who later became Wendi of Wei.”

8.5 This is Sima Guang's own sentence. Jin Shu states: “Prince Xian of Anping, Sima Fu, zi Shuda, was the next younger brother of Xuandi (i.e. Sima Yi).”

9. From Sanguozhi, Biography of Chen Jiao, where the following passage precedes: “He followed Taizu in his campaign to Hanzhong. Returning from it, he was appointed shangshu. Advancing, Taizu had not reached Ye, when he died at Luoyang.”

10. From the Hou Han Ji of Yuan Hong. This edict is also quoted by Pei Songzhi in his commentary in the Chronicle of Wendi of Sanguozhi. His version has some variations, which are here noted: “I herewith send the yushi dafu Hua Xin, with the Tally, to confer on Cao Pi the seal of chengxiang and the seal of King of Wei, and to appoint him mu {governor} of Jizhou.”

11. From Sanguozhi, Chronicle of Wendi, where it reads: “After the death of Taizu, Wendi succeeded to his rank as chengxiang of Han and King of Wei. The Queen of Wei was given the title of Queen Dowager.”

12. Sanguozhi states: “The 25th year of Jian'an was altered to be the 1st year of Yankang.” The context here implies that the change of reign-title was made in the first month. On the other hand, Hou Han Shu states: “In the third month (April 21-May 20), the reign title was altered to Yankang.” The Hou Han Ji does not mention this change of reign title at all.

13. From the Hou Han Shu.

14. From the SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi.

15. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wudi: “In the second month, on the day dingmao, he was buried in the mausoleum of Gaoling.”

16. From Sanguozhi, Biography of Cao Zhang. “After Taizu died and Wendi acceded to the royal throne, Cao Zhang and other feudal princes of the blood proceeded to their own States.”

17. From SGZ, Biography of Cao Zhi. The following passage precedes: “having acceded to the throne, Wendi put to death Ding Yi and Ding Yi {YES those are two separate people} together with all the male members of their families. Cao Zhi and other feudal princes of the blood proceeded to their own states.”

17.1 There is no doubt that Guan Jun's impeachment and Cao Zhi's demotion occurred in 221 AD. It is not known why Sima Guang chronicles this section here. Ding Yi and his younger brother were probably put to death in this year.

The alleged misdeed of Cao Zhi might refer to the following incident recorded in Sanguozhi: “In the 24th year of Jian'an, Cao Ren was besieged by Guan Yu. Taizu appointed Cao Zhi to be nan zhonglangjun and acting zhenglu jiangjun, in which capacity he was intended to go reinforce Cao Ren. He summoned him to his presence to give him some instructions, but Cao Zhi was so drunk that he could not receive his instructions. So he regretted the plan and gave it up.” The Wei shi chunqiu (given in the commentary to this passage) reads: “When Cao Zhi was about to go, the Crown Prince invited him to drink, and got him intoxicated. When the King summoned Cao Zhi to his presence, Cao Zhi could not receive the King's instructions. Hence the King was angry.”


17.2 SGZ: “Officials in charge asked that he be punished. Wendi, in consideration of the Empress Dowager, only lowered him in rank to Lord of Anxiang. In the same year he was reenfeoffed as Lord of Guancheng.”

17.3 This is Sima Guang's sentence. The Weilue states: Ding Yi zi Zhengli was a native of Peijun. The Crown Prince, after acceding to the throne, wanted to punish Ding Yi, and hence transferred him to be you zijianyuan.” Pei Songzhi in his commentary {of SGZ} states: “Ding Yi zi Jingli was a younger brother of Ding Yi.” The Wenshi zhuan states that Ding Yi became huangmin shilang during the Jian'an period.” Cao Zhi's biography in Sanguozhi states, “Ding Yi, Ding Yi, Yang Xiu, etc. served as his partisans.”

18. From Pei Songzhi's Commentary.

19. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi.

19.2 The Cihai gives five different meanings for {insert characters shishi, which roughly mean stone room. In the text Fang has it as “stone chamber”} Perhaps the first meaning is intended, namely, “a room in the Ancestral Temple where the spirit-tablets are preserved.”

20. From the Jin Shu.

20.1: Jin Shu: “At this time, shizhong, sanji zhangshi and other officials were to be selected.

21. Sima Guang must have derived most of this section from sources other than Sanguozhi.

21.1 Biography of Chen Qun has: “Having ascended the royal throne, Wendi enfeoffed Chen Qun as Lord of Changwu Ting and transferred him to the office of shangshu. The Regulation for Rating Officials into Nine Grades {Jiupin} was instituted by Chen Qun.”
21.2: In Ji Mao's biography in the Weilue, quoted in the biography of Chang Lin from SGZ, occurs the following passage: “Some time ago, the Ninefold Gradation was instituted in the state. For each prefecture there was appointed a zhongzheng, who was to rate the achievements, talents, conduct and abilities of officials, from ducal and other ministers down to the lower officials.”

22. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi, “In the fifth month, on the day wuyin, the Son of Heaven ordered the King to confer the posthumous title of taiwang on his grandfather the taiyu, and that of taiwanghou on his consort Ding.”

23. Except the first sentence, this section is from SGZ, biography of Su Ze, where the following passage precedes: “When Taizu died, Ju Yan took fright and asked permission to surrender. Because of Su Ze's achievement, Wendi bestowed upon him the additional title of huqiang jiaoyu (Commissioner for Protection of the Qiang Tribe) and made him a Guannei Lord.” A few lines before this, it is mentioned that Su Ze had been appointed taishou (prefect) of Xincheng.

The Chronicle of Wendi in SGZ, under the fifth mont (June 19-July 17) states: “Huang Hua in Qiuchuan and Zhang Jin in Changye, and others, each seized his taishou and rebelled. The taishou of Xincheng, Su Ze, attacked Zhang Jin and killed him. Huang Hua surrendered.”

23.1: From SGZ, Biography of Zhang Ji, where it reads: “After Wendi acceeded to the royal throne of Wei, Liangzhou was constituted for the first time, the taishou of Anding, Tsou Ch'i {dunno the pinyin version of this...}, being appointed to be its cishi. In Zhangye, Zhang Jin seized the prefect and mobilized the troops to resist Tsou Ch'i. Huang Hua and Ju Yan both drove away their taishou and mobilized their troops against him. Zhang Ji advanced his troops to reinforce the huqiang jiaoyu Su Ze, hence Su Ze was enabled to accomplish what he did. Zhang Ji's enfeoffment was raised to that of Lord of Du Xiang.”

23.2: Su Ze's SGZ biography has: “Afterwards, Ju Yan again rebelled in concert with the neighboring prefectures.”

23.3: SGZ has “Zhang Jin and Huang Hua both assumed the title of taishou and allied themselves with him.”

23.4: SGZ has “Furthermore, in Wuwei, the Sanzhong Hu barbarians were plundering and communications were cut off.”

23.6: SGZ has, “At that time, all the powerful men of Yongzhou and Liangzhou took with them the Qiang and Hu barbarians and followed Zhang Jin and his men. The men of the prefecture all said that Zhang Jin was too powerful for Su Ze to encounter.

23.10: SGZ has, “Upon this, Hao Zhao and others followed him.”

23.13: SGZ: “Su Ze inveigled him into a meeting and there killed him.”

23.14: SGZ: “He killed Zhang Jin and his partisans; the multitudes in Zhangye surrendered. Ju Yan's army being defeated, Huang Hua was afraid; he released those he had seized, and surrendered.”

24. From SGZ Biography of Yan Wen, where the following passage precedes: “Before this, the region to the right of the He fell into disturbance, and so it was cut off from the capital, no communication being maintained.”

24.1 SGZ has “The taishou of Dunhuang, Ma Ai, died in his post, and there was no cheng in the prefecture. The Gongcao Zhang Gong being a man of learning and upright conduct, the people of the prefecture elected him to act as zhangshi; he earned much affection and trust.”

24.2: SGZ has: “He then sent his son Zhang Qiu east to Taizu to request a taishou for the prefecture.

24.3: SGZ has: “At that time, Huang Hua in Jiuquan, Zhang Jin in Zhangye, each seized his prefecture, wishing to unite with Zhang Gong and Ma Ai.”

24.4: SGZ has: “Zhang Qiu came to Jiuquan, where he was seized by Huang Hua, who threatened him with drawn sword.”

24.6: SGZ has: “Zhang Gong then sent his younger cousin Zhang Hua to attack the two xian of Shatou and Qianqi in Jiuquan; soon thereafter, Zhang Gong himself with his troops followed to reinforce Zhang Hua.”

24.7 SGZ has “He also sent two hundred of his crack cavalry along with officials for welcoming the new taishou. They went eastwards along the Northern Pass of Jiuquan and came straight to Bohe in Zhangye, where they met the new taishou Yin Feng and welcomed him.”

24.8 SGZ has: “Now Zhang Jin was in need of Huang Hua's help. But Huang Hua, though he wished to reinforce Zhang Jin, had to take into consideration Zhang Gong's troops in the West, for he was afraid they might launch a surprise attack on him from the rear. In the end, he went to the taishou of Jincheng Su Ze and surrendered.” This story is already narrated in section 23.

24.10 SGZ has: “Yin Feng was enabled to proceed to his post.”

24.11 SGZ has: “In the second year of Huangchu (221 AD), the Emperor in an edict praised Zhang Gong and conferred on him the rank of a Guannei Lord and appointed him wuji jiaoyu of Xiyu (the Western regions).”

25. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi: “In the sixth month on the day xinhai (July 24), a manoeuvre was held at the eastern suburb; on the day gengwu (August 12), the King of Wei started on his southern expedition.”

26. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi.

27. From SGZ, Biography of Liu Feng.

27.1 SGZ reads, “Then again, Liu Feng and Meng Da fell out; soon thereafter, Liu Feng deprived Meng Da of his band of trumpeters. Meng Da in the first place was uneasy because of his culpability in not having come to the help of Guan Yu the previous year, and besides he was vexed at Liu Feng.

Here Sima Guang is slightly in error. SGZ states: “After Yizhou was conquered by the First Sovereign, Liu Feng was appointed fujun zhonglangjiang.” After the surrender of Shen Dan and his younger brother Shen Yi, SGZ states, “Liu Feng was promoted to be fujun jiangjun.” As the Shen brothers surrendered in 249 AD, Liu Feng must have been made fujun jiangjun by this time.

As for Meng Da, it is not stated what title he had in Shu. He and Liu Feng had stayed in Shangyong since their occupation of it in the preceding year.

27.2 SGZ has “So he sent a memorial to the First Sovereign bidding him farewell, and with his subordinates he surrendered to the Wei.”

SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi, states, “The Shu general Meng Da and his troops surrendered.” The context of this sentence shows that Meng Da must have surrendered in the seventh month. The Weilue states: “In the first year of Yankang, Meng Da, with more than four thousand soldier households, came over to the Wei.” Evidently the Zizhi Tongjian sentence is derived from this one.

27.3 SGZ has “Wendi of Wei liked Meng Da for his fine features and excellent appearance.” The first half of the Zizhi Tongjian sentence is from the passage given in Note 27. The second half is rewritten from the following passage in the Weilue: “Then again, when the King went out on a progress to a nearby place, riding in a small carriage, he held Meng Da's hands and patted him on the back, saying playfully, 'Are you not an assassin sent by Liu Bei?' He then rode in the same carriage with him.”

27.4 The concluding part of the Zizhi Tongjian sentence is from the Weilue, where it reads, “He also conferred on him the additional title of sanji zhangshi and appointed him taishou of Xincheng, thereby entrusting him with southern affairs.”

28. From SGZ, Biography of Liu Ye, where the following passage precedes: “Returning from Hanzhong, Liu Ye was appointed xingjun zhangshi and concurrently a linjun. In the first year of Yankang, the Shu general Meng Da together with his subordinates surrendered. Meng Da had an imposing appearance and excellent talents; Wendi valued him and was very fond of him. He appointed him taishou of Xincheng and conferred on him the additional title of sanji zhangshi.” The “Chancellor of the March” was attached to the Premier of Han, who in this case was also King of Wei.

29. From SGZ, Biography of Liu Feng.

29.2: SGZ has “Shen Yi revolted against Liu Feng. Liu Feng was defeated and returned to Chengdu. Shen Da surrendered to the Wei.” After this, the narrative continues, “The Wei gave Shen Dan the title of huaiji jiangjun and moved him to Nanyang. They appointed Shen Yi to be taishou of weixing and enfeoffed him as Lord of Chen Xiang, stationing him at Xunkou. When Liu Feng came to Chengdu, the First Sovereign reproved him for oppressing Meng Da and for not giving help to Guan Yu.”

30. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi, where the following sentence concludes the passage: “They were made to live in the prefecture of Hanyang.”

31. The first two sentences are from SGZ. The last sentence is from the Weishu.

31.2 Wei shu has: “Musical and a wealth of (literally, a hundred) other entertainments were given. The King ordered, 'Former Kings all took pleasure in the places of their nativity. It is in accordance with the rules of propriety that one does not forget one's provenience. Qiao is a land of hegemons and princes, a birthplace of sovereigns. Herewith I order that Qiao be exempted from land taxes for two years.' The Three Elders, officials and men of the people drank to the King's health, the banquet lasting until dusk. On the day bingshen (September 11), he himself offered sacrifices at the mausoleum of Qiao.” Obviously a not unimportant cause for the toast was the two-year tax exemption.

32. From commentary to the SGZ by Sun Sheng.

32.1 From the Li Ji. The translation is Legge's from his “The Li Ji” Mencius adops this sentence, with skillful interpolation and amplification in Mengzi: “But I have heard these points: - that the three years' mourning, the garment of coarse cloth with its lower edge even, and the eating of congee, were equally prescribed by the Three Dynasties, and binding on all, from the Sovereign to the mass of people.”

32.2 The Three Dynasties are Xia, Yin and Zhou. The Seven Hegemons are Qin, Zhao, Han, Wei, Qi, Chu and Yan during the Period of Warring States (zhanguo).

32.6 The allusion is to the Shujing. Translation of this passage follows by Legge:

Brightly intelligent was our ancestor,
Sovereign of the myriad States!
He had canons, he had rules,
Which he transmitted to his posterity.

33. From SGZ, Biography of Jia Kui, where the following passage precedes, “In the end he brought Cao Cao's coffin back to Ye. Having acceded to the royal throne, Wendi, because lawlessness reigned in the xian of Ye, containing several tens of thousand households and located in the metropolitan area, appointed Jia Kui to be Magistrate (ling) of Ye (the metropolis). After a little more than a month, he promoted him to be Prefect (taishou) of Weijun. When the army under the King went out on an expedition, he became Senior Recorder (zhubu jijiu) to the Prime Minister (chengxiang).

Once, Jia Kui was involved in the crime of another person, and was to be punished. The King said, 'Shu Xiang's posterity was to be pardoned for ten generations (Zuozhuan). Now Jia Kui is a living embodiment of his achievements; how much more should the precedent be applied to him!' In the King's company he came to Liyangjin, where some soldiers forded the river in a disorderly manner. Jia Kui put them to death, under which order was restored. Arriving at Qiao, the King appointed him Provincial Governor (cishi) of Yuzhou.”

It is because of this “arrived at Qiao” that Sima Guang puts the present section here, immediately (except for Sun Sheng's comments) after Section 31, where the banquet of Qiao is narrated.

33.1 This sentence is Sima Guang's. We must read “Senior Recorder” (zhubu jijiu) instead of simply “Senior” (jijiu),” which is a mistake. SGZ gives Jia Kui's title as Senior Recorder attached to the Han Prime Minister. Besides, jijiu is a title belonging to two other posts attached to the Han Prime Minister-Senior Staff Officer and Senior Military Counsellor.

33.2 SGZ: “At this time the Empire had been only recently reduced to order, so that most of the zhou (provinces) and jun (prefectures) were not under full control.”

33.3 SGZ has: “The Governors [zhou] were originally yushi who went out from the capital to superintend the various jun; by authority of the Edict in Six Items, they examined into the conduct of higher officials, from erjianshi down.”

With regard to “yushi” here, Pan Mei (in his Sanguozhi gaocheng) asserts that it must be a copyist's error for “cishi.” He says that the Jin had jianyushi who superinteded the various jun, these (jian-)yushi of the Jin being identical with the Han cishi; and that since Jia Kui had the Han system in mind when he mentioned the Edict in Six Items, he must have meant the Han title cishi, not the Jin yushi. Pan Mei must have understood the question as follows: “In the zhou there were originally cishi who went out to superintend...” This interpretation does not seem felicitous.

For the identification of erjianshi with Prefects, see Hou Han Shu, commentary by Li Xian.

The Edict in Six Items seems to have been issued in 106 BC, when Han Wudi divided his Empire into thirteen zhou and appointed a cishi for each of them. The text of the Six Items is given in the Hanguan dianzhiyi, quoted by the commentator Yan Shigu in Han shu.

33.7: In SGZ the passage from which this sentence in ZZTJ is written is placed after the passage given in note 33.8. The SGZ passage reads: “On the south, Yuzhou bordered on the Kingdom of Wu. Jia Kui set in order matters relating to reconnaissance and watch-towers, repaired armor and weapons, and thus prepared for defense and for war, so that the rebels of Wu did not dare to violate the territory. Externally, he attended to military matters. Internally he regulated the affairs of the people. He built dikes along the Yan and the Ju, thus constructing the Xinbo (New Embankment). He also cut through the mountain and diverted the water of the Changqi into a reservoir, constructing the Xiao Yiyang Bo (Minor Embankment of Yiyang). He again dredged and made navigable the transport canals, for more than two hundred li; this system is the so-called Jiahou qu (Canal of Lord Jia).

33.8 This is found in SGZ before the passage given in 33.7.

34. Composed by Sima Guang. Pei Songzhi's commentary in SGZ reproduces practically all the documents relating to the farce called the “shandai” (Handing over the Throne) as given in the Xiandi zhuan; see SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi. From the modern point of view, they possess no historical value whatsoever. Sima Guang was probably of the same opinion; his three sentences given here do ample justice to the verbose account.

34.1. Xiandi zhuan states: “The zuo zhonglangjiang Li Fu memorialized to the King of Wei...” Then follows the long, fatuous verbiage of the memorial trying to marshal all the esoteric documents that would compel the Han to give over their throne to the Wei. Xiandi zhuan further states, “On the day xinhai (of the tenth month, November 21), the taishicheng Xu Zhi sent a memorial to the King of Wei concerning details of evidences found in aprocryphal records that Wei was to replace Han...” It would be a waste of time to translate the text of the memorial.

34.2 Xiandi zhuan after the memorial of Xu Zhi gives the text of the memorial sent up by Xin Pi and others. In the memorial occurs the following sentence. “The reason why the wise Kings of ancient times received the heavenly mandate and did not refuse it was that they held it pressing to obey August Heaven's command and satisfy the expectation of the myriad people; they could not help it.”

34.3 Xiandi zhuan gives the text of the King's answer to the memorial mentioned in Note 34.2. In this he made a pretense of refusing the great honor out of modesty. Needless to say, he manipulated the whole thing.

35. Adapted from SGZ as follows.

35.1 SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi states under the tenth month (the text has eleventh month, which is a mistake and to be corrected): “On the day bingwu, the King of Wei reached Quli. The Han Emperor, since the general opinion was in favor of Wei, summoned all the officials of his Court, reported to the Ancestral Temple, and had the taichang Zhang Yin, who was concurrently invested as yushi dafu, carry the Tally, bring the Imperial Seal and announce his abdication. The text of the edict read...”

Here Sima Guang does not follow the SGZ date, but that of the Hou Han Ji of Yuan Hong, which states, “Winter, tenth month: On the day yimao, the Emperor issued an edict, 'I shall now follow the precedent given in the Yaodian of the Shujing and abdicate the throne in favor of the King of Wei.' He then reported to the ancestral temple and had the yushi dafu Zhang Yi take the Imperial Seal to the King of Wei, thus announcing his abdication. The text of his edict read...”

The Xiandi zhuan also gives the text of the Imperial edict issued on the day yi mao, “In the first year of Yankang, in the tenth month, on the day yimao, I, the Emperor, spoke as follows: '...I send down my two daughters to be wives in the House of Wei. I send the acting yushi dafu, the taichang Zhang Yin, carrying the Tally, to bring the Imperial Seal to your Highness...'” It is from this passage that the Zizhi Tongjian sentence derives the title “acting yushi dafu”.

The date November 25 (yimao of the tenth month) is also given in the Hou Han Shu.

35.2 Xiandi zhuan gives the text of an edict issued by the Han Emperor dated gengwu (tenth month, December 10), in which occurs: “But your Highness has declined modestly three or four times.”

36. SGZ has: “On the day gengwu (December 10), the King mounted the altar and was enthroned, the myriad officials attending on him. This affair completed, he came down from the altar and attended to the beacon fire. After the ceremony, he returned to his palace. He altered the reign title from Yankang to Huangchu, and issued a general amnesty.”

The Xiandi zhuan (quoted in commentary to this passage) reads: “On the day xinwei, the King of Wei mounted the altar to receive the throne; Ducal and other ministers, feudal lords, generals, the shanyu of the Xiongnu, and barbarians of the Four Quarters who had come to pay homage, in all several tens of thousand men attended the ceremony. A beacon fire was lighted and homage was paid to Heaven and Earth, the five mountains and the four waters.”

In the Hou Han Ji, the date is the same as in the SGZ, “On the day gengwu, the King of Wu ascended the Imperial throne; he altered the reign title to Huangchu.”

Sima Guang rejects the date gengwu as erroneous and accepts xinwei as in the Xiandi zhuan. He gives two reasons for this. One is the famous “stele [commemorating] Wendi's receiving the throne”, which also gives the date xinwei. The other is the Xiandi Ji, where the twenty-ninth day of the tenth month is mentioned as the day of enthronement. As for the second evidence, the Xiandi zhuan, states: “Thereupon, the shangshu ling Huan Jie and others memorialized, '….I ordered the taishiling to choose an auspicious day; he reported the twenty-ninth day of this month as the day for you to mount the altar and receive the mandate. I request you to order the Three Ducal Ministers and various other ministers to memorialize you about the details of the ceremony.' The King of Wei gave his approval.” This twenty-ninth day is identical with the day xinwei. The two titles, Xiandi Qi and Xiandi Zhuan refer to one and the same book by Shen Jiaben.

37. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi. {In the main text, for reasons that completely elude me, Achilles Fang did not add numbers to indicate subnotes. If the sub-notes for this section are confusing, that's why}


37.1 SGZ has: “In the first year of Huangchu, in the eleventh month, on the day guiyu, ten thousand households of Shanyang in Henei were allotted to the former Han Emperor, who now received the title of Duke of Shanyang. He was authorized to use the Han calendar, to offer Suburban Sacrifices with the ceremony of a Son of Heaven, to refrain from calling himself 'Your Subject' in his letters to the throne, and to receive sacrificial wine and meat offered to the Ancestral Temple in the capital.

37.3 SGZ has “He conferred the posthumous title of Taihuangdi on his grandfather the Taiwang, that of Wuhuangdi on his father Wuwang, and the title of Huangtaihou on the Wangtaihou.” The temple designation Taizu was given to Cao Cao only in 237 AD.

After the passage given above, SGZ has another, omitted in Zizhi Tongjian, “He granted one grade of rank to all males of the population; and two grades to those who were their fathers' heirs, those who were filial and brotherly, and those who were assiduous in husbandry.”

37.4 SGZ has “Fanyang Ting in Yingyin was renamed Fanchang xian. Enfeoffments were made and ranks were advanced in accordance with the individual merits of the officials.”

37.5 After this, SGZ continues, “The office of fengchang was renamed taichang, lang zhongling changed to guangluxun, dali to tingyu and danong to dasinong.

38. SGZ, Biography of the Empress Zhao, consort of Wendi: “In the first year of Huangchu, in the tenth month, Wendi acceded to the Imperial throne. After the accession, the Duke of Shanyang offered his daughters to be wives of the Emperor of Wei.” The Former Emperor of Han had already announced the offer of his two daughters to Cao Pi on the day yimao of the tenth month.

The whole farce derives its excuse from the Shu jing: “On this he gave orders, and sent down his two daughters to the North of the Gui, to be wives in the family of Yu.” That is, Yao married his two daughters to Shun, on whom he was about to bestow his throne. The Han Emperor was emulating this precedent, but there was one difference—Shun had no wife at the time, nor is it recorded that he ever had any besides these two daughters of Yao, whereas the size of Cao Pi's harem was notorious.

39. From SGZ, Biography of Xin Pi, where the following passage precedes, “When Wendi ascended the Imperial throne, Xin Pi was promoted to shizhong and enfeoffed as Guannei Lord.”

39.4 In the Zuozhuan, the sentence reads, “The numbers of Xia are the more correct deductions from the heavens.” This translation of Legge can equally be taken for the sentence as quoted by Xin Pi.

40. From SGZ, Biography of Wei Chen, where the following passage precedes, “When Wendi acceded the royal throne, Wei Chen became a sanji changshi. When he became an Emperor, he was enfeoffed as Lord of Anguoting.”

41. From SGZ, Biography of Empress Xuan.

42. From SGZ, Chronicle of Wendi.

43. From SGZ, biography of Su Ze

44. From SGZ, bio of Jiang Ji

44.1 This is Sima Guang's own sentence, from the following passage, “When the future Wendi acceded to the royal throne, Jiang Ji was transferred to be chanshi to the xiangguo. When Wendi became Emperor, Jiang Ji was sent out of the capital as dong zhonglangjiang. He returned to the capital as anji changshi.”

44.5 Shu jing: “There should be no such thing as a minister conferring favors, displaying the terrors of justice, or receiving the revenues of the country.”

45. From SGZ, biography of Xin Pi.

[Dong Zhou]

Marry me!

Uh.. what I mean is: this is really helpful, thanks Slick. Which is clearly what that phrase means